Socialist Party Research Articles

ЭВОЛЮЦИЯ РАЗОЧАРОВАНИЯ: РУССКАЯ РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ 1917 Г. ГЛАЗАМИ ДВУХ ЭМИГРАНТОК

The memoirs of two Russian émigrés, anarchist Emma Goldman and socialist Angeliсa Balabanoff, recently published in Russia, provide a perspective on the formation of Bolshevik power after the October coup that differs from the Soviet version of events, revealing little-known aspects of the 1917 revolution. Goldman, deported from the United States, highlighted the role of anarchists in revolutionary Russia, portraying them not as a chaotic force but as a socialist movement advocating an alternative to the dictatorship of the proletariat—namely, the development of self-government as called for by Mikhail Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin. Like other opponents of the Bolsheviks, the anarchists were ultimately suppressed. Balabanoff, a member of the Italian Socialist Party and the RСP(b), and secretary of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, discussed the methods of party building, particularly the Bolsheviks' influence on the split within the international socialist movement. Having arrived in Russia after the 1917 revolution to support the birth of a workers' and peasants' republic, both women were soon forced to leave, disillusioned by the policies of the Soviet state.

People's Socialists and Labor Group in 1917: Unity or Association? Bulletin of Science and Practice

The relevance of the problems of this study is due to the enduring importance of finding opportunities for compromise and unity of the progressive political forces of the country in critical, crisis periods of its history. The article examines aspects of cooperation, commonality and differences in the ideological views of two prominent political organizations of 1906-1917: the People's Socialist Party (PNS) and the Trudoviks, which united during the Great Russian Revolution in the summer of 1917 to form the People's Socialist Party of Labor. It is shown that, despite very productive cooperation in preparing a number of key programmatic issues (for example, agrarian), submitted for discussion in the State Duma and supposed to be consistently resolved in the course of the struggle for social justice, absolute political agreement between the People's Socialists and the Trudoviks did not occur. The factors that prevented this are analyzed: first, the desire of the Trudoviks to maintain the image of a non-partisan, non-ideological peasant faction, then the extremely difficult conditions for open opposition activity and the actual departure of the PNS from the political arena (1908-1916); Finally, the unwillingness of the Trudoviks to interact with the liberal parties during the revolutionary transformations of 1917 and disagreements with the Popular Socialists during the development of a project to resolve the national question. It is concluded that at the time of the creation of the united TNSP, the opportunity for organic unity was missed, and the party became more of an association than a team of genuine like-minded people.

The Labor movement and Revolutionary Social Democracy in the borderlands of late Imperial Russia

A review of a new monograph by Professor Eric Blanc of Rutgers University (USA) is presented. The book is devoted to the history of the labor movement and the development of revolutionary social democracy on the outskirts of the Russian Empire from 1882 (the year of the creation of the first social democratic organization in Poland) to the revolutionary 1917. Blanc focuses specifically on the "non-Russian" socialist parties in the territory of modern Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic States, Georgia and Armenia. The author concludes that the development of the socialist and labor movement in the border areas of late Imperial Russia was characterized by greater radicalism, a more developed structure and popularity among the local working class. At the same time, the situation in Finland with its autonomy and legalized party struggle, which could include socialists, differed from the virtually illegal life of social democracy in Poland and the Caucasus.

The Impact of Alai Suri Kurdayeti Magazine in Disseminating National Awareness

This paper, titled "The Impact of Alai Suri (Red Flag) Kurdayeti Magazine on the Propagation of National Awareness," delves into an examination of the content within Alai Suri Kurdayeti Magazine during the period of the mountain struggle and the revolutionary era, spanning from 1981 to 1982. Despite the protracted history of the Kurdish people's struggle for their national rights, the establishment of a comprehensive national identity remains an indispensable intellectual and vital requirement within Kurdish society, intrinsically tied to the notion of national consciousness. The manifestation of a national identity fundamentally hinges on shared national principles, a common language, culture, religion, history, collective aspirations, and unified political and legal principles, all of which necessitate a heightened state of national consciousness. Throughout the history of the Kurdistan liberation movement, diverse strategies have been employed to attain this identity, with media engagement serving as one prominent avenue. During a particularly sensitive period in Kurdish history within South Kurdistan (1981-1982), the Kurdish Socialist Party (PASOK) issued Alai Suri Kurdayeti Magazine. This publication, apart from accomplishing its political objectives, aimed to acquaint Kurdish society with various facets of life and intellect. Its purpose was to cultivate national thought and consciousness while alerting the community to the imminent threats they faced.

Struggle of legalists to equalize the rights of Jews with other subjects of the Russian Empire at the end of the XIX – beginning of the XX century

In the Russian Empire, the problem of the «Jewish question» existed for a long time. The prevailing theory was about the «badness» of the Jewish people, their deceit, maliciousness and other negative qualities. Since 1880, anti-Semitism has gradually increased. At first it was fueled by the bureaucracy, then it was joined by the local bourgeoisie, and then by its minions, the marginal strata of the cities. Accordingly, after the liberal policies of Alexander II, an attack on the rights of Jews began. Updated anti-Semitic legislation was adopted, and old ones were updated. Hundreds of petty restrictions bound the Jews and hindered their development. Jews began to have a keen sense of their national identity, emigrated, joined socialist parties, corrupted officials, etc. The liberal public was dissatisfied with this government policy. In the public press, in meetings of government bodies, and in correspondence, conservative liberals energetically argued the absurdity of anti-Semitism, the injustice of claims against Jews, and demanded the liberation of the Jews. Accordingly, the subject of our research is the activities of liberal jurists (legalists) of the Russian Empire for the emancipation of Jews. We chose a problem-chronological approach as the main method. By highlighting the «Jewish problem», we trace the chronology of fluctuations in state policy on the Jewish issue and highlight the forms of struggle of legalists for the rights of Jews. This is the first time such a reconstruction has been carried out regarding the legalist movement and contributes to historical knowledge. A number of conclusions can be tentatively formulated. Through the press, liberals created a negative image of anti-Semitic policies. Sitting in meetings and commissions, they prevented the expansion of negative legislation. In the Senate, legalists defended the rights of Jews.

Lessons to be learned: the Portuguese revolution and the Spanish socialists in the mid-1970s

This article examines how the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party interpreted and responded to the Portuguese revolution. Based on the party’s newspaper, El Socialista, and supplemented by primary sources from Spanish, British and French archives, the article shows the relevance of the Portuguese experience in shaping the Spanish Socialist Party’s perspective on the transition from dictatorship to democratic socialism. It also highlights the impact of the revolution on the party’s international relations. The main working hypothesis is that the development of Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party, immediately before and during the Spanish transition to democracy, cannot be fully understood without paying attention to the Portuguese revolution.

Democratic Breakthrough or Authoritarian Turn? The Impact of the DPS 30-year Longevity in Power and its Electoral Defeat in 2020 on the Democratisation Process of Montenegro

The aim of the paper is to analyse both the significance of the three-decade dominance on the Montenegrin party scene of the Democratic Party of Socialists (the longest ruling party, not only in the post-Yugoslav contries, but also in the whole CEE region) and the reasons behind its electoral defeat in 2020 and 2023. In the analysis of the DPS’s longevity in power and then its loss the theories of party change as well as of democratic trasition were applied. Above all, the focus was placed on the functioning of the so-called hybrid regimes and the phenomenon of democratic backsliding.

Giovanni Meo Zilio dal Partito d’Azione alla Lega Nord: curve e spigoli di un intellettuale militante

Giovanni Meo Zilio (1923-2006) was a distinguished scholar of Ibero-American languages and literatures and was among the founders of the Interuniversity Center for Venetian Studies (CISVe). This article traces his profile as a public intellectual, spanning from his participation in the Resistance and his engagement in post-war political life with the Partito d’Azione, to his role in the Italian emigration to Uruguay in the 1950s and his subsequent activities in Italy as an intellectual connected with the Italian Socialist Party in the 1960s and 1970s, up to his involvement with the Lega Nord in the 1980s and 1990s.

MOZAMBIQUE AND NEPAL: REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCES ON THE CUSP OF SOCIALISM WHICH REMAINS UNBORN

The revolutionary experiences of Mozambique and Nepal present a stark case of revolutions on the verge of socialism which remains unborn. Owing to several factors, the communists and socialists at the helm of these states for several years now have faltered to embark on decisive socialist paths despite their firm hold of state power. The same reportedly hindered its march to socialism. In 1985, Frelimo finally shredded its Marxist-Leninist ideology and embraced the neo-liberal policies in the guise of development and modernity in exchange for loans and aid from multilateral financial agencies of the West. Nepal, on the other hand, is being led by an alliance of communist and socialist parties. However, its march towards socialism is supposedly hampered by the country’s economic backwardness, dependence on aid and labor wages from India and the Middle Eastern countries, ballooning debt from multilateral institutions, the predominance of the peasant class over the proletariat, and the inability of the ruling coalition to forge on a single road to socialist construction. This paper looks into the feasibility of socialism being attained in Nepal and Mozambique whose economies and productive forces are undeveloped, with their people in subsistence living and a meager awareness of socialist ideals among the masses. ? The paper argues the possibility of building socialism as shown by the Soviet and Chinese experience, provided that there is a strong proletarian party whose vision and ardor are consistent with the Marxist theory of history and class struggle.

Social Democracy and the Birth of Working-Class Representation in Europe

abstract: Despite the growing interest in the economic backgrounds of mps in Western Europe, the evolution of working-class numerical representation before 1945 has not been systematically studied. Using data from England and Wales (1832–1944), Germany (1871–1930), and Norway (1906–1936), the authors show both that working-class mps were elected when barriers were lowered and that almost all working-class parliamentarians were affiliated with socialist parties. The authors further probe the conditions that determined the electoral success of workers using data about all candidates, constituencies’ occupational profile, and unionization in Norway between 1906 and 1936. They find that socialist parties nominated workers either in relatively uncompetitive elections in which unionization was high or in competitive races in which the party’s victory was possible but not guaranteed. Using information about mps in Germany and England and Wales, the authors find similar patterns. The article discusses the implications for research about democratization, the rise of social democracy, and the numerical representation of workers.

למרכזיות הדמיון המעמדי בראשית הלאומיות היהודית

This article examines the centrality of ideas of class and status in the formative years of Jewish nationalism. Based on a close reading of a variety of sources, the article illuminates the dominance of these ideas and provides a new conceptual framework for understanding the roots of the Jewish national idea in general and of proto-Zionist and early Zionist ideas in particular. In the first decades of the era of modern Jewish nationalism, national longings were often expressed as class aspirations. These two types of discourse were intertwined and mutually nurturing, often making it difficult to distinguish between them. The underpinnings of the class-nationalist discourse of the period were bourgeois-liberal and even bourgeois-conservative aspirations, and therefore these elements are presented in the article as key to understanding the formation of the modern Jewish national idea. Although the influence of social-class discourse on the shaping of early Jewish nationalism has been discussed in the literature, it has usually been presented as background, rather than as a key component in the emergence of the national idea. Unlike other studies that have focused on the question of class within Jewish nationalism by investigating the role of socialist ideology and party perspectives or which have explored the subject in a specific context, this article investigates the link between Jewish nationalism and class ideas on a broader scale—as a definitive element in proto-Zionist and early Zionist thought. Finally, the article highlights the transition from the language of class, which characterized the first decades of modern Jewish nationalism, to the language of vitalist nationalism, which became dominant during the classical period of Zionism.

The Grand Finale

Abstract: The 2019 televised debate between the leaders of the two main Portuguese parties for the general elections in Portugal drew approximately 2.7 million viewers. Debates constitute a centrepiece of campaigns, allowing candidates to showcase their proposals. The importance of debates in election campaigns reflects their possible influence in changing voters’ perspectives. As the standards for judging candidates increasingly rely on non-political characteristics such as personality traits, we examine the effects of debates on voters’ judgments of the warmth and competence of candidates and their voting intentions. We employed a within subject’s pretest/postest design to monitor participants before and after the debate between the leaders of the two main parties in Portugal, António Costa (Socialist Party, PS) and Rui Rio (Social-Democrat Party, PSD) for the Portuguese 2019 legislative elections. A comprehensive statistical pipeline was implemented to isolate the effects of the debate. Evidence suggesting that the debate influenced the perceived warmth and competence of both candidates was found. This study contributes to the literature on debates and supports the claim that they may shift voters’ perceptions and attitudes.

European radical left foreign policy after the invasion of Ukraine: shifts in assertiveness towards Russia

ABSTRACT The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has prompted a closer examination of parties’ attitudes towards the Putin regime. While research has examined the connections of the EU's far-right with Russia, less attention has been given to the stances of Radical Left Parties (RLPs). We close this gap by analysing Roll Call Votes (RCVs) in the European Parliament. Our findings indicate that RLPs displayed the lowest levels of assertiveness towards Russia before 2022, being even less assertive than other Eurosceptic groups. RLPs significantly increased their assertiveness after the invasion, bringing them closer to the EP mainstream. However, some divergence in assertiveness towards Russia existed within the RLPs before 2022 and remains relevant after the invasion, with the Traditional/Communist parties standing closer to Russia than radical New Left/Democratic Socialist parties.

ВЛАДИМИР КУЗЬМИН: СОЦИОКУЛЬТУРНЫЙ ОБЛИК СВЯЩЕННИКА

The object of the study is the personality of the missionary priest of the Minusinsk District Vladimir Kuzmin, the subject is his activity in the context of the concept of “sociocultural image”. Based on the biographical research method, the main aspects of V. Kuzmin’s life were studied. The paper sets the following objectives: to reveal the level of education of the priest, to analyze the situation in society, to study the main directions of cultural and educational activities, to outline the position during the First World War and the revolutions of 1917. Particular attention is paid to the activities of V. Kuzmin in the place of a missionary priest in Askiz parish. His merits in the field of combating drunkenness among parishioners and childhood alcoholism are noted. V. Kuzmin was particularly concerned about drunkenness among the non-Russian population. On his initiative and under his leadership, temperance societies and the Brotherhood of Prayer and Temperance were created in the name of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul in the Minusinsk District. The problem of drunkenness and alcoholism became especially urgent during the First World War. V. Kuzmin actively collaborated with the magazine “Yenisei Diocesan Gazette”. His publications on the pages of the magazine were always timely and devoted to topical issues in the daily life of not only parishioners, but also the population of the entire province. At meetings of diocesan congresses and pastoral and missionary meetings, he advocated a complete state ban on the sale of alcoholic beverages. As a missionary priest, he proposed specific measures to improve missionary activities. As a dean archpriest, V. Kuzmin was fruitfully engaged in social and political work. He was a member of the Minusinsk City Duma and a member of the District government. During the period of the revolutions of 1917 and the civil war, there was an evolution in the socio-political views and activities of the archpriest V. Kuzmina. He welcomed the February Revolution of 1917 and stood at the head of the Minusinsk group of the Labor People's Socialist Party. Missionary priest V. Kuzmin was an interesting, versatile personality who deserves further attention from researchers.

Убийство В.В. Воровского и процесс Конради–Полунина 1923 года в восприятии российской социалистической эмиграции

The article dwells on the assassination of V.V. Vorovsky, head of the Soviet delegation at the international conference in Lausanne, on May 10, 1923 and on the trial of M. Conradi and A.P. Polunin as viewed by Russian socialist émigrés, i.e. members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and social democrats (Mensheviks). This paper aimed to study the attitude of the socialist community of Russian émigrés towards individual political terror during the 1920s. The methodology is based on the principles of intellectual history, which allow us to shed some light on the perception of the 1923 Lausanne trial by analysing the confrontation and ideological struggle of certain political figures and civic groups for attention. The paper provides a brief description of the main works of Russian and foreign historians who studied the assassination of Vorovsky and the trial of his murderers. The context of the trial, the reaction of different émigré camps and the organization of Conradi and Polunin’s defence are analysed. The official response of the Foreign Delegation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, reflected in the Revolutionary Russia journal, is noted. Particular attention is given to the unpublished article “Both Are Worse” (1923) by leader of the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party V.M. Chernov on the results of the trial in Lausanne. Chernov’s argumentation and his views on the fundamental differences between the pre-revolutionary Socialist Revolutionary terror and the assassination of Vorovsky are analysed. Chernov points out that Socialist Revolutionary and Narodnaya Volya’s terror stayed within a strict moral and ethical framework that forbade political assassinations on the territory of free democratic countries. Socialist Revolutionary terrorists had never followed the path of least resistance, proclaiming the idea of selfsacrifice. Chernov emphasizes that only those not involved in the White Terror can hold others accountable for the Red Terror. The paper considers the response of Russian social democrats abroad, in particular, leader of the émigré Mensheviks F.I. Dan’s article dedicated to the Lausanne trial. His thesis about the exclusive right of socialist parties to fight the Bolshevik dictatorship, without involving the White movement, is emphasized. A conclusion is drawn that Russian socialists abroad held a fundamentally unified position on resisting political terror.

Workers of all member states unite? Europeanising the power resources approach via the Minimum Wage Directive

ABSTRACT The Directive on adequate minimum wages (AMWD) of October 2022 epitomises a shift in European wage governance from negative integration, focused on competitiveness and inflation-fighting, towards a positive mode of integration via the procedural regulation of wage adequacy and promotion of collective bargaining. The politics behind this contentious directive, we contend, reveals a re-empowerment of labour interests in the EU. The paper puts forward a ‘Europeanised’ variant on the power resources approach (PRA), which we argue has additional analytical leverage compared to existing explanations of EU social policy. Building on documents and 26 interviews, we use this framework to shed light on the influence of labour interests in the agenda-setting and decision-making behind this directive. Our empirics reveal the role of the Party of European Socialists as a reform protagonist, the European Trade Union Confederation as a key consenter, and their influence exercised by coordinating across institutions. We conclude by discussing the relevance of a Europeanised PRA beyond the AMWD. The implementation of the directive and the future of wage policy in the context of EU macroeconomic governance will be a testcase for labour power and its effective coordination in the multi-level European polity.

Особенности применения инструментов цифровой коммуникации в пространстве социальных медиа (на материалах политических кампаний в Болгарии)

The purpose of this research work is to identify the factors that determine the constructive potential of promoting Bulgarian political parties in the digital environment. To achieve this goal, the article examines the practical experience of using social networks in political campaigns in Bulgaria. At the same time, it is noted that modern digital platforms and social networks are widely used in the country under consideration to communicate with voters in the processes of forming public opinion. To achieve the goal set in the work, the methods of content analysis and discourse analysis of the political segment of the Bulgarian digital space, as well as the Case Study method in the aspect of studying the specifics of the use of digital communication tools by political parties in Bulgaria in the social media space during election campaigns, were used as a methodological basis for the study. Through content analysis, the content parameters of information and communication interaction with the electorate of leading Bulgarian politicians were analyzed in terms of their influence on public opinion. The article examines the cases of information and communication interaction with the electorate of B. Borisov, K. Ninova, R. Radev and H. Ivanov. The paper shows that as a result of the successful application of modern digital technologies of socio-political communication with target electoral audiences, the Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria party demonstrated the ability to effectively interact with voters through the successful introduction of digital technologies during the election campaign, while the Bulgarian Socialist Party, The party "We continue the Changes" and the electoral bloc "Democratic Bulgaria" have demonstrated significantly less effective work with the electorate in the social media space. Based on the results of the work, the authors conclude that digital platforms and social networks are widely used in Bulgaria today for effective socio-political communication with voters and in shaping public opinion of the country's population.

The role of popular music in Montenegro’s national propaganda: from referendum to the “Litije” movement (2006–20)

ABSTRACT This article explores the uses of popular music as a propaganda tool during political events in Montenegro’s recent past. The ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) employed music as part of their propaganda campaign during the 2006 referendum to gain support for Montenegro’s independence. Patriotic songs, disseminated through state-controlled media and paid advertisements, celebrated a modern, multicultural, independent Montenegrin state. However, after the referendum, important political issues remained unresolved (especially the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church and Serbian–Montenegrin relations in general). Tensions over these culminated after the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion at the very end of 2019, which triggered protests throughout Montenegro known as the “Litije.” In 2020, with the ample assistance of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the opposition won the parliamentary elections that ended the rule of the DPS. The propaganda that surrounded the Litije movement relied on music as an essential medium. This time, it conveyed messages calling for a stronger role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro and closer political ties with Serbia. By analyzing both periods’ most influential popular songs, the author highlights the intricate interplay between music, popular culture, national narratives, and the ever-evolving political climate in Montenegro.

The socio-economic policy of the Breuning government (March 29, 1930 - May 30, 1932) in the coverage of the Soviet newspaper Pravda

The article examines the socio-economic policy in the Weimar Republic under Chancellor Heinrich Breuning from 1930 to 1932 through the prism of the Soviet newspaper Pravda, which is the main source of expression of the official position of the Soviet Union on the issue of international relations. In addition to evaluating the Chancellor's activities and the events taking place in Germany, the newspaper's materials highlight the specifics of the development of the German communist movement during this period. The authors also highlight events related to the development of the National Socialist movement in Germany during the period under review in the context of the strengthening of the political influence of the National Socialist Party of Germany and the development of government interaction with its leaders. It is concluded that the newspaper Pravda in its publications about the events in Germany during this period focused on the proletarian struggle and did not differ in an analytical approach.The following research methods were used: analysis of special sources and materials, including archival ones; method of classification and systematization; content analysis of materials of the newspaper Pravda. The main conclusion of the study is that the ambiguous and contradictory policies of the Breuning cabinet led to a new political crisis in the country. Instability and the lack of socio-economic and political prospects led to an increasing polarization of German society and its inclination towards the right-wing radical party of the National Socialists.In addition, the publications of Pravda, reflecting the events in Germany during this period, were more tendentious in the nature of the proletarian struggle and did not differ in analytics.

AN UNEXPECTED ALLIANCE: US POLICY REGARDING FORMATION OF THE CENTER-LEFT COALITION IN ITALY

The Cold War became a significant factor influencing not only the foreign, but also the domestic politics of Italy. The main problem of Italy as a member of NATO in the middle of the 20th century left pro-Soviet parties became popular, and the ruling Christian Democratic Party may lose power. The alliance of Christian Democrats with the Socialists became an unexpected means of solving the current problems, and the US, by supporting this alliance, demonstrated the ability to be flexible in conducting foreign policy towards its allies. The main thesis of the article is that such unexpected alliance between the Christian Democracy Party and the Socialist Party was not an improvised action, but a long-term strategy. The formation of the first center-left government in First Republic of Italy is referred to 1962. However, the idea of such alliance had emerged a few years before, in 1958, and it was discussed between Italian and American governments on numerous occasions. The main shift towards an adoption of coalition between Christian Democrats and Socialists was the failure of Fernando Tambroni’s government in 1960, the last government with the center-right and far-right parties at the power. From this moment for many, and for U.S. government as well, become evident the impossibility of sticking to the old strictly anti-left policy. The Socialist Party itself had gone through a long evolution process. Being a pro-Soviet party immediately after the WW2, it later cut off its ties to the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Italy, and even rejected revolution as the way to reform society, preferring the long way of step-by-step changes. A new Socialist approach to the parliamentary democracy allowed it to become a part of ruling coalition soon after the inner reforms of the Socialist Party. It was hard to imagine in the beginning of the Cold War that the U.S. government would ever seek the support from the Socialist Party of Italy. But in the beginning of 1960’s, considering the changes in electoral preferences, the question of Italian Socialists become the focal point in the U.S. policy towards the Italy.