Geopolitical Space Research Articles

«POLITICAL COMPRADOR» AS A PHENOMENON IN THE PROCESS OF GLOBALIZATION

The main factors of the comprador phenomenon as an actor of globalization are analyzed. The global liberal democracy that took shape during the second half of the 20th century is now being transformed. New actors are entering on the geopolitical space. Geopolitical order in the first decades of the XX s. faces the challenges of both the past century and the new. The issues of the new agenda and factors of new challenges are highlighted; shows the prospects for overcoming geopolitical turbulence. Attention is focused on the intensification of the challenges of the 20th century. along with the emergence of new ones in the second decade of the twenty-first century. Among these challenges - the Covid-19 pandemic and, accordingly, the global quarantine, which led to an increase in social tension in societies of different regions of the world, put on question the ability of state structures to ensure national security and the health of their citizens, which in general can have unexpected consequences, both for individual regions and countries, and the world as a whole. Due to the closure of state borders, the curtailment of transport links between continents and countries, between the internal national regions, a situation that is atypical for a globalized world has been created, which is familiar to us from the historical past, namely, the recreation of the world of fragmented feudalism, where other mechanisms of social and political interaction operate. It is indicated that from the point of view of the world-systems analysis, a small number of them belong to the capitalist center, that is, to the core, where the global agenda and the methods of protecting national security are formed. But the overwhelming majority of countries and states are in the periphery and semi-periphery groups. The phenomenon, which was the result of the colonial policy of nascent capitalism, persists to this day, but in other forms, retaining its functions. At the same time, the need to support the neo-colonial order remains, and therefore there is still a political interest in the formation of such groups in the third world (periphery) countries.

KHARKIV AGREEMENTS OF 2010: VISIONS OF POLITICAL, MEDIA AND EXPERT CIRCLES IN UKRAINE

The main visions of the political, media, and expert circles in Ukraine concerning the conclusion of the Kharkiv Agreements in 2010 – the pact between Ukraine and the Russian Federation on the stay of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation Navy on the territory of Ukraine are determined. It is alleged that circles close to the President of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, saw them as a sign of the beginning of an era of intense Ukrainian-Russian relations, including the issue of cheaper gas, which would help to overcome the crisis in the economy and provide a lower price for gas for both industrial and household consumers. Instead, the agreements in the opposition were seen as a betrayal of Ukrainian national interests, the creation in the Black Sea region of a destabilizing center in the form of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Navy, and the beginning of Ukraine’s integration into the Russian geopolitical space. At the same time, the Ukrainian side was unable to persuade the Russian to sign new gas agreements to revise the price of «blue fuel» in essence, rather than through a discount system. Opposition criticism was also not effective under these circumstances: although the topic of prolongation of the Russian Navy’s Black Sea Fleet base in Sevastopol became one of the tenets of their anti-government rhetoric, however, the unification of the opposition had not yet grown into an institutionalized movement, acquiring such features only on the eve of the parliamentary elections in 2012. Instead, the Russian side took full advantage of the Ukrainian concessions of 2010. It is the preservation of the Black Sea Fleet on the Crimean Peninsula that allowed the Russians to prepare the ground for its annexation and for the nourishment of the Russian chauvinist ideology about Sevastopol as a «Russian city». Keywords: Kharkiv Agreements of 2010, politicum, mass media, expert environment, visions, the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation Navy, gas, Ukraine, Russian Federation.

Post-Soviet Revolutions and Post-Revolution Discourses: Explaining the Construction of Political Identities in Post-Rose Revolution Georgia and Post-Velvet Revolution Armenia

The 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia has renewed scholarly interest in post-Soviet revolution studies. This paper explores the core narratives underlying post-Rose Revolution and post-Velvet Revolution identity construction in Georgian and Armenian political discourses. More specifically, it examines the core narratives employed by the Georgian and Armenian revolution leaders Mikheil Saakashvili and Nikol Pashinyan in constructing the political identities of “New Georgia” and “New Armenia.” The findings suggest that the core narratives dominating Saakashvili’s discourse on post-revolution Georgia are as follows: “democratic Georgia” and “laboratory of democratic reforms,” “stereotype breaker,” “European Georgia,” “peaceful Georgia,” “powerful Georgia” and “security contributor,” determined to homecoming to Europe. Pashinyan’s discourse has revolved around the notion of “proud Armenians,” who established “people’s government” capable of carrying out an “economic revolution.” In contrast to Saakashvili’s emphasis on escaping post-Soviet geopolitical space and gaining centrality in the EU-driven socio-political order, Pashinyan’s discourse does not suggest foreign policy U-turns. It concludes that while the 2003 “Rose Revolution” marked fundamental shifts in self-other conceptions within the Georgian political discourse, the post-revolution Armenian discourse has not experienced dramatic identity-driven transformations.

ANEXIA AND OCCUPATION AS FACTORS OF EXCERVATION OF THE ARMED-POLITICAL CONFLICT UNLEASHED BY RUSSIA AGAINST UKRAINE

The aggravation of military-political conflicts at the beginning of the XXI century is analyzed. On the example of the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of a part of Donbass, the content nature of armed conflicts and their difference from the classical forms of total war are revealed. It is assumed that the urgency of this problem will increase in the coming years. On the one hand, this is due to the strengthening, of scientific interest in the theoretical problems of the existence of various types and forms of modern armed-political conflicts, and, on the other hand, this is due to the practical needs of finding an adequate response from Ukraine and the entire democratic world community to the Russian annexation of Crimea and the occupation of a part of Donetsk and Luhansk regions in 2014 year. The emergence of new forms of armed-political confrontation and «hybrid peace» destroys a clear boundary between a local armed conflict and a «big» war, which necessitates a new understanding of the significance and role of non-military pressure factors in these conditions. In this context, the economy, culture, information, science and politics are turning into instruments of «soft power» that have a significant impact on the life safety of the population of any state, can cause negative consequences for social, cultural, economic, technological and environmental security. «Hybrid» armed-political conflicts blur the line between the army and the population, between enemies and allies, between the front and the rear. Modern armed clashes are inextricably linked with a significant deterioration in the living conditions of the population and a decrease in the level of its social protection. The emergence of a big number of refugees and internally displaced persons as another important negative consequence of the modern armed-political conflict is revealed. Modern forms of military-political conflicts are defined as a characteristic of interstate relations. It is concluded that the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is causing a global transformation of the world geopolitical space, the established rules of world security and interstate relations.

КРЫМ И ЧЕРНОМОРСКИЙ РЕГИОН В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КАРТИНЕ МИРА ЭКСПЕРТОВ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОГО ИНСТИТУТА СТРАТЕГИЧЕСКИХ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЙ УКРАИНЫ (НА МАТЕРИАЛАХ АНАЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ДОКЛАДОВ К ПОСЛАНИЯМ ПРЕЗИДЕНТА ВЕРХОВНОЙ РАДЕ)

Basing on a constructivist approach to international relations and foreign policy, the author has defined the conceptual content of the script, in which the experts of the Ukrainian National Institute for Strategic Studies imagine Crimea and the Black Sea region. The study was carried out on the basis of the materials of the Institute's analytical reports to the messages of the President to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2014-2018. It was found that the ideas about Crimea contained in them are extremely mythologized: in the political picture of the world of the Institute's experts, the peninsula is considered as a “Russian bridgehead”, a source of “military threat" and an "occupied territory". Ukrainian experts are convinced that the motives of Russia's foreign and defense policy in the Black Sea direction are allegedly due to its desire for "expansion", "imperial policy" and the desire to "restore the Soviet Union." They perceive the reunification of Crimea with Russia as an event that led to a cardinal transformation of the geopolitical space of the Black Sea region that contradicts Ukrainian national interests. At the same time, on rational grounds, the institute is actively searching for conceptual approaches to organizing a new regional security system and creating a long-term, broad and durable alliance of anti-Russian forces, which could act as a NATO parallel structure in the Black Sea region in the future. Moreover, Ukrainian experts do not have any own geopolitical project or idea on this. They are considering several options for regional coalitions at once, paying special attention to the Polish concept of "Intermarium", which consists in creating a block of Baltic-Black Sea states.

Основні тенденції розвитку сучасних двосторонніх відносин України та Польщі

Abstract. Introduction. The article analyzes the problems of the latest bilateral relations between Ukraine and the Republic of Poland, as well as the role of the Polish-Ukrainian partnership in the process of European integration as an object of international relations. The purpose. The author has proved that contemporary Ukrainian-Polish relations are an example of tolerance and balance. Both countries were able to find a formula to overcome the negative stereotypes and stratifications that have developed over the centuries. At the same time, despite the heavy burden of historical grievances and memory, they built interstate relations on the principles of international law, respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity, and thereby brought relations to the level of strategic partnership. Research results . At the same time, the author focuses on identifying the existing reserves and resources of the mutual development of Ukraine and Poland in the global economy and finding a worthy place for both states on the political map of a united Europe. The author notes that modern globalization processes and geopolitical changes on a planetary and continental scale pose a number of new challenges for Ukraine and Poland related to maintaining positive bilateral relations achieved in previous years and further filling the doctrine of strategic partnership with real content. In this sense, the determination of the priorities of Ukrainian-Polish cooperation in the context of geopolitical configurations that are being formed at the beginning of the new millennium and will play a key role in global politics of the 21st century is of paramount importance. Conclusion . In the context of the development of the Ukrainian-Polish strategic partnership in the modern system of geopolitical coordinates, the main priority for the two states is participation in political alliances in which Ukraine and Poland will be able to most fully and effectively realize their own national interests. First of all, the Baltic-Black Sea-Caspian geopolitical space is promising in the effective cooperation between Ukraine and Poland, given its global political importance, as well as the role that individual countries of this belt play in the modern world.

ЛІНГВІСТИЧНА ЕКСПЕРТИЗА СОЦІАЛЬНИХ МЕРЕЖ В УМОВАХ ГІБРИДНИХ ВИКЛИКІВ НАЦІОНАЛЬНІЙ БЕЗПЕЦІ УКРАЇНИ

The article analyses the applied aspects of linguistic examination of social networks under conditions of hybrid threats to the national security of Ukraine. It is argued that the intensification of intercultural communications, the formation of a single geopolitical space, the activation of destructive influences on the behaviour of social network visitors have led to an increase in discursive situations that a linguist can evaluate as an expert. For these reasons, there is an urgent need to separate and legislate linguistic examination of social networks, i.e. linguistic analysis of social network discourses using an integrated approach, the results of which can be completed as an advisory opinion or forecast concerning the impact of virtual communication on socio-political activity in the real world. This type of examination has got importance under conditions of hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation, which is mainly aimed to reshape the system of values and behaviour in target audiences, though it is of a consciental nature. The expert approach is the most relevant for identifying social cyberattacks, i.e. anonymous manipulative influences on social network visitors to create chaos, panic, and mass unrest. This identification should consider the following discursive characteristics of social networks: the creation of attractive content, its coordinated distribution through public and private channels, the use of social bots, the horizontal broadcasting of narratives. As an example, it is proposed the linguistic examination of the Russian propaganda fake “anti-Semitism in Ukraine”, which purpose is to ignite ethnic agitation. Therefore, active integration of academic community into the analysis of modern threats and counteraction to them, creation of a pool of professional experts, legislative regulation of the status of linguistic examination of social networks are on the agenda.

Евразийские гео­политические идеи в культурном наследии Рерихов

The article is devoted to the heritage of the Roerich family – Nikolai Konstantinovich, Elena Ivanovna, Yuri Nikolaevich, Svyatoslav Nikolaevich, and its role in the current sit­uation of world crisis, especially for the Eurasian geopolitical space. The authors substan­tiate the thesis that the political and cultural views of the Roerich family matured parallel to the movement of the Eurasians and in a number of aspects specify many their ideas. The authors reveal and explore the relevance and predictability of the key principles held by the Roerich family concerning the perspectives of Russia and the areas of Eurasian co­operation. In the legacy of the Roerich family, the main features of the impending global crisis are described in a visionary way. They saw a way out of the crisis in establishing the primacy of culture over economy, the primacy of the spiritual over the material. The Roerichs warned of the dangers of a barbaric relationship with nature, robotization and decomposition of consciousness. Their warnings about the dangers of a mechanical civilization are confirmed in the work of modern analysts. According to Roerichs, the ideal of cooperation and cooperation should become the basis of relations between peoples. The Roerichs emphasized the special importance of the Russian-Mongolian and Russian-Indian ties forming a geopolitical and spiritual “middle cross” of Eurasia. The commonality of the environmental, cultural and economic problems of the two great mountain regions of the Earth is a solid foundation for future cooperation between scien­tists in the space of Eurasia.

Strategic priorities for the development of middle regions in Russia

Relevance. The key factor in the development of any region is its geographical position in the socio-economic and geopolitical space of the country. In this respect, middle regions are of particular interest. Unfortunately, their unique qualities remain largely underexplored in research literature, which is the gap this article seeks to address. Research objective. The purpose of the study is to provide a definition of the concept ‘middle region’, describe its key characteristics and align them with the strategic priorities in the development of such regions. Data and methods. The research methodology centres around the notion of cumulative effect of the middle region and the tools for its assessment. This effect is associated with enhanced socio-economic efficiency of a territorial capital resulting from the advantages of its middle position. Among other things, this effect manifests itself through higher economic returns on investment. The empirical part of the study relies on the data on 36 Russian middle regions, their missions and priorities of strategic development. Results. The article summarizes the Russian and international theoretical approaches to the definition of the middle regions, their place and role in the territorial structure of a country and its socio-economic development. It is shown that most authors assign middle regions the role of the country’s epicenter, highlighting their key role in economy, culture, politics and other spheres of life. The approach proposed in this study focuses on middle regions’ position in space, on the one hand, and, on the other, sees them as systems of interactions in the socio-economic space. Based on this understanding of the middle region, several groups of Russian middle regions are identified: integrators, sustainable middle regions and developing middle regions. Conclusions. The mission of middle regions is one of the fundamental concepts of strategic management, comprising a hierarchy of goals. It is shown that although the mission of middle regions should be to become integrators of the country’s socio-economic space through the network of inter-territorial and global interactions, not all Russian middle regions are ready to pursue this ambitious goal and prefer to focus on addressing internal goals of their own.

Specific dynamics of a national minority language in the Lower Volga region geopolitical space

Specific dynamics of a national minority language in the Lower Volga region geopolitical space

Spaces of identity in the context of media images and artistic representations of refugees and migration in Austria

The article focuses on media images and artistic discourses on refugees and migration. In both discourses, by the arts and media, stereotypical identities are constructed and reproduced, but are also at times modified or rejected. Theoretically, the article relates to the concept of media-constructed spaces of identity developed with reference to cultural studies. Analytically, three types of such places have been distinguished: geopolitical spaces, spaces of identification and spaces of in-between. We argue that the concept can be fruitfully extended to artistic representations. Following this, the article presents the results of an exemplary analysis of Austrian press photographs accompanying reports on flight and refugees in 2015. While geopolitical spaces and spaces of identification are clearly marked in the media images, spaces of in-between are rare. However, these abound in artistic productions on the subject. Finally, the article discusses media and contemporary art as distinct spaces of identity construction and formation.

Romania and Poland – at the forefront of defending the Versailles security system in the years 1919-1932 Landmarks of political, diplomatic, and military relations

During the interwar period, the relations between Romania and Poland had, as a common factor, major interests to counter an unprovoked attack from Soviet Russia – USSR. Meanwhile, the rich medieval tradition, the cultural, political and spiritual interferences, assured the substance of mutual relations between the two countries. Romanian-Polish relations were supported and encouraged by France, which had the incentive to achieve and maintain a “sanitary cordon” against the danger of the Bolshevik/Soviet Union. Romania and Poland evolved into a complex and sensitive geopolitical space in Central and Eastern Europe which took political, diplomatic and military actions to build relationships based on the mutual recognition of borders and the support for the two major Western democracies, France and The United Kingdom. The Romanian-Polish relations bore the unmistakable imprint of political and diplomatic figures who succeeded to the leadership of the two countries, in Poland – Marshal Jozef Pilsudski and in Romania – King Ferdinand, Queen Mary and the scholar Nicolae Iorga.

The BRICS: Paradigm Shift in Dealing with New Challenges

The mankind has been actively using a relatively new geopolitical space: the space of information. Obviously, the economic and scientific progress opens new horizons and possibilities, still not clearly understood by people. This brings about many changes, with either good or bad consequences, depending on who uses the information and what aims are pursued. The present system of international relations is characterized by many new features; it’s becoming more “unpredictable” and “chaotic”. Information wars and “fake” news contribute in its turn to the turbulent character of international relations, pushing forward misconceptions and distorted visions of different situations, and thus provoking conflicts. At the same time, the world is badly short of new ideas, which could more adequately answer the global problems. These new ideas could hardly be produced by the “old”, traditional actors. At the same time, the BRICS countries, representing the new “ascending” civilizations of non-Western nature and not being bound in this sense by the rules of “Euro-Atlantic solidarity”, could collectively propose some new approaches to the global issues. BRICS, as a format of states with accelerated economic indices, should lay a wider conceptual platform for its further dynamics. It should provide a more active information policy and elaborate a “new” conceptual basis, founded on rather traditional and “old” principles - common respect for the international law, derived from political and juridical cultures, historic and social practices.

CHINA’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE SYRIAN CRISIS AND THE IMPLICATIONS OF ITS NEUTRAL STANCE IN THE WAR

China today is a powerful state and an influential player in the global arena, as was demonstrated during the Syrian crisis, when China took a counterposition to the United States’ stance in Syria and supported the Assad regime. Beijing put a veto on the international resolutions related to the Syrian crisis and abstained from voting, as it did in the past when dealing with the crises in the region. In a move that marked a new page in China’s foreign policy, Beijing backed what was known as the sixpoint plan, calling for a ceasefire and settlement of the crisis through internal dialogue and proclaiming the inviolability of Syrian national sovereignty. In a subsequent move, China sent its envoy Li Huaqing (former Chinese ambassador to Syria) to Damascus to encourage the initiation of a dialogue between government forces and opposition. Following that, China sent Assistant Foreign Minister Zhang Ming (who had previously visited Egypt, Saudi Arabia and France) to the region to discuss ways of approaching the Syrian crisis. For the first time in its modern history, China renounced its policy of non-interference in crises outside its direct interests and immediate geopolitical space. The following paper will focus on China’s stance in the Syrian crisis (supporting its peaceful settlement and keeping equal distance from all the parties in the conflict) and the future of Sino-Syrian relations based on the common history of the two countries.

Discourses about language and literacy education in Portugal: past and present

Abstract This article presents a historical analysis of discourses about language and literacy that have emerged during different periods in the political and cultural history of Portugal. It covers six periods, from the colonial era to the present, and it considers different geopolitical spaces, including the Portuguese mainland, the Atlantic archipelagos, former Portuguese colonies and diasporic spaces created as a result of emigration from Portugal. The article traces three kinds of discursive shift: (1) shifts in discourses in Portuguese society regarding the goals of language and literacy education, along with associated discourses about appropriate language and literacy pedagogies; (2) shifts in discourses about the specific nature and significance of literacy in Portuguese; and (3) shifts in discourses about the value and symbolic power of standardized forms of spoken and written Portuguese. It shows how each historical period has been characterized by distinctive political and ideological currents which have, in turn, shaped and re-shaped ways of thinking about the role of language and literacy education in the definition of citizenship and national identity, in the construction of heritage, in the creation of a “modern” democratic state and, more recently, in the retooling of human resources to create a flexible labour force.

Imperatives of development of post-socialist countries financial markets

The relevance of the article in the analysis of the modern geopolitical space in which there are dramatic changes that qualitatively alter the disposition of post-socialist countries and regions of the world under the influence of scientific, technological, information, organizational and social process. The process of forming regulatory mechanisms for the functioning of the financial markets of the post-Soviet countries is linked to the transformation processes of global monetary and financial relations management. In modern conditions, the national financial market cannot be separated from the processes occurring in the world economy. In the last decades theoretical and practical problems of geoeconomics and global science have been investigated in the works of foreign scientists: L. Abalkin, M. Alle, U. Anderson, A. Anikina, J. Ackerloff, J. Arriga, D. Bell, W. Beck, Z. Brzezinski, I. Wallerstein, L. Galitz, J. Gelbraith, E. Giddens, M. Golovnin, P. Drucker, A. Kavkin, M. Castels, D. Keynes, L. Krasavina, V. Kruglov and others. It is observed that in the process of interaction of various factors of development in the world markets, an appropriate market conjuncture is formed, which reflects changes in specific conditions of market functioning and supply and demand, related to the dynamics of prices for goods and profits of firms and based on the cyclical development of the world economy, reflecting the nature of a market economy. Research methods are based on general scientific principles and fundamental principles of economic theory, theories of international economic relations and financial globalization, evolving in the face of geo-economic changes. The development of post-socialist countries is characterized by significant differences in the rates of economic growth and stabilization of monetary and financial systems, which is caused by: first, a significant stratification of economies in terms of development; second, the disintegration processes in mutual trade and more successful integration into the global trading environment due to the accelerated liberalization of the foreign trade sector compared to the financial sector; third, the incompleteness of financial sector reforms and the low level of development of financial services markets, respectively, the inefficiency of financial integration; fourth, the monetary and financial systems of the countries of the region remain vulnerable to the external effects of the crisis. The most powerful post-socialist countries (Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Azerbaijan) make more effective use of the benefits of globalization in the sphere of integration into the world economy.

Aspectos de la gramatización antigua de la lengua vasca

Following the state of affairs (§1.1) in studies on the LVP, we showcase two complementary points of view for their correct understanding, i.e., their “publication as a book” and the role played therein by Morpain and Lehet (§1.3) in Bordeaux, the humanist and reformist focus following the creation of the College of Guienne (§1.2) and in 1.4. we provide some notes on the initial stages of the Bordeaux printing press. In 1.5. We focus on the similarities of Etxepare with humanists and the Renaissance prior to Du Bellay like in Tory and Dolet and in §1.6 we present a lexical examination of the Epistola Dedicatoria, Contrapas and Sautrela that takes us in that same direction. In §1.7 and §1.8 we underscore the parallel between the "Debile principium" and Rabelais and the remembering the Basque fragments of Rabelais. In §2 we show the context of the book’s repression and the religious wars during which Leizarraga’s work (§2.1) emerged, emphasising the deep meaning that La Rochelle and Haultin contributed to L’s translation work (§2.2), and we analyse the problem of his original or “hypotext” (§2.3), an inescapable task in order to understand its praxis and objectives; in §2.4. We present a new approach in the search for the translated model from the analysis of loans words without same linguistic roots and in 2.5 we remember that grammarization does not imply standardised unification of the language. The sibilants In §2.6 and §2.7, certain Leizarraga graphic options are examined, related to the doctrines of French Protestant grammarians and printers: <k> and biunivocity in sibilants with distinction of fricative and affricate sounds.. In §3 we address aspects of the grammatization of RS, contrasting it with Garibay and other old testimonies: in 3.1 we analyse the size of RS and the "direction" of the translation (Basque/Spanish); in 3.2 we examine certain very marked spellings of RS within the Basque text tradition (< hu- > and apical affricate sibilant), related more to the French than the Hispanic tradition; in 3.3 we demonstrate that Mares and not Porralis was the true publisher of the RS and in 3.4 that, in reality, this work was above all a teaching / learning instrument for languages (partic. Basque), a function demonstrated by its singular structure with numbers over each word (§3.5) and in §3.6 we include a coda about the origins of RS incuding the role of Mares is included. In §4 we include the principal conclusions, among which that publications in the vernacular language needed the establishment of linguistic tools, the development of grammatization and a cultural context that permitted the “enlightening” of the language; for that reason, both the LVP and the NT and the RS were born within a continuum, not ex-nihilo or on an island, which makes it essential to reread these works in relation to the printing workshops, scrutinising their ideological surroundings in the context of the extension of new ideas, in an interconnected geopolitical space which experienced major jumps and evolutions in this period. The cited bibliography is included in §5.

СТРУКТУРНО-ФУНКЦІОНАЛЬНИЙ АНАЛІЗ БЕЗПЕКОВИХ АСПЕКТІВ ПОЛІТИКИ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОЇ ІНТЕГРАЦІЇ В УМОВАХ ПРОТИДІЇ РОСІЙСЬКІЙ АГРЕСІЇ В ГІБРИДНІЙ ВІЙНІ ПРОТИ УКРАЇНИ

The general articulation of the issue and its connection with the important research and practice tasks. European integration of Ukraine directly concerns to the following aspects of the security policy of the state: military and political, economic, informational. All these spheres of public life are goals of the Russian aggression in the hybrid war against Ukraine.The article offers a structuring of the security issues of the policy of European integration of Ukraine in the conditions of counteraction to the Russian aggression in the hybrid war against Ukraine on the basis of the research work «Russian Aggression Against Ukraine: Public Administration Aspects of Counteraction in the Hybrid War».The analysis of the recent publications regarding the issues this article deals with; identification of parts of the general problem that have not been previously addressed. The numbers of leading domestic and foreign scholars have dedicated their research to this problem; it is shown through the analysis of relevant research and papers by such scholars, as O. Goncharenko, V. Horbulin, E. Solingen, E. Carter, R. Coen, O. Litvinenko, S. Pyrozhkov, G. Pocheptsov, S. Proskurin, I. Romanchenko, O. Sukhodolia, J. Snaider, V. Shamray, and others. At the same time, the scientific substantiation of the public administration aspects of counteraction to Russia in the «hybrid war» against Ukraine requires, in our opinion, more in-depth research and search of effective ways of solving the problem taking into consideration the European aspirations of Ukraine.The purpose (the objective) of this article. The need to find ways to improve public administration mechanisms of counteraction in the hybrid war against Ukraine, ensuring security in conditions of ambiguity of current changes, inability to accurately predict the development of events and strategies of key political actors in the future, highdynamism of transformations in institutions that must counteract the emergence of new threats, be adequate changes in geopolitical space and be able to function in the new conditions formed the goals of this publication.The key results and the background. Today, Ukraine needs to develop a conceptual vision of a comprehensive hybrid threat response based on the EU model. Protecting critical infrastructure is also important task (especially in a zone close to the area of hostilities) and should become one of the priorities of the state policy.In the external dimension, Ukraine should focus on preserving and strengthening international support and increasing international pressure on Russia in order to end its aggression.Conclusions and the prospects of the further research. Therefore, efforts for building Ukraine’s state capacity to confront hybrid threats are mainly related to the internal dimension: public administration reform, corruption eradication, consolidation of society, development of efficient economic and energy markets, implementation of balanced inter-ethnic and inter-confessional policies, wide public awareness of sensitive topics, including historical ones, which are used or can be used by the aggressor to achieve their goals. In the authors’ view, some effective measures could be proposed, namely:To develop a set of measures that would consist of actions in advance (both state and non-state experts might be involved; situational modeling was conducted on the basis of the Main Situation Center of Ukraine).To develop a plan of measures for compensation of losses of Ukraine as a result of the loss of a significant part of revenues from transport and energy transportation communications through the territory of Ukraine (even if nothing happens).It is necessary to intensify work of structures of the security sector of Ukraine towards identifying and tracking funding channels for political forces (especially from abroad). The fact is that for years the pro-Russian organizations of Crimea, Transcarpathia and Transnistria have received funding from the Russian World Foundation under the Russian government. Today, funding could be get from the Russian capital-related sources both from the Western sources, and from within the country.Activation of activities for imposing UN peacekeepers into the zone of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict. That is not plan of Kremlin for the nearest future, and destroys its strategy.

FER and Manchzhou-Go: Historical Parallels

The article examines historical experience of the state and legal construction, the international status of the two political phenomena, that came to life on the geopolitical space in the first half of the 20th century, — Far Eastern Republic (FER) and Manchzhou-Go, known as non-recognized and puppet states or buffer zones. It uses such criteria of studying non-recognized states as historical prerequisites of establishment and stages of formation, internal structure and formation of statehood institutions, control over its own territory, international recognition. It pays particular attention to international ties with China which became an area of foreign-political interests of the Pacific Region countries. The article makes a conclusion of existence of common ideas and regularities in arising and development such state formations. The Far Eastern Republic can be regarded as a prototype of Manchzhou-Go, while the «bufferism» as a unique feature inherent to the Far Eastern policy of the XX-th century.

“This Meeting at This Tree”: Reimagining the Town Hall Session

Much of the language at academic conferences is purely metaphorical, so it is important to understand the cultural–historical significance of the metaphors used in constructing organizational gatherings, especially the metaphor invoked by the town hall meeting. Town halls/meetings were spaces where members gathered for democratic rule in a particular geopolitical space that was stolen, settled, and colonized. They often excluded women, indigenous people, and people of color. In using this name, then, Literacy Research Association (LRA) engages in settler colonialism in as far as it is considered townish and aspires to recreate the metaphorical essence of town meetings. However, the historic interconnectedness of LRA, the town hall, and settler colonialism can be upended. In fact, LRA can reimagine the entire concept of the town hall and create new metaphors upon which to base the gatherings. This article departs from the idea of the town hall, and it also departs from the traditional structure of academic papers. Specifically, this article highlights position statements written by five scholars who embody numerous social and individual identities. In each statement, the scholars discuss their ideas for the future of LRA—their concerns and their hopes. Additionally, the article includes symbolic sketches of LRA members to represent the people who are often muted within the organization. Essentially, we, the authors, begin an imagining process as we speculate on what LRA meetings can look like when marginalized voices speak out not only about their questions and concerns but also about their solutions.