Parliamentary Representation Research Articles

Gender, family status, and parliamentary careers in the German Bundestag

ABSTRACT This study tackles several important unanswered questions about gender, family status, and parliamentary representation. We use the case of the German Bundestag to explore gender gaps in family status among elected politicians and subsequently to ask whether and how parenthood affects MPs’ advancement in their political careers. Using an original dataset of biographical details for German MPs from 1994 to 2017, we find gender gaps in both marital and parental status among parliamentarians, with men being more likely to report being parents than women, and women being more likely to specify that they have no children. We also find variation across German political parties. Most importantly, we show that parenthood reduces the likelihood of serving multiple terms and that this parenthood penalty is greater for women.

Examining the relationship between women’s descriptive political representation and women’s possibility to participate in civil society across regime types

ABSTRACT This study examines the link between women’s representation in national parliaments and their possibility to participate in civil society. Utilizing panel data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset, covering 1975–2019, we investigate how the presence of women in parliaments influences the possibility for women to participate in civil society, especially in non-liberal democratic settings. The results indicate a positive association post-1990, coinciding with an international emphasis on civil society and a rise in women’s parliamentary representation in both liberal democracies and autocratic regimes. The study however highlights that in hybrid and autocratic regimes, increased female representation can also be used to project a gender-equal image without genuine democratization intentions. These findings suggest a correlation between the increase in women in parliaments and greater opportunities for their participation in civil society, but do not imply that the results reflect processes towards democracy. The findings contribute to understanding women’s possibilities in non-democratic regimes and underscores the need for further qualitative analysis to fully grasp the implications of these trends.

Legislative and Judicial Dynamics of Setting the Quota for Women's Representation in Parliament in the 2024 General Elections

The policy choice of regulating women's quota by the General Election Commission through PKPU Number 10 of 2023 (PKPU 10/2023) has caused debate among democracy observers, especially those who care about women's representation in parliament. This study aims to analyze the compatibility of PKPU Number 10 of 2023 with the Election Law and analyze the Supreme Court Decision Number 24 P/HUM/2023 regarding the material testing of Article 8 paragraph (2) PKPU 10/2023. The method used in the study is normative research with a statutory approach and a case approach. The results of this study show that there are differences between the quota for women's representation in PKPU 10/2023 and the Election Law. When viewed in terms of its formation, PKPU 10/2023 was made with the choice of authoritarian political configuration and is characterized as a conservative legal product. The results also justify the first discussion through the annulment of the provisions of Article 8 paragraph (2) PKPU 10/2023 through the Supreme Court Decision Number 24 P/HUM/2023. The conclusion of this study shows the incompatibility of women's quota arrangements regulated by the KPU, but this has been corrected through the Supreme Court's decision. The results of this study are also a contribution of thought for policymakers to always harmonize regulations in every legislative process.

Consider the Base for Representation at the Top: Political Parties and Women’s Parliamentary Representation in Ghana’s Fourth Republic

Abstract: In a democracy, political parties play significant roles in candidate recruitment and selection. While several activities of political parties focusing on boosting women’s representation in Ghana’s Fourth Republic have been examined in the literature, this study expands that discussion. It notes that political parties have pursued various strategies to increase women’s political representation; however, after three decades of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, parliamentary seats occupied by women fall short of the minimum 30 percent level suggested by the UN Economic and Social Council resolution 1990/15. This suggests that perhaps Ghana is not doing enough. Using a qualitative research approach, this study argues that political parties must pursue women’s recruitment with greater proactiveness from the basic unit of their political structure, the polling station or branch executives’ level. This could encourage more female participation and influence the outcome of primary elections.

LGB+ identity and its implications for the policy positions of parliamentary candidates

Abstract Several studies concentrate on the representation of minority groups and the policy goals that members of these groups highlight when becoming candidates for public offices. However, we do not know much about the degree of parliamentary representation of sexual minorities and what ideological profile politicians with an LGB+ identity adopt. We aim at filling this gap by analysing the ideological stances of LGB+ candidates on key policy dimensions. Using data from the 2021 German candidate study, we find that the self-identification as LGB+ contributes significantly to adopting progressive stances on the socio-cultural dimension and more favourable positions on welfare state expansion, regardless of further important factors like party affiliation. Moreover, candidates who consider themselves LGB+ do take on significantly less traditional positions on the socio-cultural dimension compared to the position of their party, indicating that increasing descriptive representation of LGB+ individuals in parliament leads to a strengthening of more progressive voices in parliament and a stronger substantive representation of LGB+ interests.

Role of Nominated Members of Rajya Sabha in Indian Legislative Processes

This research article investigates the role and influence of nominated members in the Rajya Sabha, India’s upper house of Parliament. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of representation theory and deliberative democracy, the study examines the contributions and effectiveness of nominated members in shaping legislative discussions and policy decisions. Findings indicate varying levels of engagement among nominated members, with some actively participating and advocating for specific causes. The study highlights the significance of nominating individuals with relevant expertise and diverse interests to enhance inclusivity in parliamentary representation.

They shall not pass? The role of supply-side factors in the electoral breakthrough of VOX and Chega

ABSTRACT No country is immune to the electoral success of populist radical right (PRR) parties: Spain and Portugal seemed to be the exception to this rule because, for decades, PRR parties remained relegated to the margins of the Iberian political systems. However, in 2019 VOX and Chega gained parliamentary representation: how did they manage to obtain their historic electoral breakthrough? From a supply-side perspective, we use the Party Manifesto dataset to show that VOX and Chega chose to position themselves within the existing political space and cleavages in ways that set them apart from the competition. VOX exploited the Spanish centre-periphery cleavage insisting on strong nationalist elements while advocating for increased centralization, while Chega insisted on personal freedom and welfare limitation to break the ties with the political system born out of the Carnation Revolution.

Arctic indigenous representation in national parliaments

ABSTRACT National parliaments in democracies are key arenas for political deliberation, national agenda setting, and public negotiation of interests. In addition – of course – they legislate and control the government. Accordingly, the ways that the interests of Indigenous people in the Arctic are represented in national parliaments are important for their current and future autonomy from the nation-state. Setting from the concept of representation as defined by Pitkin (1967), this article reviews the scholarly literature on the national parliamentary representation of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic. Doing so, it takes a first, comparative look at this topic, discusses the formal, descriptive, and substantive representation of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic, and asks if there is a certain Arctic model of Indigenous national representation. The review shows that none of the Arctic Indigenous peoples are formally represented in their national parliament as a demos, and descriptive Indigenous representation is rather low (except in the case of the Danish parliament). Additionally, although similar formal and informal institutions seem to influence the substantive representation of Indigenous interests it is not fitting to talk of a particular Arctic model of Indigenous national representation.

Perbandingan Pengaturan Kuota Pemilihan Perempuan dan Kondisi Keterwakilan Perempuan di Parlemen: Studi Kasus Indonesia, Timor-Leste, dan Finlandia

Women’s representation in parliament is an important aspect of improving gender equality in a country. As of the 2019 parliamentary elections, women’s representation in the Parliament of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) has only reached 21.4%. This figure is far below Timor-Leste and Finland, which respectively have 40% and 47% women’s representation. To increase the number of women’s representation in parliament, there is a concept called women's electoral quota. This study attempts to compare how women’s electoral quotas are regulated in Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and Finland. In addition, this study also reviews the condition of women’s representation in the parliaments of the three countries. Hanna F. Pitkin explains that there are 4 (four) types of representation, namely formal, descriptive, substantive and symbolic. This research focuses on descriptive representation because it relates to the quantity of women's representation in parliament, as well as substantive representation because this research also wants to formulate a strategy to maximize the quality of women's representation in parliament. The results of this study indicate that in terms of descriptive representation, Indonesia is lacking because the women’s electoral quota in the form of serial numbers does not work optimally; and women’s lack political participation, especially because political parties in Indonesia do not apply party quotas. Meanwhile, in terms of substantive representation, Timor-Leste and Finland are both superior due to ongoing communication with civil society and the strong role of the women’s parliamentary caucus. From there, several strategies were formulated in the context of increasing women’s representation in the DPR RI, namely increasing women’s political participation, reforming women’s election quotas in the form of serial numbers, opening large communication spaces between women parliamentarians and civil society, and strengthening the role of women’s parliamentary caucus in DPR RI.

A Global Assessment of Gender Quota Facilitating Mechanisms: Placement Mandates, Sanctions, and Financial Incentives

How do facilitating mechanisms affect the share of women in parliament? Specifically, is there an ideal combination of quota types and facilitating mechanisms that leads to greater female representation in parliament? This research uses a comprehensive dataset covering 186 countries in 2021 to provide a global landscape of the gender quota types and their facilitating mechanisms. Employing the OLS regression, we identified positive associations between placement mandates and strong sanctions and women’s parliamentary presence in legislative candidate system. In contrast, financial incentives under the reserved seat system showed a negative association. Our country-level analysis reveals that female aspirants face multifaceted challenges, suggesting that multiple issues should be addressed for financial incentives to effectively improve female representation.

Reforming the Established Church: History and Proposals

AbstractWhile the term ‘establishment’ is ambiguous, it generally refers to a formal relationship between a church and the state in which it operates. This can range from parliamentary representation (as with the Church of England) to mere observance by the monarch (as at the Church of Scotland's annual General Assembly). Since the 1960s there have been proposals regarding Crown appointments and the number and status of the Lords Spiritual. There exists no major push for full disestablishment of the Church of England, but a bill is currently before Parliament.

Die hessische Landtagswahl vom 8. Oktober 2023: Die Schwäche der Ampelparteien und das überraschende Ende von Schwarz-Grün

The Hesse state election on October 8, 2023, took place in a polarized political context that was characterized by a decreasing support for the parties of the federal government and the several implications of Russia’s attack on Ukraine for German and European politics . At the same time, the state government consisting of the CDU and Alliance 90/The Greens worked relatively conflict-free and remained stable even after the change in the office of Prime Minister from Volker Bouffier to Boris Rhein . The Social Democrats, as the largest opposition party, nominated the Federal Minister of the Interior, Nancy Faeser, as their top candidate and thus a politician well-known in Hessian state politics and nationwide . The election results reflected the weak support of the parties forming the federal government (SPD, Alliance 90/The Greens and FDP) in the electorate . The CDU benefited from the high level of dissatisfaction with the federal government and from the Prime Minister’s incumbency advantage . The CDU vote share was almost twice as high as the vote share of the AfD, which became the second strongest party in Hesse with 18 .2 percent of the vote and achieved its best result to date in a West German state election . The Left failed to win parliamentary representation . The CDU was able to choose its coalition partner between Alliance 90/The Greens and the SPD . The Christian Democrats selected – because of a smaller programmatic distance, as the analysis of the parties’ election manifestos indicates – the Social Democrats as their new junior partner . The analysis of the office and policy payoffs for CDU and SPD shows that the Christian Democrats were better able to enforce their office and policy preferences than the SPD .

Partisipasi Perempuan dalam Pemilu 2024: Komparasi Perspektif Hukum Keluarga Islam dan Feminisme

This research examines women's participation in the 2024 General Election by comparing the perspectives of Islamic family law and feminist theory. In the context of the 2024 General Election, women still face various obstacles hindering their participation in the political process. This study utilizes library research methods to gather and analyze relevant literature from various sources. Findings from previous research indicate that women's representation in parliament remains low, with cultural factors, religious stigma, and political structures being major barriers. However, affirmative action policies have successfully increased the number of women in parliament. The research also reveals that Islamic family law plays a significant role in shaping women's participation through aspects such as marriage, inheritance, and roles within the family. On the other hand, feminist theory provides insights into the importance of gender equality in political participation and critiques gender bias in social, cultural, and legal structures. By integrating perspectives from Islamic family law and feminist theory, this research aims to identify gaps in understanding related to women's participation in the 2024 General Election and design holistic solutions to enhance women's participation in the political process in Indonesia.

Trends of Gender Gaps in Nepal: A Statistical Analysis

This paper applied two panel data on GII (1996 to 2022),and EFI (1996-2022) to understand the trends of gender gap in Nepal. Recently, UNDP (2023b) has developedGSNIbased on data from wave 6 (2010-2014) and wave 7 (2017-2022) of WVS (2023). However, index is not available for Nepal. In this context, this article examined dimensions of WVS by defining gender gap in four thematic areas such as secondary education, representation in parliament, participation in labor force, and life expectancy, suggesting they are associated with ODA and some economic freedom indices.

Parliamentary Democracy: Mechanisms, Challenges, and the Quest for Effective Governance

Parliamentary democracy is a governance system where the executive branch derives legitimacy from and is accountable to the legislative branch. This system is characterized by the presence of a parliament that represents the will of the people and holds significant decision-making power. In this system, the Mechanisms include the election process, separation of powers, cabinet system, and parliamentary representation. In the Parliamentary form of government, Challenges encompass political instability, coalition politics, party polarization, and the risk of executive dominance and corruption. The quest for effective governance involves inclusive decision-making, strengthening institutions, electoral reforms, transparency, accountability, civic education, and adaptability to change. Navigating these dynamics is crucial for sustaining a parliamentary democracy that is responsive, accountable, and capable of meeting the diverse needs of its citizenry.

Implications of Low Women's Representation: Strategies and Challenges Towards Gender Equality in Indonesian Politics

In Indonesia, pervasive discrimination against women prompts this legal research to scrutinize the significance of women's presence in parliament. Cultural and structural barriers fuel gender inequality, rooted in patriarchal norms and religious doctrine. Laws restricting women to domestic roles and regional regulations further compound these challenges. Employing a multifaceted approach—analyzing statutory rules, exploring expert opinions, and studying relevant cases—the research focuses on women's representation in parliament. Cultural biases and structural discrimination are addressed, calling for a comprehensive strategy involving legal amendments, societal paradigm shifts, and political party reform. Gender quotas, such as affirmative action, are proposed to boost women's political participation. Success relies on sincere commitment from political entities and society, aiming for a democratic, inclusive Indonesia free from gender discrimination. This approach seeks to create a space for diverse citizen needs, embodying principles of democracy and equality.

The representation of migration in parliamentary settings: critical cross-linguistics corpus-assisted discourse analyses

This study examines migration representation in three parliamentary chambers: the Spanish Chamber, the European Parliament, and the British House of Commons. The time span of its analysis coincides with the eighth Legislature of Spain (2004–2008). The reasons for this decision are straightforward. If parliaments portray or construct ideological debates in democratic societies, it seems logical to turn our attention to them as a means of assessing the nature and quality of comparable but different multicultural environments in which migration is a major defining feature. Furthermore, this time span allows for an examination of such societies at different ideological phases, for example, Spain’s conceptualisation of migration in the initial stages of parliamentary representation. The study expands the method of corpus-assisted analysis through a critical theoretical framework proposed by the socio-political scientist Zapata-Barrero. Data were obtained from the European Comparable and Parallel Corpus Archive of Parliamentary Speeches. Well-established tools in corpus linguistics, such as frequency and collocation, were employed, leading to an examination of Zapata-Barrero’s reactive and proactive discourses. The quantitative methods used were especially in-depth, undertaking an exhaustive descriptive and statistical treatment and aiming to strengthen the validity of subsequent qualitative analyses. Consequently, a virtuous circle was achieved: the corpus linguistic procedures reached higher levels of theoretical abstraction, while Zapata-Barrero’s framework gained robustness and more potential for generalisation. The study’s originality, thus, lies in the mutual synergies activated by this theoretical and methodological combination.

Tantangan Dan Keberhasilan Peran Perempuan Dalam Partisipasi Politik Swedia Dan Implikasinya Terhadap Keadilan Gender Secara Global

Women's political participation is a key factor in achieving an inclusive and equitable democracy. This research aims to investigate the role of women in increasing political participation and democracy in Sweden. Qualitative research is used to understand complex and subjective cases by collecting descriptive and unstructured data. The results show that Sweden has achieved significant progress in women's political participation. The country has consistently championed gender equality and ranks fourth in the 2020 Global Gender Gap Index. The gender equality approach as a cornerstone of its politics has brought significant changes in the role of women in politics and government policy. Sweden also acts as a global change agent in promoting gender equality values. The research also identified that gender gaps still exist in Sweden, influenced by structural barriers, political institutions and political culture. Sweden has used quota mechanisms and women's competency preparation to increase women's representation in parliament. However, there is still work to be done to fully address gender inequality. Sweden is an inspiring country in the fight for gender equality and women's empowerment in politics. Quota efforts, competency preparation, and community support are important steps in increasing women's representation in Swedish politics. Gender concepts and feminist perspectives have becGender equality
 ome the basis for policies that support women to participate in politics, ensure gender equality, and create a more inclusive and fair political environment for everyone.

Deliberative Democracy: Affirmative Action Policy on the 30% Quota for Women in Parliament

This paper aims to determine the process of deliberative democracy in the use of affirmative action 30% quota for women as a starting point in increasing women's representation in parliament. This is because in gender equality in politics in Indonesia there is a large gap between the representation of women and men even after the policy is enacted. Through deliberative democracy, increasing women's representation can use policies made through discursive means in civil society. The method in this paper is a descriptive qualitative method using the author's analysis of book reviews and research with related themes. The results of this paper study the ratification of affirmative action policies in 2023 through various kinds of dialogue and rejection. Arguments for rejection include (1) equality is considered an individual quality, not a quota, (2) quotas are considered an obstacle, (3) psychological constraints on women, (4) gender construction against women. The rejection argument makes the affirmative action policy a massive debate in the public sphere which becomes the aspiration of women activists to fight for in the political system. Habermas' view states that a legal product will gain strong legitimacy if in the process of making it through debate and discussion in the public sphere.

BARGAINING POSITIONS OF WOMEN & FEMALE CANDIDATES IN POLITICAL CONTESTATION

After 25 years of reform and several elections, the 30% quota for women's representation as legislators - both at the national level (DPR RI), as well as at the regional level (Provincial DPRD) and Regency/City DPRD, can be said to have never been fulfilled. In the 2019 election, women's representation in the DPR RI only reached 20.8% or 120 people out of the 575 members of the DPR RI. This fact, of course, raises questions. The fact that several elections have taken place and the level of women's representation in parliament (central/regional DPR) has not yet reached the ideal minimum level (30%) is an interesting phenomenon and needs to be explained. Through this study, the researcher/author tries to analyze and explain this phenomenon from the perspective of Classical Sociology , namely from a Marxist, Durkheimian and Weberian perspective. By analyzing the problem using a sociological approach, it is intended to provide a theoretical and empirical picture of " what " and " why " the phenomenon of women's low bargaining power ( gaining ) in the political arena still occurs. It is hoped that the results of this study can provide constructive input for more equal contemporary political dynamics, especially for increasing women's representation in the field of practical politics . The method used in this research is the Qualitative Descriptive Method with the research objective to examine the central theme of women's representation in legislative institutions. The results of the research show that there is the phenomenon of women's votes, then there is the phenomenon of female legislative candidates, the existence of political parties and female legislative candidates, as well as the existence of problems in the political arena ( Political Barriers ) .