Socialist Party Research Articles

The Revue International Anarchiste's World Survey (1924–1925)

The Revue International Anarchiste's World Survey (1924–1925)

Местные выборы в Молдавии: итоги и политический контекст

In November 2023 local elections were held in Moldova, during which heads of administrations of settlements and members (councilors) of local councils were elected. The election results showed that the popularity of the ruling pro-European Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) has declined significantly over the past two years. PAS candidates failed to win the mayoral elections in Chisinau and other major cities of Moldova. At the same time, the elections also demonstrated the weakness of the opposition, represented primarily by the Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM). The success of the new centrist National Alternative Movement (MAN) in the elections to the Chisinau Municipal Council became a sensation of the elections. Analyzing the results of local elections, the author concludes that electoral cleavages persist in Moldova due to socio-cultural and ethnolinguistic factors.

K reflexi pastýřského listu slovenských biskupů z roku 1924 Československou stranou národně socialistickou

The Slovak and Subcarpathian Ruthenia bishops of the Catholic and Greek Catholic Churches published a pastoral letter in November 1924 to respond to the fact that some members of these churches were members of communist, socialist or progressive organizations that rejected belief in God, criticizing the churches from atheistic positions and striving to create a secular society. The socialists, in an effort to expand their membership and electorate, went so far as to formally present themselves with Christian symbolism, which was supposed to deceive Catholics in a difficult social position and attract them to their ranks. The bishops reflected on this fact and, through the Pastoral Letter, explained to the members of their churches the destructiveness of socialist and progressive theories and recommended that they leave anti-Catholic organizations. Those Catholics who deliberately failed to take their teachings and warnings into account had to expect that the church would not administer certain sacraments to them. The publication of the Pastoral Letter provoked a fierce reaction in socialist and progressive circles as an attack against the state, its constitution and laws, the government and the democratic system that threatened the very existence of the Republic. The Pastoral Letter and its authors, the Catholic Church, the Holy See and Czech and Slovak political Catholicism were violently attacked by journalists and it triggered a press affair. Subsequently, the question time of German Social Democrats in the Chamber of Deputies resulted in a government crisis solved not only by the government, parliament, and political parties, but also by the so-called Pětka (Committee of Five) as the supreme body of Czechoslovak politics. The search for a way out of the government crisis showed that the socialists, especially the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, did not want to defend their own ideology in the case, but used the publication of the Letter to pressure the Czechoslovak People’s Party, which, as part of the government coalition and the Švehla government, hindered the solution of the issue of regulating the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. They wanted to force a change in its attitude by acting tactically with the idea of a minority government without the participation of the Czechoslovak People’s Party. However, the Czechoslovak People’s Party’s leaders handled the difficult situation it found itself in due to pressure from its coalition partners and the Catholic Slovak People’s Party and the Prague radical wing of its own party formed around Rudolf Horský, thanks to the prudent policy of its chairman Jan Šrámek. Although it agreed to negotiate a regulation of the relationship between the state and the churches, it defended the membership of the Czechoslovak People’s Party in the governing coalition, agreed to prosecute only those priests who manifestly violated the law and defended the right of bishops to act independently in public within the limits of the law. The article analyses and evaluates the attitudes and behaviour of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party in this case.

Frankreichs Parteiensystem im Umbruch

Until 2017 “two blocks” dominated the French political party system . Alternative governments of the left and of the bourgeois-conservative camp have alternated since the 1960s . Due to the drastic losses of the traditional parties as Les Républicains as well as the Socialists and the electoral successes of the liberal-conservative Macron supporters, the supporters of the radical right-wing Le Pen’s movement and the left-wing socialist party under Jean-Luc Mélenchon there has been a new development towards an asymmetry . Since the most recent parliamentary elections in 2022, one can speak of a tripolar system: Alongside Macrons La République en Marche (now Renaissance), the right-wing Rassemblement National under Marine Le Pen and the left-wing group La France Insoumise under Jean Luc Mélenchon . The once dominant parties of the Fifth Republic still exist, but are only a shadow of themselves .

Party Composition of Regional Authorities in the First Year of the Soviet Era

The article examines the problem of reconstruction of the party composition of the regional authorities of the RSFSR in March — July 1918. The source base of the work is statistical data collected by Soviet researchers, periodical press materials, as well as documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation. The author studies the party composition of the Soviet authorities at two institutional levels: regional and provincial. The territorial scope of the article is limited to the regions of the European part of Russia (including most of the Urals), where the Soviet power existed in the first half of 1918. This article makes quantitative calculations of delegates of regional congresses of councils and members of executive committees. Based on the analysis of data on the party membership of congresses of Soviets and executive committees, the author comes to the conclusion about the formation of the dual party system in regional and provincial authorities by the time of the convocation of the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets. This process was characterized by a significant reduction in the representation of socialist parties other than the Bolsheviks and their temporary allies from the party of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. The author of the article analyzes the dynamics of the representation of political parties at the provincial institutional levels of the Soviet state in the first half of 1918. Changes in the party composition of regional Soviet authorities consisted in increasing the share of the Left socialist revolutionaries in provincial executive committees and reducing the representation of the Bolshevik party.

Comintern and the founding of the Communist Party of Peru

The article focuses on the character of relations between the Communist International (Comintern) and the Peruvian Left movement in 1930. Based on a wide source base, including documents of archives, the article author the causes of the reorganization of the Peruvian Socialist Party. While the role of the Comintern was significant, the process never was unilateral one: the Peruvian communists, led by Jose Carlos Mariátegui, sought to build a Communist party, realizing the gradual aggravation of the internal political situation in their country (the economic crisis, repressions by the dictatorial regime of A. Leguía, the break with the APRA, etc.). It appears that the creation of the Communist Party of Peru didn’t occur under the orders of the Comintern, but as a result of its complex and mutual cooperation with the Peruvian communists.

Сhina and the states of the Korean peninsula in 2022 – before and after Yoon Seok Yeol

China’s relations with the DPRK have been steadily developing since 2018: at every opportunity, PRC & DPRK emphasize the unbreakable friendship based on an alliance of socialist parties. North Korean diplomats and the media constantly speak out in support of Beijing’s course, criticizing the US’ accusations, and China calls for taking into account the North Korean position on the nuclear issue. Conducting a nuclear test may cool down the relations between the two countries, but Beijing’s specific reaction will depend on the foreign policy situation and will not necessarily be reduced to condemnation, similar to the situation in 2017. Relations between China and the Republic of Korea have not yet undergone any significant changes, despite the change of power in Seoul. China is the country’s leading economic partner, but the United States remains the main security ally and ideological sovereign, which forces the Republic of Korea to maneuver. President Yoon Suk-yeol, representing the conservatives, despite his pro-American rhetoric, is trying to continue the policy of “balancing” and avoid spoiling relations with Beijing, except for the separation on the issue of so-called “three NO’s” (no additional deployment of THAAD in South Korea beyond the existing one, no participation in the US regional missile defense system and no participation in a trilateral military alliance with the US and Japan). However, President Yoon is under strong political pressure, both internal & external, and against the backdrop of increased confrontation between the United States and China, his reversal from China seems quite inevitable in the medium term.

Ecology, Anti-Christianity, and the Far Right

Ecology, Anti-Christianity, and the Far Right

ПРАКТИКИ РЕВОЛЮЦИОННОЙ ДВУХПАРТИЙНОСТИ: КОАЛИЦИЯ БОЛЬШЕВИКОВИ ЛЕВЫХ ЭСЕРОВ В ОРГАНАХ ВЛАСТИ МОСКВЫ И МОСКОВСКОЙ ОБЛАСТИ

The article examines the problem of interaction between the representatives of the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the institutions of Soviet power in Moscow and the Moscow region in the first half of 1918. The author introduces new archival documents into scientific circulation, which serve as an important source for studying the conflicts between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in Moscow government institutions. Using specific examples of ideological and administrative clashes, the author studies the practices of interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs within the framework of a dual-party coalition. The author proves that the interaction of representatives of the two parties in the Moscow authorities included both conflicts between the Bolshevik and the Left socialist revolutionary commissars, and joint state work, which consisted of organizing the management of the territory of Moscow and the Moscow region. Archival documents show that among the Bolsheviks there was no single point of view on the need for the existence of separate Moscow authorities. Representatives of the left communists, as well as the Left socialist revolutionaries, advocated the preservation of independent state institutions in the Moscow region, which created the possibility of an alliance between them and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. However, the active actions of Vladimir Lenin prevented a split among the Moscow Bolsheviks. The emergence of a dual-party system in Soviet state institutions was a unique phenomenon in modern history of Russia, since representatives of the neo-populist socialist party could influence managerial decision-making. This situation led to the “power sharing” between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs, which became a characteristic feature of the “long” revolution of 1917.

Izbori na području opštine Novi Pazar početkom devedesetih godina XX veka

The fall of the Berlin Wall led to the collapse of socialism and initiated the process of re-parliamentarization. This period was characterized by the establishment of multi-partyism, involving the revitalization or transformation of some old parties and the formation of new parties. Additionally, multi-party elections were organized. The path of political pluralization of SR Serbia started after the adoption of the position of the LC of Serbia at the XI Congress that "the League of Communists does not claim a political monopoly". Party pluralization and political processes in the territory of the Novi Pazar municipality followed the above processes and events. During 1990, committees of the most important republican parties (Socialist Party of Serbia, SPS, Serbian Renewal Movement, SPO, Union of Reform Forces of Yugoslavia, SRSJ, and others) were founded in the municipality, along with a branch of the most significant party from the SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Party of Democratic Action, SDA. The antagonism between the peoples at the federal level was transferred to the municipal area as well. Different views of socio-political events from the past in the municipality contributed to increased divisions. Due to the political turbulence in the country, the electorate primarily turned to parties with a national program. National parties often emphasized the perceived threat and humiliation of their own national groups in the preceding period. With such statements, parties rapidly carried out national homogenization and division among the local population, also profiting politically. Trust in uni-national parties was immediately evident. During the first multi-party elections, the SDA won convincingly. Its candidates managed to secure 90% of the votes from the local Muslim population. The Serbian population allocated its votes to the SPO and SPS, with the SPO winning the parliamentary elections. The tendency of trust in national parties continued in the following period. The Party of Democratic Action managed to maintain political primacy among the Muslim population of the municipality during this period. This is evidenced by the boycotts of the elections in 1992 and 1993 by the majority of Muslims. A smaller number of Muslims supported more moderate parties, such as the SRSJ. The Serbian population of the municipality, unlike the Muslim population, actively participated in all elections. Throughout the entire period, the political pluralization of the Serbs was noticeable. The Socialist Party of Serbia managed to assert itself over time as the most significant party among the local Serbian population. The elections showed that the politics of moderate and more conciliatory currents, such as SRSJ, experienced a debacle. Despite the antagonisms and the tense political climate, he elections took place in a tolerant manner without major incidents. The election results were accepted. An enviable amount of political culture was demonstrated among the local parties. Democratic elections have shown that it is possible to discuss very delicate and latent problems from the past, even in difficult times. With the de-escalation of the situation at the level of Yugoslavia and, subsequently, with the changes on October 5th, inter-ethnic relations in political advancements began to lose their importance. Gradually, tensions subsided. Political pluralization among the Muslim population of the municipality also contributed to this. Instead of national issues, the municipality's focus shifted to the daily life concerns of the local population and the inter-party relations of the Muslim parties.

Édith Cresson is the First Woman Prime Minister in the History of France

The paper is dedicated to the first woman Prime Minister Édith Cresson in the history of France. She entered the path of a political career, joining the socialist movement in the 60s. Cresson already held key posts in the socialist party founded by François Mitterrand ten years later, and after he became the president of the country, she repeatedly became the Minister. Cresson was appointed head of government in 1991 and held this position for about a year. Her activities as Prime Minister were not successful. Nevertheless, she went down in history, because for the first time she became Prime Minister of France. After leaving the second person of the state, Cresson worked for some time in the European Commission, and since the 2000s, gradually moved away from politics.

Socialist Yugoslavia and the Non-Aligned Movement: Social, Cultural, Political, and Economic Imaginaries ed. by Paul Stubbs (review)

Reviewed by: Socialist Yugoslavia and the Non-Aligned Movement: Social, Cultural, Political, and Economic Imaginaries ed. by Paul Stubbs Helena Stolnik Trenkić Stubbs, Paul (ed). Socialist Yugoslavia and the Non-Aligned Movement: Social, Cultural, Political, and Economic Imaginaries. Montreal, QC and Kingston, ON, London and Chicago, IL 2023. xiv + 393 pp. Illustrations. Tables. Notes. Index. $120.00: £92.00. This edited volume, the product of fourteen papers presented at a workshop in February 2021, is a multifaceted addition to scholarship which has seen burgeoning interest in recent years: European socialist internationalism, and particularly Yugoslav non-alignment. Its focus on 'imaginaries' forefronts the lived experience of non-alignment, assessing the patchwork impacts of the policy in multiple spheres. The book's best contributions explore tensions between non-alignment's theoretical character and its actualities. Peter Willetts, for example, seeks to dismantle the 'myth' that non-alignment grew out of the 1955 Bandung Conference. Reminding readers of the falsity of post hoc, ergo propter hoc ('after this, therefore because of this'), he outlines the irreconcilable differences of Bandung's conservatism and non-alignment's radicalism. While Bandung avoided the topic of decolonization and based its grouping on territoriality, Tito and Nasser's non-alignment rejected bicontinentalism for a common ideological approach stressing sovereignty and anti-colonialism. Willetts reminds us of the multiplicity within visions of worldmaking that are often conflated into one heritage — but leaves the reader wanting more detail on how the myth arose, the actors involved, or their motivations. Yugoslavia's relationship with Latin America, often overlooked, is wonderfully covered by Agustin Cosovschi as a competition between ideals and geopolitical necessity. Chilean socialists seeking a model between the US and USSR approached Yugoslav representatives in the early 1950s. Yugoslavia prioritized a subtle form of engagement, establishing formal ties to Chile's Popular Socialist Party not via the leadership, but through the socio-political organization Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia. By the end of [End Page 183] the 1950s, the Alliance had activities across Latin America. Yet the high-stakes, radicalized atmosphere of the 1960s obscured Yugoslavia's 'light brand' (p. 288) of non-alignment. Latin American countries, seeking to counter increased US pressure, turned to Cuba and the USSR for more forceful support. The 'justice of [non-alignment's] ideals' (p. 298) had value, but was unsustainable given practical considerations. Ljiljana Kolečnik nuances scholarship on cultural diplomacy and Yugoslav art exchanges with the Global South by analysing the content of resulting exhibitions. The Commission for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries seemingly preferred presenting the ancient cultures or folklore heritage of non-aligned countries. For example, Egypt's request to 'showcase its post-colonial identity using contemporary art' was successfully replaced by a display of Egyptian ceramics (p. 188) — despite the Yugoslav public's interest in modernism. Kolešnik suggests that the Commission had inadequate information about contemporary cultural developments in non-aligned countries, or was influenced by the political thinking that Third World countries should root their post-colonial societies in their traditional practices. My own research suggests that some curators emphasized historical arts to counteract the presentation of former colonies as primitive or culture-less. But it also seems that the Commission also prioritized traditional works for their 'exotic' nature (p. 187). The chapter would have been further elevated with comparative analysis of the contemporary art that the Commission did allow — including contemporary Libyan (1966) and Tunisian (1969) art exhibitions. While space does not permit detailed discussion of the other papers, some overall themes emerge, such as the recognition of non-alignment's emotional value as a vision of an alternative world. In the contemporary context, where half the globe's population has no memory of the Cold War, true geopolitical alternatives are difficult for young historians to conceptualize. Borrowing from sociology or anthropology to appreciate the emotional valence of internationalisms is vital for studying worldmaking projects. The varied research techniques on show make the book useful to postgraduates planning their own research projects. Of note are the chapters (Mila Turaljić, Leonora Dugnjic-Rodwin and Ivica Mladenović, Bojana Videkanić) that use the life-course of individuals as historical data. These, in addition to Ljubica Spaskovska...

The role of political parties in the constitutional order in Albania

One of the main problems of Albania since the overthrow of the communist dictatorship and the beginning of the transition in 1991 has been the consolidation of a functional constitutional democracy. Having a functional and applicable constitutional order by all institutions and mechanisms has been a significant challenge for Albania. Political parties are one of these mechanisms or vital elements in maintaining and improving the constitutional order in Albania. In democratic regimes, political parties continue to be the most important bridge between the state and the mass of society. Political parties are the institutions that hold the position of a political leader in society, and democratic states cannot survive if they do not have political parties that fulfill their functions in consolidating, preserving, and improving democracy. The object of this study will be political parties in Albania and their role in the consolidation or not of the constitutional order during the period of democratic transition. In this study, the three main parties in Albania are taken as case studies, namely the Socialist Party of Albania, the Democratic Party of Albania, and the Socialist Movement for Integration.

ГАЗЕТА «ГОМІН БАСЕЙНУ»/«ГОМІН КРАЮ» (1937–1938 рр.): ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКА ЧАСОПИСУ

The article characterizes the Ukrainian newspaper Homin Basseinu/Homin Krayu as a notable phenomenon of the regional Ukrainian press of Halychyna in the 1930s. The newspaper Homin Baseinu was published in Drohobych and Lviv. A total of 11 numbers (numbers) of the newspaper were published: from January 1 to September 1, 1937. The newspaper was printed on eight pages. Initially, editorial articles were submitted on current social, economic, international and political topics, later materials on economic topics, feuilletons, poems, articles from the villages and cities of Drohobych county (Oil Basin) were published – in the Chronicle section. The last page was intended for advertising, announcements, a list of people who made a donation to the newspaper’s press fund. The initiator and organizer of thenewspaper’s publication was the lawyer Oleksandr Pidhorodetskyi, who was also the editor-in-chief. In addition to him, the editorial board included students and graduates of secondary schools: Mykhailo Vasylyk, Adolf Hladylovych, Maksym Hladylovych, Vasyl Kolinko and Yulian Seredyak. In addition to the aforementioned persons, the broad editorial board of Homin Basseinu included: Yuriy Andrushkiv, Fedir Nastyoshyn, Maria Basarab, Yuriy Kostyshyn. At the end of 1937, Homin Basseinu became an unofficial organ of the workers’ society «Syla». From January 1938, it was published under the changed name «Homin Krayu. Informational and Social Fortnightly for the Ukrainian Working Masses», which was published in Lviv. The newspaper Homin Krayu has 13 issues. The first was published on December 1, 1937, the last on June 1, 1938. Its columns mostly published materials about labor relations in Lviv and Halychyna in general. Posts from Drohobych county were posted only on the 5th-6th page in the sectionHomin Basseinu. The members of the editorial board belonged to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, therefore they defended the nationalist ideology, sharply criticized communist and socialist organizations (the Polish Socialist Party, the «Workers’ Society», etc.) and ideologies. In a number of posts, the newspaper’s authors opposed the policy of the Polish authorities, particularly at the local level. Keywords: Homin Basseinu/HominKrayu, Ukrainian press, Drohobych county, OUN, nationalism

Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:


 
 
 This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
 
 

DEFENDER OF CZECHOSLOVAK UNITY. A PROBE INTO THE POLITICS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK NATIONAL SOCIALISTS IN SLOVAKIA BETWEEN 1918 AND 1938

Until 1989, the reformist current of the National Socialists was one of the backbone elements of the Czech/Czechoslovak party-political system. The political party of the Czech National Socialists was formed in the 1890s and during the years of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918 – 1938) under the name Czechoslovak National Socialist Party (CSNP) was a regular part of government coalitions. The historiographical description of their activities and their contribution to solving the political, economic, social, and cultural problems of state formation corresponds to this fact. An exception in this context is the history of the party in Slovakia between 1918 and 1938, a period when the party leaders decided to extend the organization's reach to the entire territory of the newly formed state. Apart from partial mentions, we have only a few short historical studies, which are inaccurate in their findings and give only the most basic outline of the Party's policy in this territory. Therefore, the present study is one of the new probes into the Party's activities in Slovakia, aiming to reduce the historiographical debt. Given the limited scope, this article analyses the party's profile in Slovakia intending to evoke its Czechoslovakist programme, the programme of Czechoslovak national and state unity, which was not accepted with understanding in the conservative and especially nationalist and autonomist-oriented Slovak environment or was fundamentally rejected. In the field of political practice, the party projected the concept of unity into the issue of the search for the optimal administrative system of the Czechoslovak Republic. It was opposed not only to the vision of an autonomous Slovakia within Czechoslovakia, which she correctly perceived as the first step in the process leading to the state-law separation of Czechs and Slovaks, but also the provincial system. The ideal, fulfilling the idea of self-government, autonomy, and independence, was the county system. As a probe into the aforementioned topic, this study also analyses the relationship of the National Socialists in Slovakia to Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, which had the most significant electoral support of the population and differed with them programmatically and politically on the issues addressed in our study. It was their primary political opponent.

The practice of Unionism ideas in the memory policy of the Republic of Moldova (2009–2020)

The article deals with the ideas of unionism, which advocated early integration with Romania. The key attention is paid to the „renewal“ of the concept of Romanianism in order to adapt to the modern political image of the Republic of Moldova. The foreign and domestic political component of the concept at the present stage is analyzed. The role of unionism in Moldova’s memory policy through the prism of Moldovan identity is emphasized. The author suggests the periodization of the main periods in the development of the concept of Romanianism in 2009–2020. Considerable attention is paid to political parties and public associations that support one of the variants of the concepts. The role of the Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova with the aim of restoring Moldovan statehood based on the concept of Moldovenism is emphasized. It is concluded that unionism, since 2009, has been a full-fledged concept of state building of the republic, based on the ideas of close cooperation with Romania.

A PERILOUS DEMOCRATIC EXERCISE WITHIN AN EXCEPTIONAL HEALTH CONTEXT

This article questions the organization of the French municipal elections within the context of a global pandemic (COVID-19). In a little-explored scientific field in the cities of Le Mans, Allonnes, Coulaines and Arnage, we examine the practice of abstention on the part of voters in Le Mans Métropole. In this regard, principal component analysis followed by hierarchical cluster analysis was performed. We used the data of both the French National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE) and the French Ministry of the Interior. Our main goal consisted in highlighting the electoral geography of Le Mans Métropole at the municipal and sub-municipal levels, using maps. We thus report that abstention rates soared. This fact corroborates the initial hypothesis of low turnout by the population at the end of this first round of the municipal elections and benefiting certain candidates on the local electoral scene. This was particularly the case for the left-wing party, the victory of which was also analysed within a national context of the Socialist Party’s decline. Keywords: municipal election, abstention, covid-19, France, urban community of Le Mans, spatial analysis.

European Integration of Ukraine: Legitimating Activities of European Parties During the Active Phase of the Russian-Ukrainian War

The Russian-Ukrainian war became a specific trigger for revising the system of international relations and a trial for established theories of their understanding and explanation, international legitimacy, in particular. Moreover, it caused an immediate legitimisation of Ukraine as a country that puts European values as the basis of its existence above human life and accelerated the process of joining the EU incredibly. Cooperation of the two largest groups in the EU Parliament: the European parties, namely the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the centre-left Party of European Socialists (PES), which unites socialists and democrats, ensures the majority of votes. Therefore, relying on the support of the electorate and party elites, which gained unprecedented proportions during the active stage of the war, they can contribute to ensuring voting in the European Parliament on issues related to the European integration of Ukraine. During 2022, the EPP actively promoted their solution at all levels; the transformation of European integration views of the European left is gradually taking place, while the PES was supporting Ukraine in the fight against the Russian invader in general, being cautious about its eventual accession to the EU given the upcoming 2024 European Parliament election and the significant deterioration of the economic situation as a result of the war and the complication of providing social benefits to its electorate. The obstacle is the party’s demand for strict adherence to the principles of justice due to zero-tolerance for corruption in the authorities, ensuring the functio-ning of an independent judicial system in EU member states and candidate countries. In fact, today, it is not the government-state, not the nation-state being legitimized by the very fact of its existence, but the political regime of Ukraine itself. Internal legitimation is a point that determines external one. Respectively, the real and not declarative fulfilment of EU requirements by the government of Ukraine and its approval by Ukrainian citizens guarantees the electorate’s support and the leadership of the European parties in deciding on its accession to the European family of nations. Therefore, maximum cooperation between Ukrainian government structures and European parties is necessary.

Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War

This paper, based on documents from the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv), highlights the specifics of the social life of Poles in the South-Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War. The author studied the official correspondence of the General Staff of the Russian Empire and the Staff of the Kyiv Military District, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and provincial gendarme departments of the South-Western Region, secret documents of the Kyiv Security Office, the Office of the Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General, and so on. These documents illustrate the focus of the Russian imperial authorities on gathering information about the political situation and public sentiment in Austria-Hungary, and above all in Galicia. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, against the backdrop of an intensified interstate confrontation between Austria-Hungary and Russia, a competition of state building models became more active. In the early 20th century, the idea of federalism was strengthened in Austria-Hungary with the aim of internal political stabilisation and a broad guarantee of the Slavonic peoples' rights. And it was no accident that guard and punitive authorities of the Russian Empire focused their attention on intelligence information about the activities of the Polish Socialist Party, the creation of paramilitary organizations in Galicia, and the preparation of an anti-Russian uprising by the Poles during the expected war between Russia and Austria-Hungary. The Polish population of the South-Western region was supervised. Discriminatory measures were taken against the cultural activities of the Poles of the South-Western region aimed at raising national self-awareness and patriotism, schooling and national-cultural public organizations were suppressed, and monitoring of the Roman Catholic clergy was established. In view of the approach of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising of 1863-1864, the guard and punitive bodies of the Russian Empire directed special efforts to prevent the spread in the South-West Region of actions commemorating this symbolic anniversary organized on the territory of Austria-Hungary, in particular in Lviv