EZLN Research Articles

On the True Men and Women, and Rebel Beetles: Utopia as Revolutionary Method and Practice in the Zapatista Tales of Subcomandante Marcos

In 1994, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) took up arms in Mexico against the daily oppressions and injustices faced by Indigenous Mexicans in neo-colonial political systems and juridical orders tailored to their discrimination and economic exploitation. The EZLN soon broadened its demands from local Indigenous Mexicans to encompass other socials groups oppressed by global neoliberalism. The mestizo spokesperson of the EZLN, Subcomandante Marcos, accordingly employed a comprehensive communication strategy fundamentally involving storytelling and myth-making. This paper will outline a revolutionary utopian method capable of informing anti-colonial practices emerging from Marcos’ stories, which ultimately envisage a world capable of holding other worlds by reinvigorating democracy and enriching our current conceptions of justice.

Approaches to armed struggle and political action: a comparative analysis of the FARC and the Zapatistas

The article is a study of the radical movement in Colombia in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) is compared to another revolutionary movement created in Mexico, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Both movements claimed to be public representatives in the areas of social justice and economic equality, but chose different approaches and strategies to achieve their goals. One chose the path of constant violence, while the other chose the path of dialogue and resolution of political and social problems.

Postcolonial and Anti-Systemic Resistance by Indigenous Movements in Mexico

Indigenous resistance against neoliberalism reveals numerous social transformations and political contributions in the context of a postcolonial transition from the world-system. The Mexican indigenous movement, inspired by the Zapatista rebellion, renewed conversations between the country's diverse indigenous peoples but also established new alliances with non-indigenous sectors of national society in defense of the commons and alternative ways of life to the civilizational order of capital. The radicalism, led by the indigenous peoples in their process of transformation into a social subject deploys new forms of collective action that break with the ideological discourses and narratives of modernity. As in other parts of the global South, communities in Mexico are actively engaged in consolidating their ability to govern themselves, through strategies of autonomy and self-determination, providing a wide variety of services to improve the quality of life of their members, diversifying their productive base and renewing their cultural heritage, while defending and caring for their territories. The indigenous movement is currently experiencing a conceptual and discursive renewal that inverts the assimilationist thesis implicit in the slogan of “Never again a Mexico without us,” from which their historical exclusion in the project of nation was questioned, to “We, without Mexico" that poses a radical questioning of the worn-out model of the nation-state, which assumes as its main objective to think (and act) beyond the State and capital. As part of international networks and alliances, they are engaged in leaving the world-system.

The erosion of corporatist voting and party fragmentation in Chiapas: Pluralism, or political decomposition?

AbstractUnlike studies that view democratization merely as free and fair competitive multiparty elections, this case study provides a subnational, socioterritorial analysis of the demise of single‐party rule in Chiapas, one of the last strongholds of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, revealing the contradictory and erratic processes of local politics in Mexico. Democratization requires not only regular alternation in office but also the development of representative institutions and of solid political parties that are able to constrain the executive branch. In Chiapas, electoral democratization occurred very late, with significant geographic variation, as the result of a convulsive process of political decomposition that included the indigenous Zapatista rebellion. Yet, corporatist structures and illiberal practices resisted, reproduced, and accommodated to electoral pluralism. The gradual erosion of the local “Revolutionary Family” spurred the fragmentation, and then the collapse, of the incipient party system, instead of fostering democratic governance with genuine checks and balances.

Asking, We Walk

Written collectively by six femme and queer scholars and artists, this piece is both a critical reflection and creative intervention into art residencies and Zapaturismo (political tourism) in Chiapas, Mexico. Drawing upon our embodied experiences of moving through the Lacandon jungle as part of a well-intentioned yet colonial-minded arts residency, we ruminate on the ethics, practices, and failures of solidarity between North American feminists, people of color, and queer people with Indigenous communities in Mexico under siege. We ask: what are we really searching for when we seek out the Zapatistas, and why participate in “activist art” residencies staged in the Global South? Each section of the article is a collaboratively written vignette that offers multiple vantage points to analyze our individual and collective experiences at the residency that occurred within and between three places in Chiapas: the city of San Cristobal de las Casas, a rural Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional or EZLN) caracol, and at a cooperative on the Tonalá shore. Utilizing personal and poetic reflections along with scholarly and political frames, we summon lessons gleaned that will continue to impact our ongoing work with our respective places and communities. To truly listen to the Zapatistas, we conclude, we must take very seriously their messages to our group given in a moment of crisis, to work from our own locations and to transform our own understanding and ethics of care and collectivity.

Indigenous Rights, AMLO’s Wrongs

Twenty years ago, in March 2001, thousands of people filled Mexico City’s Zocalo square, sprawled out in front of the National Palace, to listen to members of the Zapatista National Liberation Army...

Place-specific determinants of income gaps: New sub-national evidence from Mexico

The literature on wage gaps between Chiapas and the rest of Mexico revolves around individual factors, such as education and ethnicity. Yet, twenty years after the Zapatista rebellion, the schooling gap has shrunk while the wage gap has widened, and we find no evidence indicating that Chiapas indigenes are worse-off than their likes elsewhere in Mexico. We explore a different hypothesis and argue that place-specific characteristics condition the choices and behaviors of individuals living in Chiapas and explain persisting income gaps. Most importantly, they limit the necessary investments at the firm level in dynamic capabilities. Based on census data, we calculate the economic complexity index, a measure of the knowledge agglomeration embedded in the economic activities at the municipal level. Economic complexity explains a larger fraction of the wage gap than any individual factor. Our results suggest that the problem is Chiapas, and not Chiapanecos.

Place-Specific Determinants of Income Gaps: New Sub-National Evidence From Mexico

The literature on wage gaps between Chiapas and the rest of Mexico revolves around individual factors, such as education and ethnicity. Yet, twenty years after the Zapatista rebellion, the schooling gap has shrunk while the wage gap has widened, and we find no evidence indicating that Chiapas indigenes are worse-off than their likes elsewhere in Mexico. We explore a different hypothesis and argue that place-specific characteristics condition the choices and behaviors of individuals living in Chiapas and explain persisting income gaps. Most importantly, they limit the necessary investments at the firm level in dynamic capabilities. Based on census data, we calculate the economic complexity index, a measure of the knowledge agglomeration embedded in the economic activities at the municipal level. Economic complexity explains a larger fraction of the wage gap than any individual factor. Our results suggest that the problem is Chiapas, and not Chiapanecos.

Epistemologias do Sul, História do Tempo Presente e a teoria alter-nativa Zapatista / Epistemologies of the South, History of the Present Time and the Zapatist alter-native theory

O presente artigo reflete sobre as bases históricas que fundaram uma hegemonia no campo epistemológico da produção de saberes válidos e, concomitantemente, suprimiram um vasto universo de saberes tradicionais, evidenciando a colonização como um evento histórico que, para além das expropriações físicas, também promoveu uma expropriação no campo epistemológico do saber. Assim, percebe-se a fragilidade do dito paradigma científico moderno para compreender as complexidades do mundo, fomentando discussões referentes a um novo paradigma científico insurgente, atrelado às Epistemologias do Sul e ao pensamento zapatista, como caminhos a serem trilhados na busca de um paradigma emergente, que compreenda de forma mais profunda as relações entre os homens, entre os homens e a natureza e com à própria temporalidade na qual está inserido. Finalmente, conclui-se que esta emergência de novas percepções científicas para o conhecimento suscita novas contribuições para as construções e desconstruções das fronteiras da ciência e do cientista, além de questões sobre o seu papel prático no mundo.

Murales y la ciudadanía zapatista

El Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, utiliza estrategias de difusión para dar a conocer su ideología a través de los medios masivos como la radio, el internet y los murales donde transmiten diferentes momentos de organización y tareas que emprenden para lograr sus objetivos. Tanto al interior como al exterior de sus comunidades, el uso de estas estrategias los mantiene vigente. Con estos recursos propagan sus interacciones sociales, relaciones con los otros, planeación en el tipo de comunidad deseada para tener una convivencia con los otros. Analizar los mensajes que se plasman en los murales se empleó el método análisis de contenido para comprender si: ¿Construyen ciudadanía desde los murales? Con estas pinturas se observa las relaciones sociales, ideología con sus comunidades autónomas y los otros. Los murales estudiados se agruparon en temas, donde la educación autónoma es la base para construir la ciudadanía comunitaria que impulsan en sus territorios.

Negar y construir desde las acciones de movimientos: tres tipos de autonomías territoriales en México

Qué es lo que los casos del (i) Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), de (ii) Oxchuc-Chiapas y de (iii) San Andrés Totoltepec-CDMX tienen en común? Sus procesos de negación y construcción que expresan la autonomía de sus movimientos sociales en relación al Estado. Presentamos aquí una investigación de abordaje cualitativo, con revisión bibliográfica y entrevistas semiestructuradas, realizada con el objetivo de comprender los sentidos y las dinámicas de las acciones autónomas territoriales de aquellos movimientos en sus interacciones con el Estado. La autonomía territorial converge entre los tres casos, pero se expresa de manera distinta: (i) la construcción de sociabilidades y prácticas sociales y políticas propias que rechazan la totalidad del Estado; (ii) la construcción de confrontaciones políticas que rechazan la forma Estado y sus condicionamientos en la vida en el territorio; y (iii) la construcción de dinámicas propias que se insertan dentro del Estado rechazando parte de sus dinámicas

Lekil kuxlejal: Bem Viver na saúde autônoma do movimento zapatista

O Exército Zapatista de Liberação Nacional (EZLN) e suas bases de apoio são formados predominantemente por indígenas que vivem na região de Chiapas, no México. O movimento constrói uma profunda experiência de autonomia, o que passa por diferentes dimensões da vida coletiva. Neste artigo, pretendemos, a partir de um trabalho de campo realizado na região, nos focar na saúde autônoma. A concepção de saúde está estritamente relacionada com a noção de terra, já que para ter saúde é preciso pertencer a um cosmos, permeado pelo respeito recíproco entre os mais diferentes seres, em uma luta constante para engrandecer o ch’ulel (espírito) e, com isso, caminhar rumo ao lekil kuxlejal (Bem Viver). Para colocar em prática esses princípios, o cuidado em saúde é protagonizado pelos promotores autônomos de saúde e pelas assembleias comunitárias.

Analisis Fourth-Generation War Dalam Perang Insurgensi: Studi Kasus Pemberontakan Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Zapatista (Ezln) Di Meksiko

Like the story of asymmetric fight between David and Goliath, Insurgency war is also the story of an asymmetrical warfare in which highly advanced military parties (usually the State Governments) are often struggling and even failing against small group of insurgents. By taking the case of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) uprising, this paper aims to analyze why this armed rebel with poorly military equipments is able to relatively succeded in striving for its political agenda. In doing so, this paper used the concept of Fourth Generation War that emphasizes the importance of using all available networks to attacks the minds of enemy decision makers to destroy their political will. The author show that the main factor that determined EZLN’s trump is its ability to use three important networks, namely; a) Indian communities, b) national and international civil society and, c) internet and independent media networks as means in disseminating their grievances and alternatives. Keywords: insurgency, asymmetry warfare, fourth generation war, EZLN, networks

Intervenciones Artísticas: Estado de Excepción en México

The movement of Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas, Mexico began in 1994, succeeding in generating a change in Mexican society by valuing indigenous liberation practices. However, a state of emergency is instituted in Zapatista territories according to laws that grant amnesty and regulate the legal vacuum. Certain Mexican artists such as Erick Beltrán, Gabriel Kuri, Abraham Cruzvillegas and Pablo Kubli, contribute critical reflections with works sustained in the context of pure violence of the State. The theoretical framework is constrained by the theories of Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin, Giorgio Agamben and Achille Mbembe, who contribute to the understanding of the state of exception that the State implements by modifying sovereignty and Human Rights. The method used in the article corresponds to the reception of literary texts. The artistic pieces that are integrated by Pablo Kubli represent the interdisciplinary contribution of the social sciences and the practice of art, with images, schemes and interventions that are argumentative reflections of the environment of globalized violence, and of social resistance to the paradigm of modification of autonomy in intervened regions. In addition, a comparative approach with states of emergency of globalized countries is proposed according to the events of September 11, 2001 in New York and March 11, 2004 in Madrid, among others. Starting from the Mexican experience and from global countries, the term of sovereignty is modified by the violence of the State over territories cut off by the permanence of the state of exception and restrictions on constitutional guarantees.

Autoficción, historia y mito en la narrativa del subcomandante Marcos

En 1994, el levantamiento del EZLN en México significó un acontecimiento no sólo político y militar sino también discursivo. En este trabajo, analizo cómo en el discurso elaborado por el subcomandante Marcos – jefe militar y portavoz del EZLN- se entrelazan dimensiones históricas factuales con relatos nacidos de su pluma. La escritura de Marcos plantea una problemática específica, ya que éste escribió desde la acción y la urgencia del tiempo histórico vivido. Delante de tales circunstancias de escritura, resulta estimulante interrogar las modalidades de transición entre la memoria viva y la representación textual y ver a partir de qué géneros y artificios retóricos se pone en imagen el tiempo histórico.

Mujeres zapatistas y producción videográfica en Chiapas

Los primeros años de la rebelión zapatista coincidieron con la emergencia en México de un sector videográfico independiente, posibilitado por las nuevas tecnologías de grabación y edición, e inspirado en la lucha chiapaneca con sus redes de comunicación y solidaridad nacional e internacional. Antecediendo la era del Web 2.0 y las actuales redes sociales digitales, la producción videográfica sobre y desde el zapatismo fue una herramienta importante para la visibilización del conflicto y también de las transformaciones dentro de las comunidades chiapanecas, entre otras la autonomización y protagonismo de las mujeres. Este artículo explora la primera década de producción videográfica en torno a las mujeres zapatistas, a partir de su relevancia para la construcción de la memoria histórica y haciendo hincapié en las condiciones de producción mediática en un periodo de transición tecnológica y cultural.

A inflexão zapatista: o Congreso Nacional Indígena e a candidatura presidencial em 2018

This text discusses the announcement of support by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) to the Mexican presidential elections of 2018 by the Congreso Nacional Indigena (CNI). Drawing from the analysis of 31 speeches of EZLN, initiated with the announcement of the candidature and following CNI documents, we will discuss central issues for the analysis of this social movement, active since 1994, like the relationship of this movement with the State and the choice of an indigenous woman as their candidate. Additionally, we will discuss usual interpretations on the zapatista project and their political constructions. This article has two main objectives, firstly, to analyze the proposed candidature by EZLN and CNI, understanding some possible internal and external consequences of this decision, and to observe the main actors’ moves on the Mexican and international political scenario after this proposition.Keywords: Mexico, social movement, Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), elections.

Zapatystowska rewolucja polityczno-komunikacyjna

1 stycznia 1994 roku Zapatystowska Armia Wyzwolenia Narodowego (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) rozpoczęła powstanie w meksykańskim stanie Chiapas wymierzone w neoliberalne przemiany w Meksyku oraz politykę władz wobec rdzennych mieszkańców kraju. Różniło się ono jednak od większości zrywów w Ameryce Łacińskiej. Powstańcy zaproponowali bowiem, co stanowi problem badawczy niniejszego artykułu, nowy sposób myślenia o polityce i relacjach społecznych, odmienną wizję transformacji społecznej, a także metody zbiorowego działania. Zakłada ona demokratyczną przebudowę Meksyku przez samo społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Z tego też powodu odrzucili postulat przejęcia władzy politycznej w państwie, zamiast czego koncentrują się na tworzeniu oraz ochranianiu autonomicznych wspólnot. W efekcie zaczął wyłaniać się autonomiczny i horyzontalny porządek, budowany od dołu ku górze, w oparciu o demokrację bezpośrednią, konsensualny sposób podejmowania decyzji zbiorowych, równość społeczną, uznanie różnicy, czy też odrzucenie praktyk hegemonicznych. Stanowiło to ekspresję niezwykle eklektycznej i wolnościowej kultury politycznej, która ich charakteryzuje. Odnaleźć w niej można bowiem elementy właściwe dla tradycji anarchistycznej, marksistowskiej, Teologii wyzwolenia, czy też kultury oraz obyczajów rdzennych mieszkańców Meksyku.

Zapatystowska rewolucja polityczno-komunikacyjna (cz. II)

1 stycznia 1994 roku Zapatystowska Armia Wyzwolenia Narodowego (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) rozpoczęła powstanie w meksykańskim stanie Chiapas wymierzone w neoliberalne przemiany w Meksyku oraz politykę władz wobec rdzennych mieszkańców kraju. Armia zapatystowska jednak relatywnie szybko odeszła od konwencjonalnych działań zbrojnych na rzecz walki dyskursywnej/komunikacyjnej, określanej mianem „wojny sieciowej”. Poprzez to przesunięcie partyzanci zamierzali wpłynąć na kontekst polityczny oraz zmaksymalizować swoje szanse polityczne na osiągnięcie zakładanych celów. Głównym problemem niniejszego artykułu pozostaje „wojna sieciowa”; wpływ i znaczenie zapatystowskich dyskursów; rola Internetu w ich rozpowszechnianiu; a także wsparcie oraz zaangażowanie wielu aktorów zbiorowych z całego świata w analizowanym konflikcie.

Epistemologias de Nosotras, Feminismos e Teoria da Selva na construção do conhecimento: aportes das mulheres Zapatistas

The article aims to present some elements of our epistemology (epistemologia de nosotras) that articulates the conception of women's struggle erected by the indigenous Zapatista in Chiapas, Mexico. For this, I present the context of political insertion of Zapatista women with the cry of "Já Basta" the Revolutionary Women's Law and the Armed Insurgency of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), highlighting the theoretical-epistemic and political elements that articulate what I call an insurgent, revolutionary, rebellious and autonomous feminism of the Zapatistas.