Geopolitical Space Research Articles

Theoretical Analysis of the Place and Role of the South Caucasus in the Interests of the United States of America

The purpose of the study is to analyze the place and role of the South Caucasus in ensuring the interests of the United States using various theories of geopolitics and international relations. The article provides the theoretical foundations of the place and role of the South Caucasus in the interests of the United States, both in the presence and in the absence of a geopolitical struggle between the major powers of the world in different regions. After the Cold War, democracy and the market economy began to expand into the eastern geopolitical space. The strengthening of these values ​​in the South Caucasus may contribute to their spread to other post-Soviet regions, as well as to the Middle East, since the South Caucasus is located at the crossroads between Europe and Asia. Approaching the topic in terms of geopolitical competition, as well as the fact that the region shares borders with countries such as Russia, Turkey, and Iran, and is in the interests of an emerging power like China, increases its importance.
 Methods. In the study of the topic, general scientific research methods, analysis of documents and works of famous researchers, and comparative analysis were used.
 When it comes to the scientific novelty of the article, it can be said that classical and modern international relations and geopolitical theories were used and comparisons were made between the theories for a comprehensive analysis. Utilizing various theories, the article reveals the necessity of the South Caucasus in the interests of the United States both in terms of alternative energy and transport potential between Europe and Asia and one of the main centers of the struggle for primacy in Eurasia.
 Conclusions. After the ideological confrontation ended in 1991 with the collapse of the USSR, a number of states of Eastern Europe, the South Caucasus and Central Asia restored their independences. Due to its geographical position and rich natural resources, the South Caucasus is one of the strategically important regions of the world and has historically played a crucial role in the foreign policy of great powers. In the new international relations system, determining the place and role of the South Caucasus in the interests of the great powers, especially in the context of the U.S. interests, indicates the relevance of the topic.

From Damascus Gate to Shaikh Jarrah: The Palestinian Sovereignty Protests in East Jerusalem

Abstract The May 2021 Palestinian demonstrations in Shaikh Jarrah and Damascus Gate in occupied East Jerusalem and elsewhere in Arab towns inside Israel mark a dramatic shift in Israeli Palestinian conflict. These events in al Quds (Jerusalem) are directly linked to the Israeli policy of expelling more Palestinians from the borderland zone. In effect, such policy is used to control the most important geo-political space– the Shaikh Jarrah neighbourhood. In so doing, it imposes sovereignty over the Damascus Gate and its steps. The ongoing Israeli policy of imposing full control over the Shaikh Jarrah neighbourhood would mean challenging the historical role of diplomatic missions, international consulates and organizations, which represent many countries in the region. Based on ongoing research and interviews in East Jerusalem, this special essay argues that the Shaikh Jarrah protests are another manifestation of the ongoing struggle over control and sovereignty in the Old City and occupied East Jerusalem. It shows how the Shaikh Jarrah demonstrations display a unique picture of the conflict over borderland and geopolitics in al Quds.

Mujeres weichafe del Lago Lleu Lleu: el conflictivo tránsito desde el cuerpo colonizado hacia la conquista del territorio liberado

The objective of this article is to trace the participation of women in the historical sequence of the main milestones of origin and evolutionary development of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco from the category "body-space/time-territory", approached by the philosopher Francesca Gargallo The subject of study are the bodies located in a space-time that takes place in the surroundings of Lake Lleu Lleu, the axial geopolitical space where, from the Mapuche shamanic perspective, more than 30 years ago the spirit of thunder revived the power and violence of the ancient warriors of theweichan. Two generations of women exposed their bodies in the struggle to recover a liberated territory, transgressing cultural mandates and bearing the costs of confronting the State with prison and a fugitive life. However, the protagonism of women linked to the CAM has been silenced by traditional historiography as well as by the hegemonic masculine discourse of the Coordinadora itself. The becoming militant of women constitutes a complex plot that includes displacement of gender roles in the Mapuche culture and a transition from the political militancy of the weichafe to auxiliary spiritual roles of the machi such as tayilfe, curiche and dungumachife.

Methodological genesis of the concept “Soft power” in the system of global regionalism

The concept «power» has a significant status in the system of global regionalism. All concepts of political research originated in different branches of knowledge. Despite the great attention of scientists, the specific definition of this concept and the various approaches of the academic community cause the complexity and inconsistency to study the concept «power» in political science. Geopolitical space in this century is changing and the challenge of the phenomenon is to make an attractive country image. The national idea and mission of it can be concentrated and used by soft power mechanism in practice. «Soft power» has a goal to create motivation for action and make a decision by an object that has a «soft» effect. Therefore, to study indirect impact on the countries’ politics becomes the most burning. This work analyses the methodological genesis of the concept «Soft Power», gives the features of some theories considering the concept «power», including: classical, political, offensive realism, liberalism, democratic peace, the theory of international organizations, etc.

Особенности изображения нарратива «COVID-19» в немецкой качественной и массовой прессе

The article is devoted to the analysis of strategies for shaping public opinion, manifested at the linguistic level of mass media communication, in the narrative about COVID-19 from the German high-quality and mass press. The relevance of the study is due to the social relevance of a narrative analysis of the persuasive impact of the media during the COVID-19 pandemic, during which, through the prism of the relationship with coronavirus infection, the socio-political and economic problems of a state are brought to the fore in the high-quality and mass press. At the same time, the author’s special research interest is focused on the interpretation of frame models of authentic denotative situations in comparison with their interpretations in high-quality and mass German newspapers, which made it possible to characterize the axiological attitude of the subjects of narrative in the media to cognitive-discursive events in the geopolitical space not only in Germany and The European Union, but also the global world as a whole. The scientific novelty of the article is due to the fact that it is the first to characterize the persuasive impact of language strategies for shaping public opinion during the narrative of the coronavirus pandemic in the German high-quality and mass press in a comparative way. This article is based on the hypothesis of the correlation between factual information selection and its axiological interpretation by the subject of a communicative action in the journalistic newspaper narrative on the COVID-19, which takes place in both high-quality and mass press. Therefore, when studying strategies for shaping public opinion in the narrative on the pandemic, it is relevant to analyze the linguistic and logicalsemantic ways of denotative news content presenting. The main method for studying empirical material in this article is a frame analysis of the relationship between the prototypical described denotative situation and its textual representation in the narrative from the high-quality and mass press, which also indicates the scientific novelty of this study. At the same time, the attention of the researcher was focused on the interpretation of the asymmetry of the above phenomena as an axiologically marked constant, symmetry as an axiologically neutral interpretation of information and dissymmetry as a semi-marked case in terms of persuasive influence.

Surkovljevo shvatanje savremenog spoljnopolitičkog nastupa Rusije

Political theories, which are constantly upgrading and changing, are the foundation for creation of national and state ideologies. World powers strive towards spreading their own national interests through encouraging other countries of the world to accept their ideologies based on their own political theories. The geopolitical variability, not only regarding the spatial, but also the temporal factor, impacts the creation of new theoretical explanations and assessments. Liberalism as a dominant political theory in all its forms is no longer primary and present as it was in the beginning of the twenty first century. In the East emerges a new view and a new alternative to contemporary liberalism. The NeoEuroasian geopolitical vector is creating conditions for a more influential role of Russia in the contemporary world. After the crisis in the end of the previous and the beginning of this century, Russia stabilized its economy and formed a new state system which influenced it to become a strong competitor to the US in the geopolitical space. According to Vladislav Surkov, Putinism is the future of the Russian power, and sovereign democracy is the paradigm of its influence. In conclusion, this contemporary Russian political theory is in its beginning, not only within but also outside the Russian borders, searching for its path as the model of future, representing the manner for fulfilling the Russian foreign policy goals and interests. In this research, we will use the methods of analysis, synthesis, hypotethicaldeductive method, document content analysis, as well as comparative method.

ЦЕНТРАЛЬНО-АЗИАТСКИЙ РЕГИОН РОССИЙСКОЙ ИМПЕРИИ: ОБЩНОСТЬ ВНУТРЕННЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ ЧЕРЕЗ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТЬ ЗАКОНОДАТЕЛЬНОЙ ПРАКТИКИ

The article examines the legislative practice of the Russian Empire in relation to the southeastern possessions (Kazakh Steppe, Russian Turkestan and the Transсaspian region). Based on the analysis of the current legislation, the validity of the use of the regional approach to the study of the history of the Russian Empire is confirmed. The imperial legislation on the Kazakh steppe convinces that during the 18th century it was a colonial possession and consistently experienced methods of indirect and direct rule. From the middle of the 19th century, when Russia became more active in the direction of Afghanistan and China, it came to an understanding of the need to integrate not only Kazakh, but also newly conquered lands into a common state space as ordinary provinces. The approaches used in this direction were the same for all three sub-regions of the Empire’s Southeast. This gives grounds to assert that the Russian leadership perceived them as part of a single geopolitical space. The 18th and 19th centuries Russian legislation makes it possible to highlight the main parameters of administration unification. They allowed the Empire to assimilate a different civilization space confidently. The main instrument was the system of military-and-people’s administration, tested in another region of the Empire (in the Caucasus). It was implemented in special administrative-territorial units (Governorates-General). Their boundaries and composition changed depending on foreign policy circumstances and the solution of another important task — the adaptation of the population to the All-Russian order.

The Batum Subsystem of International Relations: Problems of Formation and Inter-Imperial Competition, June-August 1918

The implementation of the Treaty of Batum on 4 June 1918 signalled the hegemony of the Ottoman Empire in the macro-region between the Black and Caspian Seas. From the very first days it provoked opposition from other imperial actors, including Germany, an ally of Turkey. In June–July 1918, all the contenders for control of the post-imperial spaces of the former Ottoman Empire were forced to combine coercive and diplomatic means to strengthen their positions, recruiting allies and amassing forces. Due to a number of objective reasons, none of the great powers had the necessary resources to achieve their goals, facing a shortage of both military means and the necessary technical conditions. Their interest in the transformation of the region was extremely high: Germany and Soviet Russia sought to incorporate Transcaucasia into the space of the larger Brest system, while the Entente and the Central Powers were still engaged in a decisive campaign of the Great War, and the Young Turks saw their only chance of implementing their nationalist projects. The hostages of these aspirations were the newly emerged limitrophe states, which were in various stages of formation, on both sides of the Caucasus range. The German mission to Georgia, the Ottoman assistance to Azerbaijan and the Mountainous Republic, and Armenia's hopes for assistance from Britain, Soviet Russia or Austria-Hungary all played a decisive role in their fate. The policy of the great powers was complicated by problems of coalition interaction and systemic trends towards the formation of a coherent geopolitical space following the victory of the Central Powers over the disintegrating Russian Empire and Romania. The peace conference in Constantinople failed to resolve the problem, and the Entente's efforts to re-establish the Eastern Front in parts of the former Russian Empire were growing. Interaction and competition between various actors led to the active integration of the macro-region into the logic of the Great War, so that attempts to diplomatically formalise or revise the Batum subsystem were soon replaced by military confrontation between all the imperial claimants around Baku. The article draws on the diplomatic archives of the former Central Powers to reconstruct the formation of a new subsystem of international relations.

The Black Sea: A Geopolitical Space of Russian Thalassocratic Ambitions

Rarely has a maritime space played such an important role in geopolitics and the regional and international balance of power. The last twenty years have brought dramatic changes to the international system and demonstrated that the end of history predicted by Fukuyama in the 1990s has not come true. Although separated by almost 8000 km, the Seas around China and the Black Sea have reached a symmetrical position in the new confrontation between the Euro-Atlantic allies and the new Sino-Russian axis. Just as the seas in the east and south of China represent a front in the struggle to change the international system between Communist China and the US together with its Asian allies (Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea), so the Black Sea has become a geopolitical space of confrontation between Russia on one side and Europe and the US on the other. The research "The Black Sea: A Geopolitical Space of Russian Thalassocratic Ambitions" wants to analytically present how Moscow tried to achieve thalassocratic ambitions through its expansionist policy in the case of the Invasion of Georgia in 2008, the Annexation of Crimea in 2014, and with the Attack on Ukraine this year. In the center of these expansionist policies there have always been reasons such as the expansion of the Russian sphere of influence, and the blocking of the Euro-Atlantic enlargement, but to all this was also added, in a complementary way, a historical thalassocratic ambition of the Russian Federation.

Stereotypes of Transport Logistics in Geopolitical Analytics

It has been shown that among traditional stereotypes of the geopolitical analytics used for transformation of political instability zones into the of development territories, the image of the country determined by the term “gate-regions” or “corridor-regions” is significant. Their transport and logistics projects (TLP) become elements of the geopolitical space structure. It has been suggested to carry out the analysis of structural aspects of interaction between geopolitical factors and transport and logistics projects by means of cognitive models. Cognitive models of geopolitical conflict have been considered. It has been proposed to decrease conflict escalation by means of effects of proactivity, suppression and negative feedback. Continuous conflict suppression in the conflict loop is achieved through irreducible potential in the TLP development loop and blocking of growth potential of conflict escalation in the negative feedback loop.

Bay of Bengal Community to accomplish Regional Cooperation; Rhetoric and Reality

The Bay of Bengal (BoB) region is one of the world’s least integrated regions, as the borders of littoral states have turned bulwarks against the mobility of people, capital, goods and ideas, resulting in abysmal levels of trade, connectivity and cooperation. This region has for long confronted with a variety of transnational threats, including some of the most non-traditional security threats to the extent of disrupting regional stability. As much as the growing interest of the extra-regional powers, China’s forage into the Indian Ocean has pushed BoB to be a fulcrum of the wider geopolitical space of the Indo-Pacific. The placid sea of BoB tends to turn into turbulent waters rendering the regional cooperation rhetoric! As much as the shared values, histories and ways of life, BoB has the distinction of accounting for about one-fourth of world population and handling one-fourth of global trade annually. Given the untapped natural resources including the fishing stocks, reserves of gas and other sea bed minerals, BoB littorals are destined to evolve as a distinct community through trans-regional cooperation-initiatives transcending the national frontiers and unwarranted competition. The region’s discernible commonality and perceptible complementarity in many aspects are conducive to sharing technical know-how and pursuing dependable trading relations. Significant disparities in mineral wealth and industrial production are at the base of interdependence testifying to symbiotic modality, as underscored by the BIMSTEC. Justifiably, mutual interests and common concerns are ordained to promote the linkages rather sustainable partnerships among the BoB littorals as to turn the regional cooperation into a reality.

Геополитическая безопасность современной России: сущность, структура, основы мониторинга

The article examines the essence of the geopolitical security phenomenon, studies the specifics of the geopolitical security of modern Russia. The main threats and vulnerabilities affecting the current state of Russia’s geopolitical security are highlighted. The author determines necessity, content and structure of the process of monitoring the geopolitical security of our country. As a part of monitoring the process of threats and vulnerabilities development, it is proposed to use such sociological technologies as content analysis and event analysis. The purpose of the study is to reveal the specifics of the phenomenon of geopolitical security of the Russian Federation and some ways to ensure it. The author employs systematic, comparative and phenomenological research methods. The author suggests definition of the “geopolitical security” concept as such a state of security of the geopolitical space of society from threats and vulnerabilities that it can ensure the unhindered survival and development of this very society. It is argued that geopolitical security is a systemic phenomenon, and its implementation is also a systemic phenomenon, for which constant monitoring of its current state is important. The author’s definition of the concept of “monitoring the state of geopolitical security” is given as a study of the process of formation, changes in time and ways of eliminating and/or preventing threats and vulnerabilities for the existence and development of this society.

«Мягкая сила» Японии в странах Южного Кавказа

Aim. To reveal the main interests of Japanese foreign policy in the countries of the South Caucasus.Methodology. Based on the analysis of the programs and instruments of Japan’s «soft power» in the countries of South Caucasus, the main interests of the country in this region were identified, including the expansion of connecting transport routes between Europe and Asia, as well as the promotion of the «Eurasian Policy» of Tokyo and the influence increase in the important geopolitical space. To determine the dynamics of the provision of humanitarian assistance to Japan within the ODA (Official Development Assistance) the available data of the last 5 years was analyzed. The practical experi ence of the main grant program (Grant Assistance for Grassroots Human Security Projects – GGP) and the scholarship program (MEXT scholarship) implemented in the Transcaucasian countries is summarized. The analysis of the interstate humanitarian cooperation within the framework of the «Japan’s Caucasus Initiative» was also carried out.Results. When researching the activities of Japan in the South Caucasian countries, the author determined that Japan is aimed at expanding the policy of «Eurasian Policy» actively implementing the instruments of «soft power» in the countries of the Transcaucasia. It also revealed the need to deepen research of the implementation of «soft power» in the South Caucasus not only of the «traditional» interested actors (Western countries), but also the Asian ones including Japan.Research implications. The author considers the under-investigated topic of the implementation of non-military tactics by Japan in the South Caucasus, summarizes and analyzes various instruments of «soft power», including the «Japan’s Caucasus Initiative», identifies the motives of Tokyo’s activity in this direction.

Factors of Dynamics of Global Political Processes

The article highlights the factors that have either a retarding or accelerating effect on the dynamics of global political processes. The factors that have a retarding effect on the dynamics of global political processes include the following: growing income inequality and social stratification within most countries of the world; the erosion of democracy and the decline in popularity of the Western liberal model of development as a reference model; the growth of support for populism policies; the conflict between globalization and the national interests of the State, especially exacerbated during the pandemic; the policy of protectionism; the crisis of global governance; the spread of ideas of anti-globalism. These factors provoke the trend of globalization. Factors that influence the acceleration of the dynamics of global political processes: increasing inequality between countries and intensifying competition between them; digitalization; an increase in the number and aggravation of global problems, among which climate change occupies a special place; the crisis in the field of global health (all this shows the need for integration and cooperation of countries to overcome them); global migration; expansion of the number of non-state actors; the emergence of the phenomenon of hybrid warfare and the changing nature of conflicts; a new concept of security; the expansion of global consciousness and the ideology of globalism; the idea of multipolarity. These factors prevail in the overall balance and give rise to a tendency of accelerated movement towards a multipolar polycentric world. The interaction of these two groups of factors generates an unstable and nonlinear nature of the dynamics of global political processes. The most important consequence of the acceleration of the dynamics of global political processes is the gradual emergence of a new configuration of the geopolitical landscape and the transformation of the global geopolitical space, the change in the ratio of geopolitical forces and the shift of the center of gravity from West to East.

Питання майбутнього Росії в українських геополітичних вченнях першої половини ХХ сторіччя

The article is devoted to the analysis of the coverage of the future of Russia in the geopolitical teachings of Ukrainian thinkers of the first half of the 20th century. This problem is actualized by the large-scale Russian aggression against the Ukrainian state and the need to outline the content of the Ukrainian victory in this war. The discourse in the circles of politicians and scientists regarding the future of the "post-Russian world" received a powerful impulse after the statements of the American general Ben Hodges about the need to prepare for the division of Russia. It is noted that the Ukrainian political opinion of the first half of the 20th century considered the future of Russia and Ukrainian-Russian relations in the range from "coexistence" to participation in its "distribution". It is said that the views of one of the founders of the UРR, M. Hrushevskyi, have evolved from autonomism to the complete independence of Ukraine from Russia, the need to revive Ukraine’s natural geopolitical orientations. It is noted that S. Rudnytskyi, analyzing the political situation in Europe after the First World War and the interests and policies of the main European geopolitical actors, noted that most of them were focused on preserving Russia as a single large geopolitical space, which endangered not only the existence of Ukrainian an independent state, but also lasting peace on the continent and in the world. Attention is drawn to the fact that Yu. Bachynskyi, based on the Marxist methodology of analyzing the development of capitalism in Russia, concludes that it is divided into three separate political and economic mechanisms. It is emphasized that the most in-depth analysis of Russia’s prospects was made by Yu. Lуpa. Attention is drawn to the fact that the scientist considers the division of Russia not only inevitable, but also a component of Ukraine’s historical destiny. He believes that the return of the Muscovite state to its historical borders, provided that it renounces imperial ambitions, will contribute to the rapid well-being of the local population and the revival of moral values. Scientists pay special attention to the issue of the division of Siberia, which has an excellent population psychology and geopolitical directions of development.

КООРДИНАЦІЯ ДІЙ США ТА ЄВРОПИ ЩОДО ПІДТРИМКИ УКРАЇНИ, ОНОВЛЕННЯ АЛЬЯНСУ ТА ЗАХИСТУ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКИХ ЦІННОСТЕЙ

The purpose of the article is to research a new stage of improving the coordination of efforts and deepening U.S.-European cooperation aimed at further strengthening transatlantic security and supporting Ukraine in the struggle for its sovereignty. The current study considers the grounds and escalation of the current Russian aggression against Ukraine; the impact of the undeclared war against Ukraine on the United States and the European community; American and European support to Ukraine, including military assistance; reasons and steps to renew the transatlantic alliance; the struggle of Ukraine for its independence and sovereignty as well as the protection of Europe and its democratic values. The methodological basis of the study is a set of general and special research methods. The system method made it possible to consider the renewal of the transatlantic alliance and the strengthening of coordination between the United States and European countries as a systemic process. In particular, the strengthening of American-European cooperation is considered as a response to the Russian-Ukrainian policy since 2014 and the escalation of armed aggression against Ukraine that is a unique state of the European geopolitical space and a powerful champion of European and universal values. Also, improving coordination between transatlantic partners is studied through the prism of comprehensive assistance to Ukraine in its struggle for sovereignty. Moreover, the prospects of strengthening mutual coordination in the transatlantic space are considered in the institutional and legal planes. The comparative method helped to analyze the volume and effectiveness of aid to Ukraine from the United States and European countries and to consider the dynamics of the renewal of the transatlantic partnership. The objective research was based on statistical methods and event data analysis, which made it possible to consider how current events in Ukraine affected the international political situation. Finally, the historical method was applied to investigate the cause-and-effect relationships of events, as well as to determine the role of Ukraine in European civilizational processes. With the help of the historical method, it has been proved that during centuries Ukraine was, is, and remains the most important structural link of European civilization. The scientific novelty consists in an attempt to comprehensively study the ongoing cooperation between the United States and European countries under the influence of the escalation of Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine. This issue is considered through the prospect of Ukraine’s unique historical role in the defense of European civilization and general democratic values. The authors conclude that it was the armed aggression against Ukraine that contributed to the renewal of the transatlantic partnership. Currently, the United States and European partners have coordinated their efforts around assisting Ukraine and finding effective ways to restructure the transatlantic security system. It becomes obvious that Ukraine is a historically unique state on the territory of Europe, and its victory in the struggle for its sovereignty is a guarantee of a peaceful and safe future of the entire transatlantic space.

Predators in Geopolitics and Europe

Transformational processes in the world are rapidly accelerating and in different versions are complexly intertwined. Deep rifts are taking place in the geopolitical space. The most acute contradictions and multidirectional tendencies of world development accumulated in the previous period continue. New points of reference have emerged in assessing the close relationship and interdependence of macroeconomic and military-political processes, which form previously unknown problem fields of world politics. Conflict confrontation between the key world centers of power, capable of creating various geopolitical configurations, where expanded opportunities for promoting their national and state interests appear. The period of intelligible, more or less ordered competitive interactions in the world seems to be coming to an end. In Western-centric geopolitical associations, the not always expected and predictable regrouping of forces and interests is taking place more frequently, fraught with serious strategic consequences. Recently in the development of the transatlantic partnership, the contradictions, problem nodes and pain points that have complicated the allied ties between the United States and the European Union have been contrasted. Disagreements in the US-EU-NATO geopolitical triangle have noticeably increased. A sign of these disagreements was the publicly announced diagnosis of "NATO brain death", which E. Macron delivered to the North Atlantic alliance in December 2019. New geopolitical dissonances have emerged in EU relations with key strategic partners.

To get out of the chaos, the country needs to call on the Intelligence Service

History consists of a series of victories and defeats with ambiguous results. Sometimes a defeated country is reborn with dignity in another geopolitical space, and the winner is gradually plunged into the abyss of chaos. The greatness of the state and the maturity of the people are manifested in the attitude to the history of the Fatherland, which requires no less courage than on the battlefield. One cannot abandon the past, whatever it may be, and praise the future that has not come.

Techniques of Linguistic Cognitive Manipulation in the Information and Psychological Confrontation Environment

The article is devoted to the scientific understanding of the linguistic and cultural factors of shaping external ideology of governance in Ukraine during the preparation and conduct of a series of low-intensity conflicts (“color revolutions”) in 2004-2014. Using linguistic methods of semantic, structural, contextual, discourse and communicative analysis, the author studies verbal forms of linguistic cognitive manipulation with the public opinion of the Ukrainian society focusing on the techniques of polyphonic attack, conceptual modeling and reframing. Communicative strategies and methods of indoctrination of the population are viewed in the environment of the information and psychological war launched by the US-led collective West in the digital space of mass media and the worldwide web with the aim of alienating Ukraine from the geopolitical space of Russia and turning it into an antipode state of the Russian Federation. The author focuses on verbal forms and means of indoctrination identified in communicative strategies of disinformation, data blocking, falsifying truth, fake messages, tabooing of signs, distortion of the true semantic meaning and substitution of concepts that are used by subjects of information and psychological influence in the synergetic coupling of media resources of the media of Ukraine and the collective West. The author concludes that some processes are underway in the interdiscursive environment of the “post-Maidan” Ukraine that structure a new dominant information need of the society around the image of Russia as an enemy and aggressor. Russian linguistic and cultural pattern holders demonstrate speech behavior in Ukraine that has been formed under the external ideology of governance and illustrates the destructive changes in the values of Russian self-identity, which is a consequence of linguistic cognitive manipulation of the public opinion under the imposed information model of total Russophobia.

Geopolitical and Economic Backgrounds for Japan’s Participation in International Associations at the Present Stage

Japan is one of the undisputed economic leaders in the Asia-Pacific region, despite the fact that in a number of macroeconomic indicators (for example, in nominal GDP) it gave the primacy to China in the late 2000s. Nevertheless, the positions of Japanese financial and industrial groups in the automotive and shipbuilding sectors, information technology, telecommunications systems, and power equipment manufacturing are still strong in the world markets. Tokyo also feels confident in the international political space - most regional problems are solved with the active participation of Japan. Accordingly, the Japanese government has all the possibilities to conduct a clear and consistent foreign policy with a maximum consideration for its own interests, as well as it has opportunities to attract a wide range of overseas partners to mutually beneficial cooperation within the framework of multilateral agreements. However, nowadays in the Asia-Pacific markets, Japanese corporations face increasing competition from Chinese and South Korean companies, which forces Japan to take into account new geopolitical situations and strive to softly promote its vision of regional development. The purpose of the study is to analyze Japans approaches to participation in current international associations and to assess the overall impact of these approaches on the geopolitical and economic space of the Asia-Pacific region. The research methodology is based on the apparatus of social sciences (comparative analysis, content analysis, economic and statistical analysis, synthesis, historical and logical methods), and is supplemented by a systematic approach to the research topic through the search and interpretation of the appropriate information.