Parliamentary Representation Research Articles

Zum Sozialprofil der in Deutschland gewählten Abgeordneten des Europäischen Parlaments nach der Wahl am 9. Juni 2024

Since the European elections in 2014, the number of parties elected to the European Parliament (EP) in Germany has more than doubled . The removal of the 5-percent threshold in electoral law gave seven small(est) parties with an increasing number of MEPs (2024: 12) continuously access to the EP . At the same time, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) gained also access to the EP with a growing number of seats in the EP (2024: 15 seats); finally, the Sahra Wagenknecht Bündnis (BSW), founded a few months before the election, entered Parliament in 2024 with six MEPs . As a result, the six established parties (CDU, CSU, SPD, Grüne, FDP, Linke) together only account for around two thirds of the 96 MEPs (2019: 79 .2 percent) . In 2024, the gains in seats made by the minor parties, AfD and BSW were offset by losses for the Grünen (9), SPD (2) and Linke (2), primarily as a reaction to the policies of the so-called traffic light government in the numerous conflict situations with a partly domestic and European dimension . With regard to the social profile of MPs – and the prerequisites for a competent and responsible performance of the mandate –, there are hardly any differences in the overall high educational backgrounds among MPs . However, pre-parliamentary political and institutional experience – as elements for the professionalization of politics and parliamentary representation – can be found above all in the established parties as informal prerequisites for nomination for a parliamentary mandate . Otherwise, these informal recruitment requirements for a mandate are also gradually gaining ground in the AfD . Differences between established parties and those newly elected to the EP since 2014 can also be seen in the length of parliamentary membership of MEPs; this continuity of membership and experience of MEPs over several electoral terms, which is functionally necessary for a parliament, is almost exclusively borne by the established parties in the EP . Although the ‘renewal’ of MEPs required for functional reasons was in line with the long-term average of around one third in the 2024 EP elections, the ‘new’ parties accounted for a very high proportion (71 .4 percent) . The AfD in particular, with 12 new MEPs (80 percent), continued its renunciation of the development of (constructive) European parliamentary competences, in line with its anti-EU program .

A Global Assessment of Gender Quota Facilitating Mechanisms: Placement Mandates, Sanctions, and Financial Incentives

How do facilitating mechanisms affect the share of women in parliament? Specifically, is there an ideal combination of quota types and facilitating mechanisms that leads to greater female representation in parliament? This research uses a comprehensive dataset covering 186 countries in 2021 to provide a global landscape of the gender quota types and their facilitating mechanisms. Employing the OLS regression, we identified positive associations between placement mandates and strong sanctions and women’s parliamentary presence in legislative candidate system. In contrast, financial incentives under the reserved seat system showed a negative association. Our country-level analysis reveals that female aspirants face multifaceted challenges, suggesting that multiple issues should be addressed for financial incentives to effectively improve female representation.

Reforming the Established Church: History and Proposals

AbstractWhile the term ‘establishment’ is ambiguous, it generally refers to a formal relationship between a church and the state in which it operates. This can range from parliamentary representation (as with the Church of England) to mere observance by the monarch (as at the Church of Scotland's annual General Assembly). Since the 1960s there have been proposals regarding Crown appointments and the number and status of the Lords Spiritual. There exists no major push for full disestablishment of the Church of England, but a bill is currently before Parliament.

Die hessische Landtagswahl vom 8. Oktober 2023: Die Schwäche der Ampelparteien und das überraschende Ende von Schwarz-Grün

The Hesse state election on October 8, 2023, took place in a polarized political context that was characterized by a decreasing support for the parties of the federal government and the several implications of Russia’s attack on Ukraine for German and European politics . At the same time, the state government consisting of the CDU and Alliance 90/The Greens worked relatively conflict-free and remained stable even after the change in the office of Prime Minister from Volker Bouffier to Boris Rhein . The Social Democrats, as the largest opposition party, nominated the Federal Minister of the Interior, Nancy Faeser, as their top candidate and thus a politician well-known in Hessian state politics and nationwide . The election results reflected the weak support of the parties forming the federal government (SPD, Alliance 90/The Greens and FDP) in the electorate . The CDU benefited from the high level of dissatisfaction with the federal government and from the Prime Minister’s incumbency advantage . The CDU vote share was almost twice as high as the vote share of the AfD, which became the second strongest party in Hesse with 18 .2 percent of the vote and achieved its best result to date in a West German state election . The Left failed to win parliamentary representation . The CDU was able to choose its coalition partner between Alliance 90/The Greens and the SPD . The Christian Democrats selected – because of a smaller programmatic distance, as the analysis of the parties’ election manifestos indicates – the Social Democrats as their new junior partner . The analysis of the office and policy payoffs for CDU and SPD shows that the Christian Democrats were better able to enforce their office and policy preferences than the SPD .

Partisipasi Perempuan dalam Pemilu 2024: Komparasi Perspektif Hukum Keluarga Islam dan Feminisme

This research examines women's participation in the 2024 General Election by comparing the perspectives of Islamic family law and feminist theory. In the context of the 2024 General Election, women still face various obstacles hindering their participation in the political process. This study utilizes library research methods to gather and analyze relevant literature from various sources. Findings from previous research indicate that women's representation in parliament remains low, with cultural factors, religious stigma, and political structures being major barriers. However, affirmative action policies have successfully increased the number of women in parliament. The research also reveals that Islamic family law plays a significant role in shaping women's participation through aspects such as marriage, inheritance, and roles within the family. On the other hand, feminist theory provides insights into the importance of gender equality in political participation and critiques gender bias in social, cultural, and legal structures. By integrating perspectives from Islamic family law and feminist theory, this research aims to identify gaps in understanding related to women's participation in the 2024 General Election and design holistic solutions to enhance women's participation in the political process in Indonesia.

Trends of Gender Gaps in Nepal: A Statistical Analysis

This paper applied two panel data on GII (1996 to 2022),and EFI (1996-2022) to understand the trends of gender gap in Nepal. Recently, UNDP (2023b) has developedGSNIbased on data from wave 6 (2010-2014) and wave 7 (2017-2022) of WVS (2023). However, index is not available for Nepal. In this context, this article examined dimensions of WVS by defining gender gap in four thematic areas such as secondary education, representation in parliament, participation in labor force, and life expectancy, suggesting they are associated with ODA and some economic freedom indices.

Parliamentary Democracy: Mechanisms, Challenges, and the Quest for Effective Governance

Parliamentary democracy is a governance system where the executive branch derives legitimacy from and is accountable to the legislative branch. This system is characterized by the presence of a parliament that represents the will of the people and holds significant decision-making power. In this system, the Mechanisms include the election process, separation of powers, cabinet system, and parliamentary representation. In the Parliamentary form of government, Challenges encompass political instability, coalition politics, party polarization, and the risk of executive dominance and corruption. The quest for effective governance involves inclusive decision-making, strengthening institutions, electoral reforms, transparency, accountability, civic education, and adaptability to change. Navigating these dynamics is crucial for sustaining a parliamentary democracy that is responsive, accountable, and capable of meeting the diverse needs of its citizenry.

Implications of Low Women's Representation: Strategies and Challenges Towards Gender Equality in Indonesian Politics

In Indonesia, pervasive discrimination against women prompts this legal research to scrutinize the significance of women's presence in parliament. Cultural and structural barriers fuel gender inequality, rooted in patriarchal norms and religious doctrine. Laws restricting women to domestic roles and regional regulations further compound these challenges. Employing a multifaceted approach—analyzing statutory rules, exploring expert opinions, and studying relevant cases—the research focuses on women's representation in parliament. Cultural biases and structural discrimination are addressed, calling for a comprehensive strategy involving legal amendments, societal paradigm shifts, and political party reform. Gender quotas, such as affirmative action, are proposed to boost women's political participation. Success relies on sincere commitment from political entities and society, aiming for a democratic, inclusive Indonesia free from gender discrimination. This approach seeks to create a space for diverse citizen needs, embodying principles of democracy and equality.

The representation of migration in parliamentary settings: critical cross-linguistics corpus-assisted discourse analyses

This study examines migration representation in three parliamentary chambers: the Spanish Chamber, the European Parliament, and the British House of Commons. The time span of its analysis coincides with the eighth Legislature of Spain (2004–2008). The reasons for this decision are straightforward. If parliaments portray or construct ideological debates in democratic societies, it seems logical to turn our attention to them as a means of assessing the nature and quality of comparable but different multicultural environments in which migration is a major defining feature. Furthermore, this time span allows for an examination of such societies at different ideological phases, for example, Spain’s conceptualisation of migration in the initial stages of parliamentary representation. The study expands the method of corpus-assisted analysis through a critical theoretical framework proposed by the socio-political scientist Zapata-Barrero. Data were obtained from the European Comparable and Parallel Corpus Archive of Parliamentary Speeches. Well-established tools in corpus linguistics, such as frequency and collocation, were employed, leading to an examination of Zapata-Barrero’s reactive and proactive discourses. The quantitative methods used were especially in-depth, undertaking an exhaustive descriptive and statistical treatment and aiming to strengthen the validity of subsequent qualitative analyses. Consequently, a virtuous circle was achieved: the corpus linguistic procedures reached higher levels of theoretical abstraction, while Zapata-Barrero’s framework gained robustness and more potential for generalisation. The study’s originality, thus, lies in the mutual synergies activated by this theoretical and methodological combination.

Tantangan Dan Keberhasilan Peran Perempuan Dalam Partisipasi Politik Swedia Dan Implikasinya Terhadap Keadilan Gender Secara Global

Women's political participation is a key factor in achieving an inclusive and equitable democracy. This research aims to investigate the role of women in increasing political participation and democracy in Sweden. Qualitative research is used to understand complex and subjective cases by collecting descriptive and unstructured data. The results show that Sweden has achieved significant progress in women's political participation. The country has consistently championed gender equality and ranks fourth in the 2020 Global Gender Gap Index. The gender equality approach as a cornerstone of its politics has brought significant changes in the role of women in politics and government policy. Sweden also acts as a global change agent in promoting gender equality values. The research also identified that gender gaps still exist in Sweden, influenced by structural barriers, political institutions and political culture. Sweden has used quota mechanisms and women's competency preparation to increase women's representation in parliament. However, there is still work to be done to fully address gender inequality. Sweden is an inspiring country in the fight for gender equality and women's empowerment in politics. Quota efforts, competency preparation, and community support are important steps in increasing women's representation in Swedish politics. Gender concepts and feminist perspectives have becGender equality
 ome the basis for policies that support women to participate in politics, ensure gender equality, and create a more inclusive and fair political environment for everyone.

Deliberative Democracy: Affirmative Action Policy on the 30% Quota for Women in Parliament

This paper aims to determine the process of deliberative democracy in the use of affirmative action 30% quota for women as a starting point in increasing women's representation in parliament. This is because in gender equality in politics in Indonesia there is a large gap between the representation of women and men even after the policy is enacted. Through deliberative democracy, increasing women's representation can use policies made through discursive means in civil society. The method in this paper is a descriptive qualitative method using the author's analysis of book reviews and research with related themes. The results of this paper study the ratification of affirmative action policies in 2023 through various kinds of dialogue and rejection. Arguments for rejection include (1) equality is considered an individual quality, not a quota, (2) quotas are considered an obstacle, (3) psychological constraints on women, (4) gender construction against women. The rejection argument makes the affirmative action policy a massive debate in the public sphere which becomes the aspiration of women activists to fight for in the political system. Habermas' view states that a legal product will gain strong legitimacy if in the process of making it through debate and discussion in the public sphere.

BARGAINING POSITIONS OF WOMEN & FEMALE CANDIDATES IN POLITICAL CONTESTATION

After 25 years of reform and several elections, the 30% quota for women's representation as legislators - both at the national level (DPR RI), as well as at the regional level (Provincial DPRD) and Regency/City DPRD, can be said to have never been fulfilled. In the 2019 election, women's representation in the DPR RI only reached 20.8% or 120 people out of the 575 members of the DPR RI. This fact, of course, raises questions. The fact that several elections have taken place and the level of women's representation in parliament (central/regional DPR) has not yet reached the ideal minimum level (30%) is an interesting phenomenon and needs to be explained. Through this study, the researcher/author tries to analyze and explain this phenomenon from the perspective of Classical Sociology , namely from a Marxist, Durkheimian and Weberian perspective. By analyzing the problem using a sociological approach, it is intended to provide a theoretical and empirical picture of " what " and " why " the phenomenon of women's low bargaining power ( gaining ) in the political arena still occurs. It is hoped that the results of this study can provide constructive input for more equal contemporary political dynamics, especially for increasing women's representation in the field of practical politics . The method used in this research is the Qualitative Descriptive Method with the research objective to examine the central theme of women's representation in legislative institutions. The results of the research show that there is the phenomenon of women's votes, then there is the phenomenon of female legislative candidates, the existence of political parties and female legislative candidates, as well as the existence of problems in the political arena ( Political Barriers ) .

Evaluation of the Zipper System in Efforts to Increase Women’s Representation to 30 Percent in Parliament

The low representation of women in parliament is a global problem, especially in Indonesia. The status quo shows that the role and representation of women in parliament is still very low, which has implications for legislation products that are not inclusive. Women are vital in legislation, especially in micro-policy aspirations related to welfare, education, equality, and household issues. The affirmation policy with a minimum female candidacy quota of 30 percent in Indonesia is implemented through the zipper system. However, unfortunately, it is still ineffective because women's representation is still very low. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method to analyze the inequality of women's representation in the Indonesian parliament. The data used secondary data, which has been collected and processed by other parties. The result of this study is an evaluation of the zipper system, which is still ineffective because it depends on the placement of candidate sequence numbers and political party awareness. The placement of women in number 1 is only 19 percent, while in number three, it reaches 67 percent, and in number 6, 65 percent. It has a big impact on the probability of low electability. With women's representation, women's voices can be heard and fought for in government, thus realizing an equal and inclusive government. Revamping the zipper system by requiring the placement of female candidates at number 1 is an effective solution to increase women's representation in parliament in line with descriptive representation theory, which emphasizes the importance of proportional representation from various groups of society in government.

Dünyada kadın yoksulluğunun genel görünümü

various strata of society, but it particularly impacts women and children deeply. Poverty encompasses not only income deficiency for women but also the lack of social participation, leading to social exclusion. However, the question of whether poverty should be considered primarily as a women's issue or examined from a broader perspective is a subject of debate, as women can be disproportionately affected due to a gender-biased perspective.
 Recent research indicates that in contemporary societies, women are more adversely affected by poverty compared to men. Gender inequality and income disparities often restrict women's access to education, limit employment opportunities, push them into low-paying jobs, or hinder their workforce participation due to domestic responsibilities. Studies conducted by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) highlight the prevalence of global gender inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Arab Peninsula, and many South Asian countries. These studies also reveal that gender inequality is more pronounced in countries with low to medium levels of human development. Consequently, regions like the Arab Peninsula and South Asia exhibit extremely low rates of female workforce participation. Moreover, these regions often witness a significant lack of female representation in their parliaments.
 Among the fundamental causes of women's poverty are deficiencies in education and negative societal attitudes towards women. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to elevate women's educational levels and encourage their participation in the labor force. Studies have shown a correlation between increasing women's education levels and economic growth. Consequently, governments should review employment policies and social security mechanisms to enhance women's access to employment opportunities. Social assistance policies should be implemented with a rights-based approach and should encompass women. Addressing the excessive burden of household chores, gender-based discrimination, and patriarchal attitudes limiting women's career choices is of paramount importance. Transforming societal norms and dismantling gender biases are necessary for this purpose. The combat against female poverty necessitates the active engagement of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the realm of social policy implementations, social assistance programs, governmental initiatives related to gender-responsive budgeting, and the practices of financial institutions concerning microcredit.

Exploring the Role of Political Parties in the Enhancement of Women Representation in Parliament, Zambia: A phenomenological perspective

This study aimed at exploring the role of political parties in the enhancement of women representation in Parliament of Zambia. The continued underrepresentation of women in the Zambian National Assembly prompted undertaking this study. The Patriotic Front (PF) and the United Party for National Development (UPND) and the 2016 general elections were the main focus of the study. 
 This study was qualitative and a case study research design based on two major political parties, studied in depth using twenty six party officials, at different levels of party hierarchies who were purposefully selected. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, narratives and unstructured questionnaires from the two political parties and the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents. 
 The study used an interpretive phenomenological theoretical framework based on discussions and reflections of direct sense perception and experiences of the role of political parties in enhancing women representation in the national assembly of Zambia. The starting point for using an interpretive phenomenology for this study was our ability to approach this study oblivious of a priori assumptions. Phenomenological theoretical framing was used as a broad and loose name for various types of analysis, which lay emphasis on experiences, interpretations, semiotics, narrative and discourse based on the phenomenological orientation of the Philosophy of social sciences.
 Data was analysed and presented by the thematic approach as well as through frequency tables. The study found that both political parties had put in place strategies and mechanisms to enhance the representation of women in parliament and these included; having at least 30 percent women in decision-making positions, the adoption of the women’s wing concept, training and sensitisation, adoption of women in political party strongholds and relaxing of adoption requirements for women. Following the 2016 General elections, the PF made a pronouncement that the party would adopt 40 per cent women as parliamentary candidates. Nevertheless, the study found that the two political parties failed to meet their own regional and international targets on the number of women adopted to contest parliamentary seats. Thus, the study concluded that the lack of affirmative action, Nolle prosequi, Corruption and ignoring women voices taking place in political parties perpetuates women under representation in parliament in Zambia. This shows that political parties have a role to play to strengthen women representation in parliament through affirmative action in all party structures. The study urges political parties to seriously consider employing practical deliberate strategies and mechanism to increase the number of women in parliament since Zambia does not have a legislated quota. 
 Keywords: Phenomenology, Affirmative action, gender mainstreaming, Corruption, Nolle prosequi.

Motives and Political Representation: The Case of Women Members of Parliament in Uganda

Women’s political representation in Uganda is a contentious issue. On the one hand, there are doubting public narratives of Women Members of Parliaments’ (WMP) performance. The doubts about WMPs’ performance inspired growing interest in their parliamentary performance. On the other hand, there are concerns about the gender gap in parliamentary representation. The underrepresentation of women in the political scene raises a puzzle about those who dare to compete. However, at the same time, there has been neglect of what drives women in the first place to parliamentary representation and their relationship to performance. This intriguing question calls for an objective analysis to unravel what influences women’s interest in parliamentary office. This paper answers two analytical questions: How do women Members of Parliament construe their interests in joining parliamentary politics? And whether WMPs’ motives influence their performance. These questions were answered by analysing conversations and interviews of five purposively selected WMPs representing five districts of Northern Uganda in the tenth Parliament between 2020 and 2021. Field data was triangulated with performance data from the same Parliament’s Hansard. Findings reveal that personal and social-cultural factors drive WMPs to Parliament. Motives are consequential to performance, although personal motives were more potent than social-cultural motives to performance. Personal, compared to social-cultural motives, are more susceptible to social-political factors in constituencies, institutions of Parliament, and the broad government, affecting motives’ fulfilment

Political polarization and politainment: Methodology for analyzing crypto hate speech on TikTok

TikTok has become an international benchmark: In 2022 it was the most downloaded application in all of Europe. Political discourse has not stayed on the sidelines, and its rhetoric has been adapted to a young electorate who feels at home with this new platform. Given this social network’s explosion, the main objective of this research is to analyze which topics and approaches the parties with the greatest parliamentary representation use most frequently by looking at their activity on TikTok and determine how they have leveraged a time of polarization and political confrontation to a network geared toward entertainment. To achieve these objectives, a methodological triangulation based on three analyses –quantitative content, discourse, and qualitative content– is used. The sample consists of 250 posts from the official profiles of the following Spanish political parties: Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), Partido Popular (PP), Ciudadanos (C’s), Unidas Podemos (UP), and Vox. Specifically, a non-random stratification system was used, selecting the 50 videos from each party that had with the highest number of views since they launched their profiles on this social network. From a theoretical standpoint, this study proposes a new concept, the aggressive critical message (ACM), which is presented as a further contribution to the conceptual framework of emerging studies on crypto hate speech. From an empirical standpoint, the results obtained reveal that the partisan rhetoric on TikTok is not homogeneous, and substantial differences are seen between the topics addressed by the different parties. It also is concluded that the parties are implementing techniques used in entertainment alongside polarization itself, which trivializes politics, aiming to go viral rather than to provoke thought.

Women Leaders in the Perspective of Indonesian Regulations and Progressive Fiqh

The population of Indonesian women is slightly less than men, according to the Indonesian Central Agency of Statistics survey in 2022. Unfortunately, they have not yet filled and occupied many public sectors, which have significant influence in determining decisions and important policies as their male counterpart have. This paper aims to elaborate on the potential of having Indonesian women as leaders - including political leaders and parliamentary representatives - by analyzing data about women's participation as parliamentary representatives and regency/city and provincial leaders in Indonesia. The study is descriptive qualitative research employing historical and both Indonesian regulations and progressive fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) juridical approaches. The data were analyzed using fiqh al-siyāsah (Islamic jurisprudence on politics) and empowerment theories. The findings show that 1) historically, women, in general, have the same capability and competence to become public and political leaders as men, and 2) juridically, the right to become public and political leaders is properly guaranteed in both Indonesian regulations and progressive Islamic jurisprudence.

Gender inequality and utilization of ART: an international cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis.

What is the association between a country's level of gender equality and access to ART, as measured through ART utilization? ART utilization is associated with a country's level of gender equality even after controlling for the level of development. Although gender equality is recognized as an important determinant of population health, its association with fertility care, a highly gendered condition, has not been explored. A longitudinal cross-national analysis of ART utilization in 69 countries during 2002-2014 was carried out. The Gender Inequality Index (GII), Human Development Index (HDI), and their component indicators were modelled against ART utilization using univariate regression models as well as mixed-effects regression methods (adjusted for country, time, and economic/human development) with multiple imputation to account for missing data. ART utilization is associated with the GII. In an HDI-adjusted analysis, a one standard deviation decrease in the GII (towards greater equality) is associated with a 59% increase in ART utilization. Gross national income per capita, the maternal mortality ratio, and female parliamentary representation were the index components most predictive of ART utilization. Only ART was used rather than all infertility treatments (including less costly and non-invasive treatments such as ovulation induction). This was a country-level analysis and the results cannot be generalized to smaller groups. Not all modelled variables were available for each country across 2002-2014. Access to fertility care is central to women's sexual and reproductive health, to women's rights, and to human rights. As gender equality improves, so does access to ART. This relation is likely to be reinforcing and bi-directional, with progress towards global, equitable access to fertility care also improving women's status and participation in societies. External funding was not provided for this study. G.D.A. declares consulting fees from Labcorp and CooperSurgical. G.D.A. is the founder and CEO of Advanced Reproductive Care, Inc., as well as the Chair of the International Committee for Monitoring Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ICMART) and the World Endometriosis Research Foundation, both of which are unpaid roles. G.M.C. is an ICMART Board Representative, which is an unpaid role, and no payments are received from ICMART to UNSW, Sydney, or to G.M.C. to undertake this study. O.F., S.D., F.Z.-H., and E.K. report no conflicts of interest. N/A.

Introducing a New Dataset: Age Representation in Parliaments on the Party-Level

Abstract This research note highlights the underrepresentation of younger people in parliaments across the globe, which has been a persistent issue for decades. We introduce a novel open-access dataset containing information on mean and median age as well as the share of MPs in specific age brackets in party parliamentary groups in lower houses or single chambers of national parliaments. The dataset covers 163 cases from 30 countries and features variables that present these aforementioned shares in relation to the respective group’s presence in the voting-age population (Age Representation Index). Furthermore, the dataset includes the share of women within the party parliamentary groups as well as identifiers that enable matching the dataset with indicators from the Political Party Database (PPDB), the V-Party dataset, PartyFacts and the Manifesto Project Database. Our main finding underlines the importance of research focusing on party level factors influencing youth representation as there is not only variation between countries, but also within them on the party-level. Additionally, we show that most party parliamentary groups in which women are underrepresented also have low relative shares of young people, which is in line with theoretical arguments on party behavior.