Taliban Regime Research Articles

The status of artisanal coal mining in Afghanistan: Using remote sensing to assess remaining artisanally mineable Jurassic coal resources

Coal mining is critical to the functioning of the current Afghan economy providing jobs, tax revenue, and foreign exchange. Taxes on coal may constitute the Taliban Government’s single largest source of operating income. Prior to the start of mining, Afghanistan had between 215 M and 430 M tonnes of hypothetical category Jurassic coal resources at depths accessible to artisanal miners. Since 1940, between 51 M and 89 M tonnes of coal have been extracted. Technologically primitive mining practices result in suboptimal coal extraction from disorganized room and pillar mines leaving significant amounts of coal unmineable. Frequent tunnel collapse, gas and coal dust explosions, and uncontrolled widespread mine fires have destroyed or made inaccessible significant additional volumes of remaining artisanally mineable resources. The haphazard unmapped development of the existing Jurassic coal makes it impossible to redevelop these fields using more efficient mining technologies. If new mines are to be developed, they will have to tap subsurface coals not accessible to artisanal miners. 66 % of the area mapped as Lower to Middle Jurassic rock does not host outcropping coal beds. This area, as well as some of the areas beneath thin veneers of lowest Cretaceous sediment are potential exploration targets. Jurassic coals are very gassy. Developing coalbed methane prospects is a more effective and less environmentally destructive means to access the energy contained in the Jurassic coals.

US–Afghanistan Relations Post-withdrawal: Is There a Future?

Since the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, no country, including the United States (US), has yet recognised the former. The US has consistently urged the regime to comply with the Doha agreement that emphasised an inclusive government. Moreover, the Biden administration has repeatedly asked the regime to respect human rights and allow girls education and employment, but in vain. What explains the divergences in US–Afghanistan relations post-withdrawal? What is the trajectory of the US–Taliban ties in the current context? Above all, is there any possibility of the US recognition of the Taliban regime in the foreseeable future? Based on primary data, it is posited that the relations between the US and the Taliban-controlled Afghanistan are divergent and currently antagonistic due to the Taliban’s non-compliance with the Doha agreement. Futuristically, the study explores three scenarios to predict US–Afghanistan relations. First, there is a likelihood of US–Afghanistan rapprochement if the Taliban do the US bidding. Second, in cases of non-compliance, the US would get tough on the regime in terms of further sanctions. However, the Taliban would consolidate (informal) ties with China, Russia and other regional countries, including Pakistan. Third, the US has the military capabilities to do regime change in Afghanistan in case of another 9/11-type incident in the US.

Nomophobia (no-mobile-phone phobia) among the undergraduate medical students

Nomophobia (no-mobile-phone phobia) is the fear and anxiety of being without a mobile phone. This study pioneers the investigation of nomophobia in Afghanistan using the Nomophobia Questionnaire (NMP-Q), addressing a crucial gap in the field. We collected statistical data from 754 undergraduate medical students, comprising men (56.50 %) and women (43.50 %), and analyzed the dimensions of nomophobia. While results revealed that all but two participants were nomophobic, they identified three significant dimensions affecting the level of nomophobia among participants: (a) gender, (b) age, and (c) marital status. The study's contributions are precious, given the peculiarity of Afghan political turmoil, security, and human rights issues, especially for women. For example, the study's data collection was abruptly halted in December 2022 due to the Taliban regime's decision to make it illegal for women to enroll in universities as students. Therefore, while examining the characteristics of nomophobia across societies is imperative, it is also vital to investigate what is true of one society, Afghanistan, at one point in time and space. The study concludes by emphasizing the need to broaden participants' scope in future studies to better understand the prevalence of nomophobia across broader societal contexts and forces.

Factors Influencing Food Consumption in a Conflict-Affected Nation: A Case of Afghanistan During the Taliban Regime

Factors Influencing Food Consumption in a Conflict-Affected Nation: A Case of Afghanistan During the Taliban Regime

Coming of Age While Challenging Borders: Networks of Solidarity and Resistance of Swedish-Afghan Youths on the Move in Europe

This article examines the strategies of resistance enacted by an informal network of solidarity comprised of Afghan youths on the move in Europe and their Swedish allies. In 2015, thousands of Afghan children fleeing from the Taliban regime arrived in Europe as unaccompanied minors. Many have been hosted in Sweden and lived there for several years, until coming of age. Reaching 18 years prompted a series of consecutive losses, as the Swedish state limited their opportunities to remain in the country or even illegalized them. Subjected to threats of detention, deportation, and ill treatment, many Afghan youths re-escaped into other European countries, crafting networks of informal solidarity to help them resist border violence. This article is based on an ethnographic study that delves into the lived experiences of four Afghan youths who lived in Lisbon between February 2019 and February 2020, particularly focusing on the journey of Ahmed, a young man of Hazara ethnicity. The empirical data shed light on the solidarity enactments that enhanced the youths’ resistance in hostile environments, inviting reflection on the impacts of the European border regime and the importance of agency, care, and political contestation.

A Case Study on The Security Challenges and Counterterrorism Strategies in The India-Afghanistan Relations from 2001 To 2014

In this research paper, I have thoroughly described about the topic “A Case Study on The Security Challenges and Counterterrorism Strategies in The India-Afghanistan Relations from 2001 To 2014”. Between the years 2001 and 2014, the relationship between India and Afghanistan was marked by substantial security issues. These challenges were principally caused by terrorism and instability in Afghanistan, which were primarily fuelled by the insurgency of the Taliban. Because India is a neighboring country, it was very worried about the possible spillover consequences that may result from terrorism and unrest throughout the area. Afghanistan remained unstable and posed a continuing danger to the security of the area, even though the Taliban rule was overthrown by the invasion led by the United States after the attacks of September 11, 2001. India's strategy for resolving these difficulties consisted of a multi-pronged approach that included political engagement, economic cooperation, and measures to enhance the ability of Afghan security forces. The Istanbul Process and the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process are two examples of regional and international efforts that were undertaken with the intention of stabilizing Afghanistan. India had a significant part in both initiatives. Nevertheless, despite these efforts, the security situation in Afghanistan remained uncertain, and India continued to face threats from terrorist groups that were operating from inside Afghan territory. When these obstacles were present, the relationship between India and Afghanistan saw substantial alterations. These transformations included increasing collaboration and engagement, which were driven by common strategic goals. These interests included counterterrorism, energy security, and regional influence. In addition to shedding light on the difficulties and ongoing efforts that are necessary to solve these problems and promote stability in the area, the time that is being investigated provides unique insights into the security dynamics that are defining the relationship between India and Afghanistan.

The Representation of Gender Subalterns in Selected Khalid Hosseini’s Novels

The rights of women in Afghanistan have evolved throughout the years. Currently, the Taliban rule has taken the centre stage and once again women are the most affected gender. But this subjugation was not solely the doing of the Taliban’s rather it was how men treated women and men in Afghanistan. The staunch patriarchal society teaches Afghanistan women from young to live up to men’s expectations of a perfect women and in doing so women accept the myth that men are superior and become submissive to violence thereby causing their own downfall. Hosseini’s novel ‘A Thousand Splendid Suns’, highlights the plight and violence towards women ranging from the mother to daughter to granddaughter. The research aims to explore the depiction of the loss of voice of Afghan women and men and how they have fought back their suppressors during the Taliban regime using Gayathri Spivak’s “The Subaltern Theory”. The research will be conducted thematic analysis to explore Gender Subalternity among Afghanistan women and men. The research is hoped to significantly reveal the state and plight of women and men in Afghanistan from a man’s perspective.

Central Asia: the Problem of Water Use in the Situation of the Construction of the Afghan Kush-Tepa Canal

The scarcity of water resources, the lack of equitable access of people to clean water and sanitation services, the insufficiency of technical and financial measures to create advanced systems for the use and conservation of water resources are global problems, but they cause the greatest damage to the states of the Global South, including Central Asia. Problems associated with water shortages in this region will worsen if the Kush-Tepa canal, which is being built in Afghanistan, is uncontrolled.The states of the region are committed to negotiations with the Taliban government in order to agree on cooperation in the field of water use, they are ready to help in the construction of the canal, associated irrigation systems and help in their technical equipment.The Afghan side, accepting verbally the initiatives of its Central Asian partners, insists on its right to use the canal at its own discretion and to the extent that meets its interests. At the same time, the Taliban authorities, not yet recognized by the international community, are trying not to aggravate relations with their neighbors with whom they carry out trade and economic cooperation. The Central Asian countries are making it clear that interaction with the Afghans can further develop if the parties take into account mutual interests. External actors behave differently. Russia offers its services in solving problems related to the operation of the Kush-Tepa Canal. The Americans are providing financial assistance to speed up the construction of the canal.

Relations of the Republic of Uzbekistan with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan

Przedmiotem badań poniższego artykułu są kontakty w sferze politycznej i ekonomicznej pomiędzy Uzbekistanem i Afganistanem po przejęciu władzy przez talibów. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu znalezienie odpowiedzi na następujące pytanie badawcze: jaka jest dynamika relacji ekonomicznych i politycznych między Taszkentem i Kabulem po 2021 roku? W celu udzielenia odpowiedzi na powyższe pytanie należy przeanalizować szereg wydarzeń z lat 2021–2023 w kontekście próby pokojowego współistnienia. Powyższe rozważania pozwalają na postawienie pobocznego pytania badawczego, w jaki sposób doszło do ukształtowania się wzorca współpracy między Talibami a władzami w Taszkencie? Nieodzownym elementem w tym aspekcie będzie uwzględnienie braku przynależności Uzbekistanu do jakiegokolwiek bloku militarnego, czy polityki wielowektorowej, objawiającej się gotowością współpracy z wszystkimi zainteresowanymi bez względu na wcześniejsze animozje. Przewodni wniosek głosi, że utrzymanie dynamiki relacji ekonomiczno-politycznych pomiędzy Taszkentem i Kabulem spowodowane jest chęcią ochrony interesu narodowego Republiki Uzbekistanu.

The Taliban regime in Afghanistan and cultural property. The case of the Buddha statues of Bamyan

Celem artykułu było przeprowadzenie pogłębionej refleksji nad stosunkiem afgańskich talibów do kwestii dziedzictwa kulturowego i dóbr kultury. Wiele wydarzeń, przede wszystkim spektakularne zniszczenie posągów Buddy w Dolinie Bamiyan, w 2001 r., doczekało się stereotypowych interpretacji opartych przede wszystkim na argumentacji religijnej. Autor starał się ukazać bardziej złożoną genezę aktu kulturowego barbarzyństwa, jakim niewątpliwie była destrukcja zabytków z Bamiyan. Motywacja wynikająca z fundamentalistycznej interpretacji Islamu, jest bowiem tylko jednym z czynników, które doprowadziły do zniszczenia posagów. Należy uwzględnić również perspektywę polityczną, etniczną, kwestie polityki pamięci i wiele innych. Na ile był to akt destrukcji i to, co nastąpiło w okresie następnego ćwierćwiecza jedynie przejawem barbarzyńskiego fanatyzmu, na ile zaś zawierał w sobie element pragmatyzmu? Autor stara się przybliżyć do odpowiedzi na te nieoczywiste pytania.

Media Freedom and Censorship: A Comparative Case Study of Media Freedom under Previous and Current Taliban Governments

The study compares media freedom and censorship under the present Taliban regime in Afghanistan to that under the previous Taliban rule (1996–2001). It looks into how the two regimes' changes to media laws and regulations affected journalists and media organizations. The study questions are concerned with the variations in media freedom, certain types of censorship, and the influence of technology development on media freedom. The study uses a comparative case study methodology to examine the legal system, media regulation, and public access to media coverage in the past and present. Collecting data entails compiling facts from academic research, human rights reports, media observers, and news articles. The study indicates that Taliban regime has become flexible in their policies toward media freedom in contrast to total ban in Taliban’s initial regime on media freedom. The study's importance rests in giving policymakers, human rights organizations, and media professionals’ information on how media freedom was affected by the Taliban's control. This will help them support that Freedom and fight for journalists' rights in Afghanistan.

Afghanistan

Abstract This survey provides an examination of the legal innovations introduced by the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) under the Taliban’s governance since their return to power in August 2021. In the absence of a defined constitutional text or a permanent government, the IEA’s political project centers on the double objectives of implementing classical Hanafi jurisprudence (fiqh) through modern state apparatus and maintaining control over the IEA’s burgeoning state structure. The chapter focuses on three key legal developments: The Procedure of Processing Legislative Documents, the Law on the Duties and Authorities of the High Directorate of Supervision and Prosecution of Decrees and Edicts, and the establishment of provincial Ulama councils. The survey sheds light on the evolving legal landscape in Afghanistan under the IEA’s rule, highlighting the intricate balance between classical Hanafi jurisprudence, modern state governance, and internal control. The legal innovations analyzed provide valuable insights into the ideological and practical considerations shaping the IEA’s approach to governance in post-2021 Afghanistan.

Afghanistan And The Terror Threat In Central Asia

A United Nations sanctions monitoring team, warned in a report in June 2023 that the Taliban “have not delivered on the counter-terrorism provisions” in the Doha Accords, the agreement that paved the way for the withdrawal of U.S. forces and two years after the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan the country is again devolving into a hotbed of terrorism activity that is already beginning to affect the region. Central Asian states are deeply concerned about regional security and potential terrorist threats emanating from Afghanistan and remained on guard against violent extremist elements from Afghanistan crossing their borders or committing cross-border rocket attacks, as well as the potential threat posed by returning citizens who traveled to Iraq or Syria to fight with terrorist groups. Most of the Central Asian countries remained suspicious of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, but they adopted a pragmatic policy of strengthening the defense of their borders with Afghanistan on the one hand and negotiating with the Taliban regime on the other. Tajikistan’s primary concerns are with ISIS-K and Jamaat Ansarullah, which operates from Afghanistan and seeks to overthrow the Tajik government and to establish an Islamic emirate. Unlike Afghanistan’s other neighbors, which adopted cautious stances vis-à-vis the new rulers in Kabul, Dushanbe has been vocal in its criticism, describing the Taliban regime as a threat to regional stability and slamming it for being non-inclusive.

Current state of the political culture of Afghanistan

The article is devoted to one of the important issues of the development of the political space, political system, political life, and ideological and cultural structure of modern Afghan society. The article attempts to analyze and discuss various aspects of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan. The main attention is paid to the attitude of citizens to politics and the political regime of the Taliban (organization banned in Russia). Afghanistan’s current political culture is based on the models and values of the Taliban government. They rely on traditionalist political models. The implementation of modern political processes, such as elections, is not far from being able to question the power of representatives. It can be argued that political culture is the link between people and political power. The main task of political culture is to include people in the political system of society and political activities. Political culture is a system of political knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and values, as well as political activities of political subjects. For example, political culture manifests itself differently in different social groups and communities, political movements, and individuals. The study of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan allows us to conclude that today the level of conflict is quite high, the mood of the Afghan society is at a disorganized level. A controversial political culture prevails in Afghan society. This conflict can be seen in social differences, institutional weakness, society’s distrust of functioning authority, and cultural differences.

ICTs for Afghan women's empowerment in the pre‐ and new‐Taliban era: Roles of gender, education, and crises

AbstractIn this paper, we explore women's use of ICTs in urban Afghanistan in the period between 2015 and 2022 to examine the changing gender dynamics of ICT access and usage in the context of expanding opportunities for women's education and employment (2015–2020) and different forms of crises, including the COVID19 pandemic (2020–2021) and political takeover by the fundamentalist and violent Taliban regime (2021–2022). Drawing on feminist theorization of empowerment and using a mixed methods study of 817 questionnaires (2015) and observation data (2015–2022) allows us to make visible the contingent and unintended dynamics of the relationship between women's empowerment and ICTs, especially in conflict zones. These findings contribute to ongoing debates on gender, empowerment and ICTs by emphasizing the multifaceted nature of technology adoption and usage, the significance of education in overcoming barriers, and the evolving role of ICTs, especially for women, in the face of radical political changes and crises.

The Predicament of Security: Tracing Two Years of Taliban Rule

The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India’s neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors.

The future of Afghanistan under Taliban-led regime: challenges and likely scenarios

Since the takeover of the Afghan Taliban, there has been a lack of cohesion on the internal and external front and critical issues, including international recognition, the question of ethnicity, inclusive government, human rights, internal and external security, economy, and regional implication of the security and insecurity. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the likely challenges for the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Being the centre stage of the regional security complex and the diverse ethnic composition, Afghanistan remains an active ground for various fundamental ideologies. The Tehreek Taliban Pakistan (TTP) elements are freely roaming in Afghanistan, along with the news that the Islamic State of Khorasan (ISK) has regrouped itself in various parts of Afghanistan. The questions of terrorist groups are a major concern for the world and the neighbouring states of Afghanistan. Political legitimacy and international recognition are significant challenges for the Taliban regime. Similarly, economic problems and human rights violations are also critical challenges for the Taliban regime. Maintaining good relations with neighbouring states is crucial in ending the diplomatic isolation of the Taliban regime. All these are essential questions for the Taliban regime and the world, and this study has attempted to investigate and analyse possible solutions.

Restriction Policy on Afghan Girls' Education and its Consequences

The people of Afghanistan experienced profound transformations across various spheres following the political upheaval of August 15, 2021, wherein the Islamic Republic government was replaced by the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The new government has introduced various policies that are impacting people's lives differently from before. One of these policies is placing limitations on the education of women, signaling a significant shift in how educational opportunities are being provided to female students. The study adopted a qualitative case study with a sample of female school students across five provinces of Afghanistan, including Kabul, Herat, Bamiyan, Farah and Jalalabad. Each of the five provinces represented by 10 students, for 50 respondents. The findings of the research highlights that depriving girls of education has had a number of detrimental effects on them, including emotional and psychological issues, forced marriage, migration, a loss of hope for the future, and other long-term effects. The study highlights the value of providing girls with equal educational opportunities and contributes to the creation of more effective policies and methods to guarantee girls' access to education in Afghanistan and other countries facing similar difficulties.

Challenging Patriarchal Culture of Taliban Regime: A Woman Struggles in Qaderi’s Dancing in The Mosque

Challenging Patriarchal Culture of Taliban Regime: A Woman Struggles in Qaderi’s Dancing in The Mosque

Framing of Afghan Taliban Regime (2022) in Pashto Press: An Analysis of Daily Hewad & Daily Wahdat

This research article is an attempt to understand the depiction of the Taliban government in two Pashto dailies Daily Wahdat (Pakistan) and Daily Hewad (Afghanistan). Using the mixed-method approach the current study investigates the way media organizations selectively portray different events and themes. The results show that both the dailies had focused on the conflict narrative & emphasized the controversial nature of the Taliban rule. The Pakistani daily "Wahdat" is found to follow the narrative and persuasive strategies for news to shape public opinion however, the Afghanistan-based Pashto daily, "Hewad" tends to follow analytical and detailed stories for their audience. Both the dailies used numerous frames, techniques, and tones to demonstrate the impact of media framing on public discourse.