Taliban Regime Research Articles

The Elements of Intervention: The Illegal Taliban Government

The Elements of Intervention: The Illegal Taliban Government

Exploring the Impact of Embedded Feminism on U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Afghanistan in the Late 20th and Early 21st Centuries

In 2001, the United States invaded Afghanistan to depose its Taliban regime, leading to a protracted military conflict that ultimately resulted in a Taliban victory in 2021. While the invasion was officially in response to the September 11 attacks, this paper seeks to explore whether the theory of embedded feminism may also have played a role in motivating the U.S. to attack the Taliban regime of Afghanistan and to attempt state building in the country. By investigating whether feminist beliefs in the need to save Afghan women from Taliban mistreatment might have led to the U.S. war in Afghanistan, a better understanding of decision-making process in U.S. foreign policy, especially when the important questions of war or peace are concerned, could be obtained. To determine the main arguments used by the U.S. leadership to justify war against the Taliban regime, remarks by influential U.S. politicians and feminist groups as well as resolutions passed by the U.S. Congress and the UN Security Council are analyzed. The conclusion is that the invasion was officially a measure to exercise the right to self-defense after the September 11 attacks, but the embedded feminist principle of using military interventions to uphold the rights of women in other countries, including Afghanistan, in conjunction with accounts of harsh Taliban treatment towards women, were also used to justify and legitimize war at least from the perspective of the Bush administration, with all the implications and reactions from more traditionally pacifist feminist groups that come with such a use of embedded feminist theory in the conduct of foreign policy.

INDIAN ENGAGEMENT WITH TALIBAN-LED AFGHANISTAN AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN

Establishing a liberal government in post-Taliban Afghanistan allowed India to fulfil its foreign policy goal, i.e., investment in Afghanistan to acquire leverage for its anti-Pakistan agenda. However, the twenty-year war ended with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, resulting in the Taliban’s rise to power, diminishing Indian influence and reversion of its interests. India halted its investment and diplomatic engagement with the Taliban government due to its previous position, which led India to compromise on its strategic interests outlined in the presence of US forces. To safeguard its strategic interests, India has resumed its diplomatic and economic engagement with the Taliban government at a critical time when other regional states are analysing the US’ future course of action towards the war-torn country. Therefore, this paper examines how India evaluates the newly structured regional environment while finding a new role in Afghanistan. It also analyses the implications of India-Afghanistan re-engagement for Pakistan. Bibliography Entry Farooq, Muhammad. 2022. "Indian Engagement with Taliban-Led Afghanistan and Implications for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 26 (2): 87-95.

Afghanistan during the Taliban 2.0 Heading towards Devestation

Afghanistan has been in multiple socioeconomic, political, and other crises after the Soviet invasions whose shocks are felt even today. After the 9/11 attack, the Taliban 1 government was toppled national governments were formulated two times each by Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani. It has been almost 1 year and 4 months since the Taliban have retaken the country after two decades in August 2021. Since then the state has been witnessing gigantic changes in the economic, political, diplomatic, human rights, education, and health sectors. Although the situation concerning these spheres was not good prior to the Taliban’s regime on the flip side, it was far better than today’s Afghanistan. Although much has been written on the conditions of social, economic, political, education, health, and basic human rights during the Taliban rule but the ongoing research will focus on a comparative analysis of indicators before the Taliban regime and the current Taliban regime itself and their incompetency and will prove that the country is witnessing a great leap backward during the current Taliban regime. In the end, the research will concentrate on the best possible policy options for the Taliban to be taken to steer the country out of these whirlpools.

Relations between Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and India: Revisiting the Future

This article explains the history of relations between India- Afghanistan and the prospects for any future engagement with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, considering the recent developments in Afghanistan. It investigates how the two countries can find common grounds for economic, political, and social cooperation and what role India could take in helping stabilize Afghanistan and ultimately the region. The paper also elaborates on potential security threats to India in Afghanistan after the U.S withdrawal; Afghanistan-India entanglements post 15th August 2021 and concludes with recommendations for future engagement between both countries underpinned by secondary sources which include books, research papers, policy briefs, and articles from renowned newspapers.

Relations between Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and India: Revisiting the Future

This article explains the history of relations between India- Afghanistan and the prospects for any future engagement with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, considering the recent developments in Afghanistan. It investigates how the two countries can find common grounds for economic, political, and social cooperation and what role India could take in helping stabilize Afghanistan and ultimately the region. The paper also elaborates on potential security threats to India in Afghanistan after the U.S withdrawal; Afghanistan-India entanglements post 15th August 2021 and concludes with recommendations for future engagement between both countries underpinned by secondary sources which include books, research papers, policy briefs, and articles from renowned newspapers.

Failure of Democracy in Afghanistan: An Introspection of its Internal Reasons and Lessons for future prospects

Post-9/11 incident the Taliban rule ended in Afghanistan and a democratic government was established through the Bonn conference in December 2001. The conference was held with the active intervention of the US and the UN, which distributed the power amongst different ethnic groups of the country, followed by the promulgation of a democratic constitution in 2004 by the “Loya Jirga” in Kabul. The new constitution proclaimed Afghanistan as a sovereign, Islamic Republic-where the state’s legitimacy would be achieved through a universal adult franchise, and the state would ensure the fundamental rights of the citizens. But, despite all these efforts, democracy could not consolidate in the country, consequently, the Taliban returned to power after 20 years of war. Does the paper explain what led to the failure of democracy in Afghanistan? And what type of government can best suit Afghan society? The paper finds out that establishing western style strong centralized democracy and power sharing on an ethnic basis in the Bonn conference led to the marginalization of religious and tribal authwhichty, who used to enjoy leverage in provinces. Also, the centralization of power resulted in corrupting government officials, which led to a widening gap between the state and society, and weakened the government institutions. As a result, the Taliban after a peace agreement with US on 29th February 2020, captured power in Kabul on 15th August 2021. The paper finds out that formulating a decentralized authority, with a mixed type of sovereignty, and aligning democratic principles with religious and tribal authority is the most feasible form of government for Afghanistan. According to Islamic scholars, there is compatibility between Islam and democracy, because Islam believes in consultation and Bay’a in state formation, and these tenets of Islam are similar to the core values of democracy namely representation, freedom of expression and election. Keywords: Islam, Democracy, Jirga, Consultation, Bay’a, Bonn conference, corruption, Human Rights violation

Failure of Democracy in Afghanistan: An Introspection of its Internal Reasons and Lessons for future prospects

Post-9/11 incident the Taliban rule ended in Afghanistan and a democratic government was established through the Bonn conference in December 2001. The conference was held with the active intervention of the US and the UN, which distributed the power amongst different ethnic groups of the country, followed by the promulgation of a democratic constitution in 2004 by the “Loya Jirga” in Kabul. The new constitution proclaimed Afghanistan as a sovereign, Islamic Republic-where the state’s legitimacy would be achieved through a universal adult franchise, and the state would ensure the fundamental rights of the citizens. But, despite all these efforts, democracy could not consolidate in the country, consequently, the Taliban returned to power after 20 years of war. Does the paper explain what led to the failure of democracy in Afghanistan? And what type of government can best suit Afghan society? The paper finds out that establishing western style strong centralized democracy and power sharing on an ethnic basis at the Bonn conference led to the marginalization of religious and tribal authenticity, which used to enjoy leverage in provinces. Also, the centralization of power resulted in corrupting government officials, which led to a widening gap between the state and society and weakened the government institutions. As a result, the Taliban after a peace agreement with the US on 29th February 2020, captured power in Kabul on 15th August 2021. The paper finds out that formulating a decentralized authority, with a mixed type of sovereignty, and aligning democratic principles with religious and tribal authority is the most feasible form of government for Afghanistan. According to Islamic scholars, there is compatibility between Islam and democracy, because Islam believes in consultation and Bay’a in state formation, and these tenets of Islam are similar to the core values of democracy namely representation, freedom of expression, and election.

THE TALIBAN AND THE COLLAPSE OF GHANI’S GOVERNMENT AFGHANISTAN: LESSONS FOR NIGERIA

Following the American invasion and the ouster of the Taliban regime from Afghanistan in the wake of September 11 terrorist attack on the US, the American government poured trillions of dollars into the country to build democracy, and the army, to provide security for the country. However, the assistance was unable to bring to an end the friable nature of the state of Afghanistan under the Ghani government. Why was this so? Using the historical method and state fragility framework as a tool of analysis, the paper examined the factors that led to the collapse of the government under Ashraf Ghani, and the lessons it portrays for Nigeria, which is locked in a war with Boko Haram that shares similar fundamentalist ideology with the Taliban. The paper revealed several frailties that occasioned fragility of the Afghan state and the fall of Ghani’s government: factionalised elite, gargantuan corruption, a distraught and highly demoralised army, fast decaying public service, and impunity of American forces. Among the statecraft nuggets that Nigeria should learn to avoid similar experience, as suggested in the paper, include the need to urgently and sincerely address fragility issues in the country: corruption and insecurity, with unimpeachable carrot-and-stick approach in dealing with Boko Haram insurgency, among others.

India’s Afghanistan policy: a quest for strategic space post the US withdrawal

This paper attempts to analyse India’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the post-9/11 era. While the 9/11 attacks marked the beginning of a new epoch in world politics, the ensuing US-led military intervention in Afghanistan offered India a much needed opportunity to re-establish diplomatic ties with Kabul. Since then, India has remained cautious in its approach toward Afghanistan by relying more on assistance-driven foreign policy measures rather than on engaging militarily in the war-torn country. However, the question remains as to what extent India has been able to create strategic space for itself in Afghanistan, given the fact that India had to shut down its embassy and consulates in Afghanistan in August 2021 when the Taliban regained control of the country? Or, has India’s policy been too reliant on soft power that India failed to capitalise on the opportunity created by the overthrow of the Taliban regime in late 2001?

GEOPOLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF REGIME CHANGE IN AFGHANISTAN ON CPEC

With the recent regime change in Afghanistan, questions have been raised about the future of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The CPEC is a giant economic and infrastructural developmental project that connects China's Xinjiang region with Pakistan's Gwadar Port in Baluchistan. It is a central constituent of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The regime change and the Taliban rule in Afghanistan has maximized worries about the security, economic and political stability of the region, as well as the future of CPEC. This abrupt change in the region has raised crucial apprehensions about the potential for increased regional uncertainties, particularly given the historical animosity between the Pakistan and the Afghan government on Durand Line, and other security misunderstandings. This, in turn, may impact CPEC as well multilateral relation between China, Afghanistan, Pakistan and their relationship with other regional powers and which would further complicate CPEC’s progress. This paper analyzes the geopolitical impacts of regime change in Afghanistan on CPEC, including security concerns, potential disruptions to supply chains, changes in economic and political relationships, and the uncertain nature of the new Afghan government's relationship with China and Pakistan. The paper also examines the potential impacts of geopolitical tensions between China and the US during its stay in Afghanistan and after withdrawal. By analyzing these factors, the paper aims to provide insights into the future of CPEC and its role in shaping the economic and political landscape of the region.

Revisiting Lost Afghan in the works of Khaled Hosseini

“For many people in the West, Afghanistan is synonymous with the Soviet War and the Taliban. I wanted to remind people that Afghans had managed to live in a peaceful anonymity for the decades that the history of Afghans in 20th century has been largely pacific and harmonious.’’ Khaled Hosseini: Afghanistan was a different country in the year 1960 than the one that is apparent to us today. It is history how Soviets invaded the Afghanistan and pulled them in war, following Taliban rule and US invasion in 2001.The once peaceful and cherished nation known as ‘graveyard of empires’ is a mirage today. History witness that since 11th century B.C, different empires and forces have tried to gain control over Afghanistan. This paper is a sincere effort to excavate the layers hidden beneath the facade of Afghanistan.

Taliban 2.0 and US National Security Policy in Afghanistan

This article examines from the point of view of the US national security policy, the causes and contexts for the US exit from Afghanistan and the factors that will influence the US policy in Afghanistan in the coming decade. It reviews the logic behind post-9/11 US ‘grand strategy’ and the evolution of the US national security policy in this period, which included the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. It examines the evolution of the US deployment and factors which complicated the US strategic objectives in Afghanistan, including the persistent tension in the US national security objectives between counter-terrorism and nation-building objectives. It argues that the US faces limited palatable options regarding its post-withdrawal Afghanistan policy and that moving forward, policy will be constrained by a mix of situational and structural variables. These include US domestic politics, the Taliban regime itself (and its relationship with ISIS-K) and the region’s geopolitical winds, notably the strategic positions of Iran, Pakistan, China and to a lesser extent Russia.

The Taliban Takeover in Afghanistan and Security Paradox

After years of prolonged armed conflict and fighting with the United States and NATO, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan on 15 August 2021, by overthrowing a 20-year-old republic system and declaring it an Islamic Emirate. Without a process that legitimised the Taliban’s power and ideological assertions, Afghanistan is now controlled by a militant group that operates out of a totalitarian ideology. A new version of security threats and concerns has been introduced. The question is, what kind of security issues will emerge under such circumstances, and how will these issues impact Afghanistan? This article provides an assessment of Afghanistan’s political and security situation under the current Taliban regime. While the recent Taliban takeover in Afghanistan means different things to different people—and depends mainly on their social class within Afghan society or where they are from—the months since the Taliban took power have provided us with evidence of how they are operationalising their belief systems to run the country. It has also demonstrated how this has and will impact the safety and security of individuals, groups and Afghanistan as a whole. This article aims to explain how the Taliban’s fundamental ideology, networks, governance composition and nature will exacerbate the security crisis in Afghanistan and beyond. The article explores the theoretical framework of a totalitarian system to help understand the context of the Taliban’s political system. It then looks specifically at the resistance movement and the growing gender apartheid that the Taliban is reinstating. Finally, it dives into the meaning of security, its complexity, how it’s changing, and the implications it will have for Afghanistan and its people. The evidence for this analysis is based on events that had taken place through March 2022. It is important to emphasise that today’s circumstances and context will likely change and impact analysis for tomorrow. However, one thing has remained constant—the Taliban’s undergirding totalitarian framework and their ability to be tactical and strategic in how they present themselves.

Taliban 2.0 and Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations

Afghanistan remained at the centre stage of regional and global politics owing to its unique geopolitical location in the Cold War period. Afghan jihad of the 1980s impacted not only Afghanistan but also its neighbours particularly Pakistan. In the post-Cold War period, civil war engulfed the war-ravaged and poverty-stricken country which was controlled by the Taliban in 1996. Pakistan recognised the Taliban rule which was ended by the American military might in the wake of 9/11. In the post-Taliban period, the USA-led NATO alliance experimented a Western-style political and economic order in tradition-bound Afghanistan. Paradoxically, after 20 years, different political personalities and presidential terms failed to stabilise the country. Since the Obama years the USA seemed more interested in Indo-Pacific than West Asia. Hence, it opted to withdraw from Afghanistan while doing a deal with the Taliban in Doha in February 2020. The withdrawal policy was operationalised by the Biden Administration. Since 15 August 2021 Afghanistan has been under the Taliban control for the second time, hence, it is termed Taliban 2.0 by this study. Compared to their first regime, the Taliban 2.0 has not been formally recognised by any country so far. Will the Taliban gain regional, if not, international recognition in the foreseeable future? Will Pakistan aid the Taliban in this respect? To what extent intra-Taliban friction impacts bilateral relations? How does Pakistan view Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and vice versa? And, above all, how will Afghanistan and Pakistan treat each other in the coming months? These are some crucial questions that this study attempts to address underpinned by primary and secondary sources.

United States Foreign Policy: Peace Agreement with the Taliban in 2020

The events of 9/11 of 2001 led the United States to issue a Global War on Terror (GWOT) policy. One implementation of this policy is the war against Al-Qaeda groups under the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The U.S. has launched several attacks against the Taliban, killing many U.S. soldiers and civil society in the region. After decades of fighting the Taliban with military force, the U.S. ultimately signed a peace treaty with the Taliban on February 29, 2020. Although the U.S. military is still at the forefront of warfare, it chooses to use a lenient approach to its war opponents. This research aims to determine the factors influencing the United States to enter a peace agreement with the Taliban in 2020. The theory used is the decision-making theory. This research will use the qualitative research method and data from scientific writings and credible news that discuss related or similar topics. The findings in this research imply that three factors impacted the peace agreement with the Taliban signed by The U.S. in 2020. They are domestic politics, economic and military capacity, and international context.

States and Other International Entities: The Non-Recognition of the Taliban Government of Afghanistan

States and Other International Entities: The Non-Recognition of the Taliban Government of Afghanistan

Afghanistan in Anarchy: America’s Withdrawal, Taliban Rule and Regional Implications for Central Asia

This article analyses the geopolitical repercussions of America’s military withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Afghan Taliban’s seizure of power in 2021. Since the Afghan Taliban continue to disregard the principal terms of the 2020 Doha Agreement brokered by the United States, Afghanistan is descending into chaos. The Afghan Taliban is unable to provide ordinary Afghans with basic living necessities, lacks international recognition and must contend against other violent extremist organizations operating within the country. Thus far, the Central Asian republics (Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan) have exhibited varying responses to the Afghan Taliban’s takeover. While the ‘Stans’ are all anxious about the potential spread of radical Islam and a looming humanitarian crisis, the greater threat to Ashgabat, Tashkent and Dushanbe, as well as Bishkek and Nur-Sultan, lies with the United States pivoting away from Central Asia and the Russian Federation acquiring greater leverage over regional security issues.

Afghan Refugee Resettlement in the United States: Implications for Service Provision

Afghan refugees experienced a surge of crisis in August 2021 after the U.S. troops withdrew operations in Afghanistan, leaving them exposed to the harms of the Taliban regime. Sudden evacuation led to family separation and uncertainty. Furthermore, the trauma of leaving loved ones behind and resettling into a new country of which this group had limited familiarity could have challenges in terms of integration. Through our brief practice note, we discuss the challenges faced by Afghan refugees resettling in the United States during these difficult times, along with implications for practitioners and service providers. We highlight strategies to ensure culturally responsive service provision for these refugees.

Testing the Limits of Human Rights’ Dynamism: A Comparative Study of Afghan Women’s Rights Under the Taliban Regimes (1996, 2021)

While the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) deems human rights as universal and uniformly applicable to all societies, John Rawls’s idea of rights offers a narrower account of human rights which would be differential and acceptable to different societies and people. The notion emphasises that human rights move on a spectrum of continual development with regard to particularities and changing needs of different societies. Such an approach to human rights, Rawls argues, leads to better implementation of international human rights. Rawls’s analysis of human rights’ dynamic nature, however, remains confined only to macro-level variation of human rights among different societies. This article argues that human rights also vary within the same society. It charts how Afghan women’s conception of human rights has evolved from one period of the Taliban rule to another. This evolution indicates how, with the passage of time and the effect of external factors, new variants of women’s rights have emerged and became fundamental to the Afghan society. The article suggests that the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) should not ignore this evolution and development. Rather, it can seize the opportunity to cooperate with the international community and foreign powers to implement women’s rights within a middle framework between human rights notions of Rawls and the UDHR.