Swiss German Dialects Research Articles

Effects of mobility on dialect change: Introducing the linguistic mobility index.

Increased geographical mobility prompts dialectologists to factor in survey participants' exposure to linguistic variation in their research. Changing mobility patterns (e.g. longer-distance commuting; easier relocation to distant places for work, study or marriage) have caused linguistic connections to become much more diverse, potentially contributing to the acceleration of dialect change. In this methodological work we propose the Linguistic Mobility Index (LMI) to estimate long-term exposure to dialectal variation and thereby to provide a reference of "localness" about survey participants. Based on data about a survey participant's linguistic biography, an LMI may comprise combinations of influential agents and environments, such as the dialects of parents and long-term partners, the places where participants have lived and worked, and the participants' level of education. We encapsulate the linguistic effects of these agents based on linguistic differences, the intensity and importance of the relationship. We quantify the linguistic effects in three steps. 1) The linguistic effect of an agent is represented by a linguistic distance, 2) This linguistic distance is weighted based on the intensity of the participant's exposure to the agent, and 3) Further weighted according to the relationship embodied by the agent. LMI is conceptualised and evaluated based on 500 speakers from 125 localities in the Swiss German Dialects Across Time and Space (SDATS) corpus, and guidance is provided for establishing LMI in other linguistic studies. For the assessment of LMI's applicability to other studies, four LMI prototypes are constructed based on the SDATS corpus, employing different theoretical considerations and combinations of influential agents and environments to simulate the availability of biographical data in other studies. Using mixed-effects modelling, we evaluate the utility of the LMI prototypes as predictors of dialect change between historic and contemporary linguistic data of Swiss German. The LMI prototypes successfully show that higher exposure to dialectal variation contributes to more dialect change and that its effect is stronger than some sociodemographic variables that are often tested for affecting dialect change (e.g. sex and educational background).

Does Diglossia Impact Brain Structure? Data from Swiss German Early Diglossic Speakers.

(1) Background: Bilingualism has been reported to shape the brain by inducing cortical changes in cortical and subcortical language and executive networks. Similar yet different to bilingualism, diglossia is common in Switzerland, where the German-speaking population switches between an everyday spoken Swiss German (CH-GER) dialect and the standard German (stGER) used for reading and writing. However, no data are available for diglossia, defined as the use of different varieties or dialects of the same language, regarding brain structure. The aim of our study is to investigate if the presence of this type of diglossia has an impact on the brain structure, similar to the effects seen in bilingualism. (2) Methods: T1-weighted anatomical MRI scans of participants were used to compare the grey matter density and grey matter volume of 22 early diglossic CH-GER-speaking and 20 non-diglossic French-speaking right-handed university students, matched for age, linguistics and academic background. The images were processed with Statistical Parametric Mapping SPM12 and analyzed via voxel- and surface-based morphometry. (3) Results: A Bayesian ANCOVA on the whole brain revealed no differences between the groups. Also, for the five regions of interest (i.e., planum temporale, caudate nucleus, ACC, DLPFC and left interior parietal lobule), no differences in the cortical volume or thickness were found using the same statistical approach. (4) Conclusion: The results of this study may suggest that early diglossia does not shape the brain structure in the same manner as bilingualism.

Лингво- и социокультурное своеобразие диалектной фразеологии немецкого языка Швейцарии

The study aims to identify and typologize the distinctive features of the dialect phraseology of Swiss German in accordance with the factors of their linguistic and socio-cultural conditionality. The main factors considered are: the specificity of the socio-cultural “background” of a dialect; the identifying and connotative properties of a dialect; formation of special “phraseological symbols” in a dialect; concreteness of dialect images and a dialect’s “aversion” to abstraction; the desire to update figurative foundations; special phraseological creativity of dialect speakers. Scientific novelty of the study lies in the following: the paper is the first to show and substantiate that dialectal phraseology in Switzerland is a separate phraseological subsystem that has significant differences from the phraseology of the literary level due to the special nature of the socio-cultural context of Swiss German dialects. As a result of the study, it has been found that the formation and preservation of an original phraseological subsystem is ensured by the fact that dialectal phraseology draws its images and metaphors from a special conceptual sphere the basis of which is formed by the features of life and worldview that are relevant for speakers of the dialects.

Normalizing Swiss German Dialects with the Power of Large Language Models

Swiss German dialects pose significant challenges for natural language processing (NLP) applications, due to their lack of standard orthography, linguistic diversity, and scarcity of annotated data. We introduce a novel method for normalizing Swiss German text to Standard German by employing the mT5 model, a cutting-edge large language model (LLM) that can perform various text-to-text transformations across multiple languages. Our approach not only aims to enhance the processing of Swiss German dialects but also seeks to broaden the understanding of the adaptability of pre-trained LLMs in the realm of dialect normalization. By fine-tuning the mT5 model across its small, base, and large variants with the SwissDial dataset under various hyperparameter settings, we evaluated the performance of these models using the character n-gram F-score (ChrF) and the COMET metrics. The results demonstrated that the mT5 model, particularly its smallest variant, can achieve high-quality normalization of Swiss German dialects with minimal performance differences between the model sizes. This indicates that the SwissDial dataset is sufficiently extensive for effective fine-tuning, suggesting that even less resource-intensive models are viable for this task. Our findings advocate for the potential of LLMs, like mT5, as powerful instruments for dialect normalization and other NLP challenges, offering a promising alternative to traditional methods.

Vowel and consonant quantity in two Swiss German dialects and their corresponding varieties of Standard German: effects of region, age, and tempo.

The diglossic situation in German-speaking Switzerland entails that both an Alemannic dialect and a Swiss standard variety of German are spoken. One phonological property of both Alemannic and Swiss Standard German (SSG) is contrastive quantity not only in vowels but also in consonants, namely lenis and fortis. This study aims to compare vowel and plosive closure durations as well as articulation rate (AR) between Alemannic and SSG in the varieties spoken in a rural area of the canton of Lucerne (LU) and an urban area of the canton of Zurich (ZH).In addition to the segment durations, an additional measure of vowel-to-vowel+consonant duration (V/(V+C)) ratios is calculated in order to account for possible compensation between vowel and closure durations. Stimuli consisted of words containing different vowel-consonant (VC) combinations. The main differences found are longer segment durations in Alemannic compared to SSG, three phonetic vowel categories in Alemannic that differ between LU and ZH, three stable V/(V+C) ratio categories, and three phonetic consonant categories lenis, fortis, and extrafortis in both Alemannic and SSG. Most importantly, younger ZH speakers produced overall shorter closure durations, calling into question a possible reduction of consonant categories due to a contact to German Standard German (GSG).

Une législation suisse glottophile ? Entre territorialité et liberté, pragmatisme et indifférence : un plurilinguisme à géométrie très variable

Unlike other officially multilingual states, Switzerland is often seen as a glottophile country, where linguistic minorities have few complaints. Its success is often attributed to the principle of territoriality (one official language per territory), but the principle of personality (free choice of by citizens of the language in State-citizen communications) is also important in bi/plurilingual cantons, in what appears to be a differentiated territoriality. The legal framework is based on cooperation between the cantons, which govern their own linguistic matters, and the federal State. The officialization of the three main languages (German, French, and Italian) was recently supplemented by that of Romansh, a vulnerable language from a demographic perspective. At the same time, the Swiss-German dialects have remained very much alive, despite their absence from constitutional texts. However, one should be wary of total acceptance of this idealised image of Switzerland, when the legislator seems indifferent to languages of immigration and, moreover, does not grant recognition to Franco-Provençal. This Romance language that is still spoken in parts of Francophone Switzerland is not protected by any policies aimed at ensuring its survival. This article aims to reflect on the applicability of the notion of glottophilia to Switzerland by focusing on the texts that constitute the architecture of language legislation in the country.

Phonological Weight, Foot Binarity, and Coronal Unmarkedness in the Swiss German Dialect of Visperterminen (as Described by Wipf 1910)

Phonological Weight, Foot Binarity, and Coronal Unmarkedness in the Swiss German Dialect of Visperterminen (as Described by Wipf 1910)

Vowel convergence does not affect auditory speaker discriminability in humans and machine in a case study on Swiss German dialects

In this study, we examined whether the convergence in interlocutors’ vowel acoustics leads to decreasing discriminability between interlocutors’ voices. Ten pairs of Grison and Zürich German speakers produced lexical items before and after dialogue interactions with evidence of vowel convergence in post-dialogue productions. In Experiment 1, native and non-native Swiss German listeners discriminated pairs of speakers whose speech was obtained pre- and post-dialogue. Results showed that listeners’ sensitivity (A’) was higher for native than non-native listeners, but comparable for pre- and post-dialogue recordings. The observed negative correlation between voice discrimination and the acoustic distance in formant space was mainly driven by a single speaker pair. In Experiment 2, the speaker recognition performance of an i-vector-based software was compared in pre- and post-dialogue speech. Results revealed no difference in the system performance between the two conditions. The findings suggest that vowel convergence does not compromise voice discriminability under the given experimental conditions.

Canonical and non-canonical (co)predicate agreement in Highest Alemannic dialects

This paper deals with the distribution of agreement patterns for target adjectives or past participles in Swiss German dialects focussing on non-attributive domains. While agreement outside the nominal phrase has been lost in the development towards Standard German and in most dialects, in some Swiss German dialects certain syntactic domains still show formal agreement. Against this backdrop, two topics will be addressed in this paper. It gives an overview of the extent, function and distribution of formal agreement within the clausal domain on the basis of survey data, as far as possible. Another focus is default neuter inflection, which no longer shows canonical gender agreement with a neuter controller, but has developed a new function in the field of aspectuality.

Linguistic traits as heritable units? Spatial Bayesian clustering reveals Swiss German dialect regions

AbstractIn the early 2000s, the SADS, an extensive linguistic atlas project, surveyed more than three thousand individuals across German-speaking Switzerland on over two hundred linguistic variants, capturing the morphosyntactic variation in Swiss German. In this paper, we applied TESS, a Bayesian clustering method from evolutionary biology to the SADS to infer population structure, building on parallels between biology and linguistics that have recently been illustrated theoretically and explored experimentally. We tested three clustering models with different spatial assumptions: a nonspatial model, a spatial trend model with a spatial gradient, and a spatial full-trend model with both a spatial gradient and spatial-autocorrelation. Results reveal five distinct morphosyntactic populations, four of which correspond to traditional Swiss German dialect regions and one of which corresponds to a base population. Moreover, the spatial trend model outperforms the nonspatial model, suggesting a gradual transition of morphosyntax and supporting the idea of a Swiss Germandialect continuum.

Do speakers converge rhythmically? A study on segmental timing properties of Grison and Zurich German before and after dialogical interactions

This paper reports on the results of a research investigating whether rhythmic features, in terms of segmental timing properties, are object of speaker’s adjustments after the exposure to a conversational partner. In the context of dialects in contact, this is crucial to understand whether rhythmic attributes may bring about language variation and change. In the context of human-machine interactions, this can benefit the design of spoken dialogues systems to achieve human-likeness. To study rhythmic accommodation, we selected a corpus of pre- and post-dialogue recordings, performed by 18 speakers of Grison and Zurich German (henceforth GRG and ZHG), two Swiss German dialects characterised by noticeable segmental and supra-segmental differences. To quantify rhythmic convergence, we designed three measures based on the segmental timing differences between the two dialects. We compared the Euclidean distances in the three measures between GRG and ZHG speakers in a pair before and after two interactions. Results reveal that dyads members do not significantly shift the production of segmental timing features after the dialogues. Neither linguistic nor social factors can account for the observed accommodation pattern. Cross-dialectal segmental timing differences, captured by the three ratio measures, may be either robust against the influence of interlocutors’ acoustic behaviour or too subtle to be perceived or retained after interactions.

Reduction of Survey Sites in Dialectology: A New Methodology Based on Clustering.

Many language change studies aim for a partial revisitation, i.e., selecting survey sites from previous dialect studies. The central issue of survey site reduction, however, has often been addressed only qualitatively. Cluster analysis offers an innovative means of identifying the most representative survey sites among a set of original survey sites. In this paper, we present a general methodology for finding representative sites for an intended study, potentially applicable to any collection of data about dialects or linguistic variation. We elaborate the quantitative steps of the proposed methodology in the context of the “Linguistic Atlas of Japan” (LAJ). Next, we demonstrate the full application of the methodology on the “Linguistic Atlas of German-speaking Switzerland” (Germ.: “Sprachatlas der Deutschen Schweiz”—SDS), with the explicit aim of selecting survey sites corresponding to the aims of the current project “Swiss German Dialects Across Time and Space” (SDATS), which revisits SDS 70 years later. We find that depending on the circumstances and requirements of a study, the proposed methodology, introducing cluster analysis into the survey site reduction process, allows for a greater objectivity in comparison to traditional approaches. We suggest, however, that the suitability of any set of candidate survey sites resulting from the proposed methodology be rigorously revised by experts due to potential incongruences, such as the overlap of objectives and variables across the original and intended studies and ongoing dialect change.

Der onymische Artikel im Schweizerdeutschen in seiner Funktion als Genusmarker

In Swiss German dialects first names are commonly used with a preceding article. Historically, the function of these so-called onymic articles was to show the name’s case. They first arose when inflection of first names had been omitted and case was thus no longer expressed in suffixes. The data gathered in 2016 in an online survey for the research project “Das Anna und ihr Hund” indicate that today the function of reflecting the case is hardly relevant. However, it is important to the speakers to emphasize the nameʼs grammatical gender. The three grammatical genders in (Swiss) German are feminine, masculine, and neuter. Typically, the ono­nymic articles’ grammatical gender corresponds to their referents’ biological gender, i. e. feminine articles for women’s names, masculine articles for men’s names. But sometimes neuter articles are used with female or, less often, with male names. Therefore, the same first name can have different grammatical genders that are indicated with an onymic article, e. g. d Anna (f.) or s Anna (n.). The choice of the article depends on the speaker, the situation, the referent, and other factors. Based on these observations, it is argued that marking grammatical gender is the onymic article’s main function and marking case is secondary.

Annali, Ruedi, Mami.

Data of the dialect research project “Das Anna und ihr Hund. Weibliche Rufnamen im Neutrum” indicate the important role of diminutive names in terms of the historical develop-ment and consolidation of the onymic neuter gender assignment. The focus in the present arti-cle lies therefore on the forms and the use of diminutive names (e. g. Anneli, Ruedi) in Swiss-German dialects.
 Based on diachronic evidence from literary works and regional dictionaries, differences in the diminution of male and female names are historically traced and substantiated. It is for prag-matic reasons that female kinship names (e. g. Mami) are crystallized to be the last bastion for the neutral gender assignment which opens up new perspectives on the diachronic emergence of this phenomenon. The consideration of further onymic suffixes in the outlook brings up a debate on the disagreement of gender and sex which is considered to be a possible objective of the suf-fixation itself.

Swiss German dialects spoken by second-generation immigrants: bilingual speech and dialect transformation

ABSTRACTGerman-speaking Switzerland is characterised by a type of diglossia where the ‘low variety’ is used in almost all domains of everyday communication. For children of immigrant workers, a Swiss German dialect normally constitutes one of their two first languages. Nevertheless, one can observe two different scenarios how the dialect enters the repertoire of these multilingual subjects.The first scenario entails the combined use of a heritage language (e.g. Italian) and a Swiss German dialect. Code-switching among peers of the same ethnic group serves a wide array of discourse and social functions, above all the expression of a composite bicultural identity, but the employed varieties do not differ structurally from those of monolingual speakers.The second scenario, instead, gives rise to a structural transformation of the traditional dialects. For instance, an individual speaker may be perceived as originating from a particular region of Switzerland on the basis of his or her vowel qualities, whereas at the same time the voicing of (normally unvoiced) plosives makes him or her recognisable as a person with an immigrant background. Our analysis focuses on these linguistic transformations of dialects into ‘(multi-)ethnolectal’ dialects, whose social function seem to lie in the signalling of an allochthonous (‘non-Swiss’) identity.

Die Vokalqualität von Schwa im Schweizerdeutschen

Observations in specialist literature as well as the perception of lay people suggest that in Swiss German dialects in general and even more so in the dialects of Central Switzerland the unaccented vowel in words such as macha (‘make’), which is here referred to as schwa, is not a completely central vowel corresponding to [ə] but is closer to [ae] or [ɛ]. In order to verify whether these observations are correct, recordings from Central Switzerland and Zurich were analyzed and later also compared to recordings of speakers from Germany speaking Standard German. The results show that speakers of both Swiss German dialects pronounce schwa with a more open quality than the speakers from Germany. The analyses of different factors reveal that for the Swiss but not for the Germans the degree of openness of schwa correlates with a more deliberate articulation. It can, therefore, be assumed that the Swiss German schwa’s target is not a completely central but rather a slightly open vowel. Furthermore, in the dialects of Central Switzerland the vowel is articulated with more spread lips than in Zurich German. Nevertheless, the formant values lead to the conclusion that the Swiss German schwa is still fairly central and does not overlap with any front vowels. It is most precisely represented by the phonetic symbol [ɜ].

Müli, Loui, Rüfi.

Based on the material of the toponomastic dictionary of the Canton of Bern, or Ortsnamenbuch des Kantons Bern (BENB), this article first aims to describe how the final -i in today’s Swiss German dialects, as in müli ‘mill’, is represented in sources from the medieval era until the sixteenth century. It appears that the classical Middle High German -e grapheme is hardly found in our data, while -i is used throughout this entire period and beyond. However, it is shown that this becomes more complex whith respect to noun composition.
 Moreover, the historical relation between the short and long Swiss German forms loui – louene ‘avalanche’ and rüfi – rufene ‘landslide’ is discussed.

Tüen Sie au gern apéröle, käffele oder kungfule?

How can we measure dialectal constructional productivity? Which factors determine degrees of productivity and the acceptability of creative ad hoc coinages in the domain of derivational processes? Based on data from a pilot survey (n=80), we discuss a range of factors influencing degrees of productivity/creativity for the denominal -(e)le-verb pattern (e. g., käffele, apéröle, ipödle, kungfule) in Swiss German dialects. This morphological pattern is currently highly productive, as indicated by substantial numbers of creative ad hoc coinages (oral and written evidence) as well as our participants’ acceptability judgements (for both isolated verbs and verbs in sentences) and their elicited productions (meaning paraphrases and sentence contexts for ad hoc coinages). We discuss different types of evidence for constructional productivity, based on quantitative and qualitative data. Our data indicates that schema-based frequency/familiarity effects and analogy-based pattern extension contribute to the pattern’s productivity. The fact that the verbs’ constructional contexts partly influence their acceptability indicates that the derivational pattern stretches beyond the traditional domain of morphology such that morphological, semantic, and syntactic patterns jointly determine degrees of constructional productivity.

S Doris in däm wisse Fätze.

In various Swiss German dialects, the feminine gender is not the sole possibility when referring to women. Under certain circumstances, the article of female first names can also be neuter, e. g. s Doris. The gender assignment of names is determined by linguistic variables such as morphology or semantics, but also by social factors like age and social relationship. Neuter names have been shown to indicate social relations and encode certain concepts of gender roles in society. Based on data from an extensive online survey and fieldwork conducted in different places of Switzerland, the affective function of the neuter gender in the use of female names is explained. The focus lies on the definite article.

Der s-Plural im Alemannischen.

It is commonly agreed that the plural -s has become a part of Standard German inflection, yet in dialects such as Alemannic it is often seen as an intruder. We challenge this view based on data from a written survey amongst speakers of Swiss German dialects. Our analysis of pluralised loanwords (e. g. Mango) and abbreviations (e. g. WG ‘flat share’) shows a strong effect of both speakers’ age and grammatical gender that points towards a progressive integration of the plural -s into the dialectal system.
 While masculine and neuter nouns can express number syntagmatically (using articles that differ in singular and plural), feminine nouns rely heavily on suffixes (as the definite article is d’ in both cases). A comparison of the -s plural with traditional dialectal plurals shows clear advantages for -s plurals in both cue strength (output) and scope (input) of the plural schema. We argue that it is due to this that feminine nouns show a significantly higher percentage of -s plurals compared with masculine and neuter nouns in speakers aged 25 and above. The difference disappears for younger speakers while the overall number of -s plurals increases drastically. Combined, we have an apparent time scenario that shows how the -s plural is first borrowed with nouns that rely on overt plural markers, and later spreads to most loans and other words with non-native structure.