Haeinsa Temple Research Articles

고려시대 『佛頂心陀羅尼經』의 간행과 판본 분석

This study examined Chinese edition and records of a Korean institution based on previous studies and actual examination of the Sūtra of Great Dhāraṇī of the Uṣṇīṣa-cittā. In conclusion, following points have been discovered.
 First, the Sūtra of Great Dhāraṇī of the Uṣṇīṣa-cittā is categorized as Wigyeong(僞經) as it was established during the Tang Dynasty and its structure follows three volumes and one edition; different signatures were marked according to content of each volume.
 Second, there are Chinese character editions and Seoha editions discovered in Dunhuang, Xia, and Turpan. In particular, Gyeongdang(經幢; a sculpture with engraved scripts in a tower-style stone) style was popular in the 11th and 12th centuries during the Liao Dynasty and Jin Dynasty.
 Third, in the 12th century (year of 1150, 1156, and 1166) of Korea, Jumun(呪文) of ‘Buljeongsimjineon(佛頂心眞言)’ in Dharani Chongjijip(摠持集; compiled edition of Dharanis) is listed in Siddam characters. These records were discovered in Vairocana Buddha statue in Haeinsa Temple and the editions of the year of 1156 and 1166 consist of in 47 chapters engraved by ‘Jonsim(存心)’ and Eonpyeong(彦平)’, respectively. Among these editions, there is Beomseo Chongjijip prayed by Jahwa(資華) of Bupsoo Temple(法水寺) and the edition in 1150 was corrected and published by Sawon(思遠) in Gwangjaepo(廣濟鋪), a place where old Pyeong was.
 According to 『History of Goryeo(高麗史)』, Buljeongsimdoryang(佛頂心道場) was held frequently as a Buddhist event to protect the country from war and natural disasters. Three volumes structure can be witnessed in the early 13th century and most of the existing books are designed with portability. It is suggested that these books were created to hope for safety from the war against Mongolia and the military coup. Such practice reflects the background of the time, when esoteric Buddhism was popular among public.
 Fourth, in the early Joseon Dynasty, there are small-sized books created based on the Goryeo editions to treat and prevent individuals’ disease, disasters, and bad luck. In 1485, the royal kingdom published a woodblock edition with a plaque based on the edition of Ming Dynasty of China for the well-being of the royal family and prosperity of the descendants. During this time, Eonhae edition was printed with Eulhae metal type. This edition was published until the 17th century with slight variations in a myraid of local temples. However, the style on Eonhae portion remained the same.
 Fifth, the titles of the three volumes of the scripture are different and the marks in each volume appear differently by periods and editions. The first volume lists the virtues of Dharani as Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva pledges to Sakyamuni Buddha; the second volume mentions the virtues and protection gained by memorizing and offering this scripture all the time; and the third volume includes Dharani’s virtues with four spiritual examples. In other words, it includes stories about people eliminating their sins from their previous lives, woman born as a man, healing diseases, defeating evil, getting pregnant, protecting mothers and living in paradise through Dharani.
 Sixth, this Dharani was engraved and distributed not only in three volumes but also in the form of a single sheet with Jumun(呪文) since the Goryeo Dynasty, and was mainly engraved at local temples in response to the demand of the private sector in the late Joseon Dynasty. As the time goes by, Hanmuneum, Siddam character, and Hangeuleum were selectively applied to Jumun(呪文) as needed and its writing styles including but not limited to Hapja(合字; combined characters), Byeonggi(倂記; write both Hangeul and Hanja character sounds in orderly manner), Gujeolpyosi(句節表示; read by character segments), Jangdaneum(句節表示), Seongjopyosi(聲調表示; high and low character sounds) varied by the ed

최치원의 해인사 인연과 기록에 관한 고찰 -해인사의 기록자 최치원-

최치원이 말년을 보낸 경남 합천 해인사는 그의 은거지 또는 종신지로서 각별한 의미를 지닌 곳이다. 따라서 이 글에서는 지역학 연구의 차원에서 최치원과 합천 해인사와의 인연과 행적, 그리고 관련 저술들에 대해 짚어보고자 했다. 특히 해인사 기록자로서 최치원의 활동에 초점을 맞춰, 그가 남긴 해인사 관련 기록과 활동을 은둔 이전과 이후로 나눠 살펴보았다. 먼저, 최치원은 함양태수 시절에 여러 차례 해인사에 들러 친형 현준과 희랑대사를 만났고, 승려 승훈과도 각별한 인연을 맺었다. 이는 그의 시문 「희랑화상에게」(895), 기문 <해인사묘길상탑기>(895)을 통해 짐작할 수 있다. 당시 그는 진성여왕에게 나라의 기틀을 바로세우기 위한 <시무십여조>를 올렸지만, 그 개혁안이 시행되지 못하고 자신의 포부를 더 이상 펼칠 수 없게 되었다. 이에 최치원은 관직에서 물러나 은둔하게 되었다. 그런 점에서 최치원과 해인사의 인연은 그의 은둔 시기와도 맥을 같이한다고 하겠다. 다음으로, 최치원은 해인사에 은둔하면서 많은 글을 지었다. 시문과 기문의 저술, 찬문과 승전의 찬술이 그것이다. 그는 기문으로 <신라가야산해인사결계장기>(898)와 <신라가야산해인사선안주원벽기>(900), 시문으로 「가야산 독서당」을 남기고 있다. 또한 그는 찬문으로 「순응화상찬」과 「이정화상찬」, 승전으로 『석순응전』과 『석이정전』, 『부석존자전』, 『법장화상전』(904) 등을 저술했다.

Fungal Distribution of the Janggyeong Panjeon, the Depositories for the Tripitaka Koreana Woodblocks in the Haeinsa Temple

Many investigations have been conducted on the biological damage and environmental conditions necessary to preserve the Janggyeong Panjeon and Daejanggyeongpan (woodblocks). We performed a survey on the concentration and diversity of airborne fungi in the Janggyeong Panjeon and compared them with the results of a survey from 2012. The temperature of the Beopbojeon building was slightly lower, while the relative humidity was higher than those found at the Sudarajang building. The concentration of airborne fungi in the Beopbojeon was 1.44-fold that of the Sudarajang. It was confirmed that the concentration and diversity of airborne fungi in the Janggyeong Panjeon differed depending on the sampling site. In total, 23 fungal genera were identified from the air samples, and 11 fungal and 1 bacterial genera were identified from the surface of the woodblocks. Among these, only five types of fungi were commonly distributed in the indoor air and surface of the Daejanggyeongpan; however, 58.3% of the fungi identified on the surface of the woodblocks were not observed in the in the air samples. The surface-dwelling fungi may accumulate dust to form microbial communities over time.

1970년대 法頂의 사회민주화 운동 考察: &lt;씨알의 소리&gt;에 投稿한 原稿를 中心으로

This study is to investigate the social democratization movement of the 1970s of Buddhist Ven. Beop-jeong (1932-2010) who lived together in our era. He was born on the beach in Haenam, Jeollanam-do Province, studied in Mokpo since the days of middle school, attended College of Commerce, Chonnam National University and became a Buddhist monk. Serving as a teacher Ven. Hyobong who was a former judge and high priest of the time and who became a monk in Miraesa Temple located in Tongyoung, Beop-jeong extensively read the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon, Gyeongsangnam-do Province through Ssanggyesa Temple and Seonunsa Temple. At Haeinsa Temple, he greatly realized that a female believer saw the Tripitaka Koreana as a “laundry board” and pledged to translate numerous Chinese Buddhist scriptures into Hangeul. He who studied numerous Buddhist scriptures at Haeinsa Temple took a keen interest in social democratization by listening to the teachings of democratic figures such as professor Hwang San-Deok, Jang Joon-Ha, and minister Ham Seok-Heon. He, who launched into the Korean Buddhist dictionary compilation project, helped Ven. Un-heo to create “The Dictionary of Buddhism” at Tongdosa Temple. After that, he came to Seoul to become a translation member of Dongguk Buddhist Scripture Translation Institute established by Dongguk University and played a leading role in the Korean alphabetization process of Chinese Buddhist scriptures. In this process, he contributed his writings in the Buddhist Newspaper (Korean Buddhism at the time) and became an intellectual figure representing the Buddhist world. He, who worked on various writing and engaged in writing activities, contributed to “Voice of the People”, a magazine that led democratization as a progressive medium at the time in 1970. Starting with the first manuscript in 1972, he promoted Buddhism to people on the one hand and began to inform the world of the pain of the people suffering under the Yushin dictatorship by publishing various articles on social democratization on the other. It is noteworthy that it was his activity as a Buddhist monk, the figure of Buddhism, when the Buddhist circles seldom engaged in activities in the history of the social democratization movement in the 1970s. He published a total of 16 articles such as columns and discussion poems on “Voice of the People” to convey Buddhist teachings, and also insisted on how social democratization should be achieved based on Buddhist teachings. In particular, with the promulgation of the Yushin Constitution in October 1972, he published poems offering resistance to the dictatorial regime, causing repercussions. These activities were monitored and suppressed by the government, and he got a lot of activities restricted. Shocked to see that young people were sacrificed by the Second Inhyukdang Incident amid rising levels of oppression, he retired to Songgwangsa Buliam(Bulilam Hermitage in Songgwangsa Temple) in 1975 to return to the original truth before the practice. He also conveyed Buddhist teachings through various writing activities there as well on the one hand and engaged in the voices of social democratization. I hope that the research of these Beop-jeong’s activities will be actively conducted and the history of social democratization movements in the Buddhist community will be re-established.

최치원 서사와 해인사 문화경관의 상호텍스트성 연구(Ⅱ)

해인사는 최치원의 은둔이라는 역사적 실제와 선화(仙化)의 전설에 의해 하나의 문화경관으로 자리하게 된다. 시인에게 독서당, 시석(詩石), 취적봉, 광풍뢰, 제월담, 무릉교 등의 경관은 최치원 서사를 읽는 텍스트가 된다. 시인은 이들 텍스트에서 최치원에 대한 역사적 기억을 환기하고 이를 해석하여 그 의미를 시에 구현한다. 최치원 서사와 문화경관은 상호텍스트로 작용하면서 시의 주제를 구축한다. 다른 한편, 최치원의 은둔과 선화의 서사와 추상적 텍스트의 상호작용이 보인다. 최치원의 해인사 은둔은 맑고 고결한 것으로 인식된다. 이것은 신선과 낙원의 문학적 원형의 상호텍스트성으로 나타난다. 대표적인 상징은 학, 백운, 옥 퉁소, 복사꽃 등이다. 홍류동에 떠내려 온 복사꽃은 상류의 낙원과 하류의 인간세상을 구분하는 지표가 된다. 시인은 자신이 인지한 최치원 서사를 드러내는 방식으로 이미 습득한 보편적 지식으로서의 문학적 원형 또는 상징을 끌어와서 하나의 그물망 안에 재현한 것이다. 최치원은 역사인물이지만 그의 행적은 신화의 세계에 편입되어 있다. 집단의 기억은 문학 속에서 어떤 상징으로 기억되고 전해진다. 해인사 문화경관을 읊은 한시는 최치원의 은둔서사와 경관, 문학적 원형과의 상호텍스트성 속에서 의미를 확대하고 재생산하고 있다.

조선 후기 안동 봉황사의 승탑 연구

This paper is a study on the four bell-shaped stupas built in Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong during the late Joseon Dynasty. Based on the history of Bonghwangsa Temple, the monks of the stupas, and the formal analysis, I examined the historical and stylistic characteristics of the stupas.<BR> Bonghwangsa Temple changed its name from Hwangsansa Temple to Bonghwangsa Temple during the Songgyedang Nashik’s activities in the early 18th century. The name ‘Bonghwangsa Temple’ can be found in the internal records of the temple, such as the historical remarks within paintings, historical monument, and collection of Nashik. However, it can be seen that various town chronicle and maps surveyed under the order of the government included Hwangsan Temple, which had been used for a long time.<BR> The four stupas built in Bonghwangsa Temple are typical bell-shaped of the late Joseon Period, including 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Songgyedandsik〉, 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Cheongpadangjeon〉, 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Powoldangseom〉, 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Cheongun〉, Among them, 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Songgyedandsik〉 is the most important stupa of Songgye-dang in the history of Bonghwangsa Temple. It was built in 1765. The anthology of Nasik revealed the process of the construction of the stupa, and confirmed that the monk of 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Cheongpadangjeon〉 was the Cheongpa Bojeon who gave Buddhist initiation ritual to him. However, 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Powoldangseom〉, 〈Stupa of Buddhist Monk Cheongun〉 remained research tasks because they could not be found in records.<BR> The most distinctive feature of the stupa of Bonghwangsa Temple is the inscription of only one letter of the Buddhist name(法名) on the back of Dharma name(堂號). In the pedestal of the Buddha statue in Bonghwangsa Temple, only one letter of Buddhist name, who played an important role in the temple, a painter, and a master carpenter, was written. If similar examples are found in Buddhist poetry and calligraphy, it will be possible to confirm whether Bonghwangsa Temple alone has the characteristics.<BR> Finally, the bell-shaped stupa of Gyeongsang-do was divided into two categories 〈Geumganggyedan〉 of Tongdosa temple and 〈Stupa of Samyeongdang〉 of Haeinsa temple, depending on the shape of the base. It was confirmed that the stupa of Bonghwangsa Temple was simply divided into the 〈Stupa of Samyeongdang〉 style due to its simple base, and that it was somewhat influenced by the region of Gyeongsangbuk-do, and that it was in line with the bell-shaped of the late Joseon Dynasty.

Biological distribution and environmental monitoring for the conservation of Janggyeong panjeon Depositories and Daejanggyeongpan (Printing Woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana) of Haeinsa Temple in Korea

Biological damage due to material characteristics and climatic change poses serious threats to wooden cultural heritage objects in Korea. This study is a preliminary survey for the preparation of a conservation/management plan for Janggyeongpanjeon (depositories of the Tripitaka Koreana Woodblocks), which is a UNESCO World Cultural Heritage Site, and Daejanggyeongpan (Printing woodblcoks of the Tripitaka Koreana), which is part of UNESCO's Memory of the World Programme. Over a period of two years, we monitored the distribution of insect and microbial species and the environmental condition in and around the Janggyeongpanjeon, including wood moisture content, and conducted relevant comparison and analysis. As a result, we compiled a list of species of wood-damaging organisms for the long-term conservation and management of the Janggyeongpanjeon (depository halls) and Daejanggyeongpan (woodblocks) and identified high-risk periods of biological damage for these wooden cultural heritage objects. The results of comprehensive analysis of the biological distribution and environmental condition demonstrated that conservation of the original form of the Janggyeongpanjeon and Daejanggyeongpan is based on a complex interplay of the material characteristics of the wood used, architectural features of the Janggyeongpanjeon enabling ventilation, and Daejanggyeongpan manufacturing technique.

해인사 대장경판 중복판 금속부의 손상양상 및 보존방안

In this study, based on the observation of preservation conditions, we attempted to discover wear mechanisms and deterioration characteristics for the jangseok and iron nails of duplicated woodblocks of Tripitaka Koreana in the Haeinsa Temple. We also conducted artificial corrosion experiments to examine the deterioration characteristics of jangseok and iron nails after the fabrication of samples. According to the observation of the preservation conditions and the results of the artificial corrosion experiment on duplicated woodblocks of Tripitaka Koreana in the Haeinsa Temple, the iron nails used for fixation were observed to cause physical damage to the woodblocks. Furthermore, the corrosion of iron nails was accelerated due to the difference in redox potential between the nails and jangseok on copper and brass plates.BR We evaluated brass nails as an alternative application material to prevent any physical and chemical damages caused to woodblocks by the iron nails and to derive long-term preservation methods for the woodblocks. Brass nails were confirmed to provide a higher stability than that imparted by iron nails for fixing jangseok on copper and brass plates. In the future, optimal preservation treatment methods should be derived via long-term experiments that elucidate the effects and correlations of jangseok and fixation nails on the damages endured by duplicated woodblocks.

해인사 대장경 중복판의 인경본 조사와 시기분석

해인사 대장경 중복판의 인경본 조사와 시기분석

신라 애장왕대 해인사 창건과 왕실세력의 동향

이 논문은 애장왕대 신라 왕실과의 관계 속에서 해인사가 창건된 내막을 살펴본 글이다. 순응대덕과 이정선백에 의해 애장왕 3년(802)에 창건된 해인사는 기본적으로 화엄종 사찰이었지만 중국 화엄종 4대조 징관의 영향으로 우두선을 강조하기도 하였다. 그래서 중대의 화엄사찰이 아미타불을 강조하는 것과 달리, 해인사는 비로자나불 중심의 화엄사찰을 지향하였다. 또한 해인사의 창건은 애장왕대 왕실이 깊이 관여하고 있었는데, 기록상으로는 혹은 애장왕이 혹은 그의 조모인 성목왕태후가 주도했던 것처럼 구별되어 있다. 그렇지만 전자의 경우는 애장왕이 왕후의 난치병을 고친 뒤에 국인을 시켜서 창건한 것처럼 기록하고 있는데, 그 국인은 다름 아닌 성목왕태후였다. 따라서 해인사의 창건에 관여했던 왕실의 단원은 사실상 성목왕태후였다. 그가 해인사를 창건한 것은 자신의 아들이자 당시 섭정이었던 김언승이 애장왕의 친정에 대비하기 위한 대책이었다. 애장왕이 이때 해인사에 전 2,500결을 시납했던 것도 성목왕태후와 김언승을 중심으로 한 섭정세력의 요구에 따른 것이었다. 그래서 애장왕은 친정을 시작한 뒤인 동왕 7년(806)에 도리어 ‘신창불사’를 금하는 교서를 내렸다. 애장왕과 모후인 소성왕비를 중심으로 한 친정세력은 이를 통해 섭정세력을 견제하면서 친정체제를 강화시키려고 했던 것이다.

혜암성관(慧菴性觀, 1920~2001)의 선사상과 한국불교에서의 위상

A Buddhist priest, Hyeamseonggwan(慧菴性觀; 1920-2001) was the tenth generation of the Jogye Order’s highest priest. As for his style of scripture quotations, he made little reference to Guifeng Zongmi(圭峰宗密; 780-841) or Yongming Yanshou(永明延壽; 904-975). Both advocated the idea of seongyogyeomsu(禪敎兼修), and have been widely referred by many Buddhist priests since the Joseon period. And yet, priest Hyeam hardly did so as he advocated the idea of donodonsu(頓悟頓修). He mostly referred to quotations from the Tang dynasty, while rarely referring to those from the Song dynasty. He is also set apart from other priests in that he rarely mentioned Dahui Zonggao(大慧宗杲; 1089-1163). It is because priest Hyeam believed that Zen buddhism of the Tang dynasty was superior. As for philosophical characteristics of priest Hyeam, he did not preach the idea of jeongtowangsaeng(淨土往生). Most priests of the Joseon dynasty acknowledged the idea of seobangjeongto(西方淨土) and yearned to be born again in that pure land after death. However, priest Hyeam only advocated the idea of yushimjeongto (唯心淨土), and never preached about jeongtowangsaeng in younggabeopmun(靈駕法門). This is a proof that he was faithful to his duty as a Zen priest. He argued that one can attain gugyeonggak(究竟覺) only after acquiring omaeilyeo(寤寐一如), which is closely related to Śūraṁgama-sūtra(楞嚴經). Śūraṁgama-sūtra exerted influence on many priests since the Goryeo dynasty, and it needs to be further examined how the scripture was accepted at the Haeinsa Temple.

나말여초 건칠불상의 제작기법과 시원 연구

Some 20 Korean dry lacquer Buddhist statues, characterized by the material used to make them, are extant today, dating from a period from the Silla-Goryeo transition into the Goryeo and then Joseon periods. Korea’s oldest dry lacquer Buddhist statues are the seated Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine Buddha) at Cheongnyangsa Temple and the statue of Master Huirang at Haeinsa Temple, both of which date from the period around the Silla-Goryeo transition.BR The origins of Korean dry lacquer Buddhist statues are thought to lie in Chinese counterparts estimated to date from the sixth to seventh century. Typical examples include seated Buddha statues in the collection of New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, Washington D. C.’s Freer Gallery of Art, and the Walters Art Museum. These three statues are thought to have been produced from the Sui to the Tang dynasty, a time when dry lacquer techniques reached a peak of excellence.BR This study investigates the current circumstances of Korea’s earliest extant dry lacquer Buddhist statues, analyzing them in comparison with their Chinese counterparts in order to determine their origins. Early Korean dry lacquer Buddhist statues are compared to early Chinese dry lacquer Buddhist statues in terms of form, materials and production technique. Similarities include hemp cloth and lacquer as basic materials, the flat interiors of the statues, hollow interiors without inner wooden frames to support their forms, the way the backs of statue heads were cut in order to extract the clay inside, the way wooden struts are placed at weak points inside them, and the thread count of the hemp fabric used. The statues also show similarities in the use of lacquer additives such as roast bone and starch (such as glutinous rice) in order to increase adhesive strength and thickness. In addition, they share the same inlaid lead glass eyes, stuck in place with hemp fabric and lacquer.BR It has so far been presumed that Korean dry lacquer Buddhist statues were first produced around the mid-Goryeo period, under the influence of Song China. But given the similarities between the seated Bhaisajyaguru at Cheongnyangsa and early Sui and Tang Buddhist statues, and its stylistic similarity to the Buddha statue at Seokguram Grotto, it is possible to project the history of Korean dry lacquer Buddhist statues back to the Silla-Goryeo transition period. There has so far been little scientific analysis or revelation of details of the interior state of Chinese dry lacquer Buddhist statues, but I believe future studies of such aspects would be highly helpful to research regarding early Korean statues of this kind.

A Study on Bong-am Wol-ju in the Haein-sa Temple

A Study on Bong-am Wol-ju in the Haein-sa Temple

Development and Utilization of Source Material for Cultural Contents of UNESCO World Heritage Held at Haeinsa Temple(海印寺)

Development and Utilization of Source Material for Cultural Contents of UNESCO World Heritage Held at Haeinsa Temple(海印寺)

Development and Utilization of Source Material for Cultural Contents of UNESCO World Heritage Held at Haeinsa Temple(海印寺)

Development and Utilization of Source Material for Cultural Contents of UNESCO World Heritage Held at Haeinsa Temple(海印寺)

海印寺 法寶殿과 大寂光殿 智拳印 佛像에 관한 고찰 : 제작시기 검토와 도상의 화엄교의적 해석을 중심으로

이 논문에서는 ‘中和3년(883)에 금칠을 마쳤다’라는 내용이 적힌 조상기가 발견된 해인사 법보전 지권인 불상의 제작시기를 재검토하고, 이 불상과 똑같은 형상을 하고 있는 대적광전의 지권인 불상과의 조합관계에 대해서 화엄교의적인 관점으로 해석하였다.BR 해인사는 애장왕3년(802)에 창건되며, 9세기 중반 이후에 왕실의 후원이 본격적으로 이루어지면서 중창되면서 선원주원이라는 중심불전이 光化3년(900)에 완공되었다. 선안주원에는 唐代의 새로운 화엄법신불 도상인 사자를 탄 문수보살상을 주존으로 봉안했다고 추정된다. 따라서 법보전의 지권인 불상은 883년이라는 조성시기나 도상을 볼 때 해인사의 중심불전에 봉안하기 위하여 조성된 것은 아니라고 판단된다.BR 다음 조상기에서 ‘금칠을 마쳤다’라는 구절이 불상의 조성시기인지 아니면 새로 개금을 했다는 것인지 불분명하다. 법보전 지권인 불상의 양식분석 결과, 계주와 나발 등 머리의 일부가 후대에 변형되었지만, 불신의 균형감이나 양감 등의 전반적인 특징은 물론 지권인을 결하는 손의 형태, 길상좌의 좌법, 대의의 옷주름 표현 등 전형적인 신라하대 불상양식이 간취된다. 따라서 中和3년(883)은 법보전 지권인 불상을 처음 조성한 시점으로 판단된다.BR 대적광전의 지권인 불상을 법보전의 지권인 불상을 모본으로 제작되었다고 추정되고 있다. 이러한 추정의 근거가 되는 목재의 연대측정 결과나 제작방식의 차이는 참고자료일 뿐 절대적인 근거는 아니다. 그리고 두 불상 간의 양식적인 차이도 제작 당시나 개금 과정에서 얼마든지 생길 수 있다. 따라서 두 불상은 동시에 조성되었을 것으로 추정된다. 조상기에 기록된 발원목적에 따라 불상을 조성한다면 2구를 조성하여 함께 봉안하였을 것이기 때문이다. 그리고 대적광전의 지권인 불상이 법보전 지권인 불상 보다 후대에 제작되었다면, 법보전의 지권인 불상과 원래 한 쌍을 이루었을 불상을 대신하여 새로 제작되었을 것이다.BR 신라하대에는 지권인 불상 2구를 함께 조성하는 경우가 많다. 2구의 지권인 불상은 해인사의 ≪묘길상탑지≫에 기록된 ‘華嚴二佛’을 형상화한 것으로 추정된다. 신라하대에는 비로자나불과 노사나불을 모두 지권인 도상으로 표현하였다. 따라서 법보전의 지권인 불상과 대적광전의 지권인 불상은 각기 비로자나불과 노사나불을 표현한 ‘華嚴二佛’로써 동시에 조성되어 나란히 안치되었을 것으로 추측된다.

합천 해인사 원당암 목조아미타여래삼존상의 특징과 제작시기

Recent discovery of objects as enshrined relics concealed inside the wooden Amitabha triad of Wondangam hermitage at Haeinsa Temple provides important materials to estimate the manufacturing date of the triad. The purpose of this study is to estimate its date through a comprehensive examination of historical references and stylistic analysis.BR A large-scale reconstruction of Haeinsa Temple was undertaken for three years from 1488 to 1490. Its related documents can specify major donors for the grand-scale Buddhist project, and this reconstruction was lavishly supported by the Joseon royal court.BR Master Hakjo was in charge of the reconstruction project. The records that refer to his leading roles in the reconstruction of Wondangam in 1495 and the publication of Buddhist scriptures at the hermitage provide convincing evidence to succeed Buddhist projects of Haeinsa Temple led by Master Hakjo residing at Wondangam. BR The wooden Amitabha triad of Wondangam is composed of Amitabha, Avalokitesvara, and Ksitigarbha. Amitabha buddha of the triad can be compared with the Buddha statues of the late 15th century such as Amitabha Buddha at Heukseoksa Temple(1458) and at Cheonjusa Temple(1482). What makes it interesting is that these statues might lead to similar characteristics with other Buddha statues manufactured in North Gyeongsang Province.BR Kṣitigarbha statue of the triad is portrayed as a buddhist monk with shaven head, a typical iconographic feature of Kṣitigarbha during the first half of the Joseon period. The Avalokitesvara also shows similar features with Avalokitesvara statue of Gwaneumsa Temple(1502). Regarding its style, the Avalokitesvara of the triad might be able to confirm its date to the late 15th century.BR Moreover, the objects discovered from the triad such as sarira, cylindrical huryeongtong (候鈴筒), and the others, were closely linked to those from the Vairocana Buddha at Haeinsa Temple of 1490. The practice of consecrating Buddha statues by storing these objects as contents seems to have developed into a specific regional type including Haeinsa Temple area. In so doing, an examination of textual records can make the commission of the Amitabha triad match with the reconstruction of Wondangam in 1495 led by Master Hakjo.

Wood injury characteristics of fungi isolated from printing woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana in the Haeinsa Temple at Hapcheon, Republic of Korea

We investigated the wood-damaging characteristics of microorganisms by conducting decay tests on the surface of woodblocks made from the wood of Prunus sargentii, with the aim of identifying ways to preserve the woodblocks. The microorganisms were classified into 29 types of fungi and 6 types of bacteria. Among them 11 types of fungi showed high wood-degrading enzyme activity, and hence classified under risk levels 2–3. We also found that the anti-mold effect of P. sargentii was low, based on the finding that surface contaminants such as Eupenicillium rubidurum and Penicillium oxalicum grew on the P. sargentii specimen. In addition, these strains were grew on the surface of a lacquered P. sargentii specimen, and the anti-mold effect of the lacquer did not seem to correlate with the number of lacquer applications. The P. sargentii specimen was found to have a higher weight loss rate than a Pinus densiflora specimen, which indicated that the preservative effect of P. sargentii against Coprinellus radians was low. However, the weight loss rate of the lacquered P. sargentii specimen was low, and mycelium was not observed in the wood tissue. In conclusion, we believe that lacquer exerts a preservative effect on P. sargentii specimens.

A Study on Woodblock Illustration of Yu - xie - shi - wang - Sheng - qi - Jing in Temple - published Edition(SAGAN - Woodblock) of Haeinsa Temple

A Study on Woodblock Illustration of Yu - xie - shi - wang - Sheng - qi - Jing in Temple - published Edition(SAGAN - Woodblock) of Haeinsa Temple

883년 金魏弘의 海印寺 비로자나불상 造成의 背景과 意味

883년 金魏弘의 海印寺 비로자나불상 造成의 背景과 意味