Time Of Revolution Research Articles

СПОСОБЫ ЭКСПЛИКАЦИИ КОГНИТИВНЫХ МОДЕЛЕЙ "ВЛАСТЬ - АРМИЯ" И "ВЛАСТЬ АРМИИ" В РУССКОЙ ЛИНГВОКУЛЬТУРЕ

The authors consider the implementation of the cognitive models “power - army” and “power of the army” in Russian linguoculture. These cognitive models are strictly differentiated according to the criteria of ‘peacetime’ and ‘war’. The cognitive model “power - army” is characteristic of peacetime description. The cognitive model “army power” has options: in describing peacetime, the option “power in the army - minister of defense” is used; in the descriptions of the period of war, revolutionary times and coups d'état, the cognitive model “the power of the army” is often used.

Counter-revolutionary in Revolutionary Times?

This article addresses two related questions: how do we read He-Yin Zhen’s political writing in relation to her broader political life and how should her political ideas be introduced to the English-speaking academy? I first concur with recent translators of He-Yin, Lydia Liu, Dorothy Ko, and Rebecca Karl, that He-Yin’s anarcho-feminism marks a significant moment in the modern Chinese history of political ideas and can potentially contribute to transnational feminist theories. Following this, I revisit and reconstruct He-Yin and her life partner Liu Shipei’s (刘师培) life trajectories as documented in Chinese sources by at least two generations of Chinese historians of the late Qing dynasty revolution. I argue that, when introducing her to English-speaking audiences as part of “the birth of Chinese feminism,” her translators have provided a diluted picture of He-Yin’s political world that could easily give rise to a reductionistically heroic reading of her politics. He-Yin’s political participation includes but is by no means limited to her one-year career as the prolific anarcho-feminist theorist for the journal (Tianyi Bao, 天义报).

Policy of Soviet Power in the Industry of Aviation on the Territory of Ukraine (January – March 1918)

The article analyses the state of the aviation industry in Ukraine during the first years of the Soviet regime in January-March 1918 and its policies in this sphere. The establishment of the Soviet regime in Ukraine during this period was the result of offensive actions by Bolshevyk and pro-Bolshevyk troops against the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Therefore, the Soviet regime had transient nature in Ukraine amidst the unfinished First World War. In these settings, it established a management system in the field of aviation, which was aimed at auditing and evacuating aviation property and personnel. The study found that the aviation industry in Ukraine functioned quite efficiently in general and was manageable despite the difficulties of the revolutionary times. In this work, the authors used archival documents, which were first introduced into circulation. The socio-economic and political conditions, this industry operated in, were taken as a basis for the analysis of the aviation industry status in Ukraine. During this period of the First World War, warfare on the Eastern Front had its final phase, and peace talks were held in Brest-Litovsk, in which delegations of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Soviet Russia took part. Since the conclusion of the armistice on December 10, 1917 between Soviet Russia and the countries of the Quadruple Alliance, a state of chaos has spread across the territory of Ukraine, which was associated with the mass movement of soldiers back from the front. Social chaos intensified as the Soviet authorities gained control over almost entire territory of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. However, some air force units were able to maintain their material base. The Soviet regime was able to audit their condition and restore control over the available resources in the aviation industry, however, the facts of theft of goods, which belonged to these air force units was also established. Attempts were made to form an effective management system of the aviation industry and its scheme started to be developed. However, due to the political situation, these attempts were in vain. As early as the beginning of March 1918, Bolshevyk troops have been losing ground of most of Ukraine to the UPR troops and their allies, i.e., the German-Austrian troops. The short period of attempts to build a management system of the aviation industry by the Soviet regime in extreme military-political conditions is quite interesting, as it demonstrates approaches to the effective management of the high-tech sphere in a difficult situation.

Political Self-Identification of Russian Military Personnel in Finland in Spring 1917

The socio-psychological characteristics of the behavior of the Russian military in Finland in the initial period of the 1917 revolution were revealed, including the formation of behavioral stereotypes, new “images of the enemy”, a change in their ideas about “friends” and “foes”, and the transformation of social and moral norms. The relevance of the study is due to the need to apply a relatively new historical and anthropological approach to the study of the role of the military factor in the history of Russia and Finland. Based on the materials of the revolutionary Helsingfors and non-capital garrisons, the process of ideological and organizational self-determination of the supporters of the Socialist-Revolutionary and Bolshevik parties is considered, information about the number and the beginning of the activities of these party organizations is systematized and analyzed. The novelty of the research is seen in the fact that addressing the problem of “Revolution and man” and studying the images of “Friends”, “Foes”, “Other” in the perception of participants and eyewitnesses of events in connection with their participation in social transformations of a revolutionary time allows for the first time to get an idea of the mentality of privates and officers — the most active part of the Russian population of Finland. The author comes to the conclusion that the role of the Russian military in the events of the spring of 1917 is much more significant than was previously assumed.

The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle Eastern and North African History

The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle Eastern and North African History

Исламский фактор в борьбе альтернатив развития Дагестана в условиях революции 1917 г.

The article examines the revolutionary events of 1917 in Dagestan from the standpoint of legal awareness of Muslim public figures and clergy and their participation in the socio-political life of the region. The events had both common for the entire Russia and specific features due to the level of socio-economic and political development of the region and the role of Islam in its society. The article examines how the turbulent revolutionary time brought authoritative Muslim leaders to the political scene. Later, they aspired to develop their own tactics and strategy in order to influence the course of events in Dagestan after the February Revolution of 1917. Each representative of the secular and spiritual intelligentsia had their own attitude to the political forces that emerged during the struggle for the revolutionary democracy. The author notes such a characteristic feature of the revolutionary democracy of 1917 in Dagestan as the active involvement of the Muslim clergy in the new government institutions, their appeal to Islam and Sharia when clarifying and resolving various issues of socio-political importance. It is shown that the most important and discussed issue was the election of the head of the Caucasian Spiritual Board of Muslims from among muftis or imams by the Muslims of Dagestan and the North Caucasus. The healthy socio-political forces of the region aspired to preserve law and order in the region appealing to Sharia and Islam.

To the doctrine of paranoia. Geyer (J. Psychol., Neurol. & Psychiatry, 1922, I)

In our revolutionary times there is a frequent revelation of paranoid constitution in connection with the tumultuous perturbations of our lives.

BEETHOVEN THE EUROPEAN LUCCA, 4–6 DECEMBER 2020

Whilst Covid prevented so many of the year's promised commemorative activities, one positive outcome was the delay of the original ‘live’ Lucca event scheduled for March and its transformation into an online event in Beethoven's birth month. (Edited by his daughter Margaret O'Sullivan, this was part of his project ‘Beethoven's Irish Songs Revisited’, which sought to reconstruct those folksongs for which George Thomson never got around to supplying texts.) In his stimulating address, ‘Beethoven's Ninth Symphony as a Disputed Symbol of Community: From Thomas Mann's Doctor Faustus to the Brexiteers of 2019’, William Kinderman cast a wide intellectual net, developing themes from the final chapter of his most recent book, Beethoven: A Political Artist in Revolutionary Times (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020). After this ingenious analysis we were then taken on a whirlwind video tour of performances of the ‘Ode to Joy’ in political events spanning almost a century, showing how – despite the movement's misappropriation by the Nazi regime and racist Rhodesia, and the way it is associated with aggression in Kubrick's A Clockwork Orange – Schiller's text was reinterpreted to suit each different historical context, whilst remaining ‘an untainted symbol’ of affirmation and resistance. The examples of performances included those given by Germans held in a Japanese prisoner-of-war camp in June 1918, the annual December ritual of massed choirs and orchestras in Japan, the Occupy Wall Street protests in New York in 2011, the struggle of Chilean opponents of Pinochet, the playing of cassette recordings with makeshift amplification by students protesting against martial law in China at Tiananmen Square in 1989, right up to Tan Dun's 2021 work Sound Pagoda – composed to be performed alongside the ‘Ode to Joy’ – for a concert dedicated to Wuhan's Covid victims.

The Fate of Officers-Relatives in the Military-Revolutionary Era of 1914-1922

The article deals with the problem kinship ties of officers in the Imperial Russian Army on the eve of the First World War in the context of protectionism in army relations. The subsequent development of the fates of the participants in our sample during the Great War, the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War is specially considered. The work is based on an electronic database dedicated to the officer corps of the Voronezh, Kursk and Tambov provinces in the period 1914-1922, compiled on the basis of a wide variety of sources of the military revolutionary period. The main task of the work was to identify the influence of kinship ties in the officer environment on the conditions of their service. The author comes to the conclusion that the circumstances of the period of wars and revolution influenced the break in kinship ties. During the First World War, many relative-officers continued to serve in different military units. We haven’t established unambiguous facts of joint service after 1917. The only thing was the fact that both brothers were in the Red Army. Two cases did the brother officers serve with the White Army. We haven’t met a single case that reflects the situation of the brothers' arrival on different sides of the “barricades”. We tried not to make broad generalizations based on dozens of fates. Nevertheless, this gives grounds for the assertion that the fate of the officers-relatives once again showed the crucial and tragic nature of the revolutionary time.

Organization and organizing in revolutionary times: The case of Tunisian General Labor Union

Adopting Barker’s (2011) Marxist approach of a social movement “as a whole”, this article addresses the question of whether and how mass-membership movement organizations can break out of oligarchic authority and support a radical political protest movement. Using an ethnographic approach, this article explores how the UGTT (the Tunisian General Labor Union) responded to organizational challenges during the Tunisian popular uprising in 2010 by examining its intra-organizational processes as well as its interactions with other parts of the protest movement and how their struggles mutually aided the fall of Ben Ali’s regime. The findings highlight that two correlated aspects were critical to a radical transformation of UGTT’s conservative goal. First, unionists with activism experience outside the labor organization played a key role as “mediators,” deriving meaning from the organizational culture of the union to interpret the course of the event, supporting the popular uprising, and forcing the union leadership to join the revolutionary process. Second, the unpredictable and unprecedented regime repression radicalized the protest movement and its claims, and ruptured the union’s traditional bureaucracy. The article concludes by elaborating on the potential of organizational studies to help us understand the role of trade unions in protest movement organizing and, more broadly, the role of formal mass-membership organizations in social movements.

Shutting the Stable Door after the Horse has Bolted: Critical Thinking and the Third Science Revolution

In this article, pursuing breadth rather than depth, Kristiansen does not set out to convince as much as to add to the last decade’s cavalcade of diagnostic statements about the discipline (consistently put forward and curiously in line with the agendas of the well-established archaeologists offering them). As promised, we are presented with a rather optimistic scenario of the road ahead, leading into nothing less than revolutionary times. That is, if you are surfing the waves of the so-called “third science revolution” and not stuck in post-modernist discourse, in which case you are doomed to be left at the shoreline. In Kristiansen’s scenario, fuelled by the sheer force of new types and levels of data input (e.g. DNA, isotope analysis) – mainly dealt with and stemming from large projects enabled by the EU – the wedding of micro and macro perspectives in archaeology is to finally take place. Potential spouses in this shift towards a “revised modernity” are evolutionary/world system approaches combined with micro materiality/agent-network approaches. Their offspring – destined to change the way we understand mobility, interaction and cultural/genetic transmission in prehistory – is made possible through the combination of increased levels and availability of scientific data, and a renewed focus on quantification and agent-based modelling methodologies. Through this recipe an entirely “new prehistory” is made possible, a prehistory anchored more heavily in absolute

Utopian Feminism in the Background of Revolutionary Europe

While sociology as a discipline prides in explaining the intricacies of gender and how the various gender roles play out in our society, it is ultimately the chronology and course of history that platters the ideas and events as they ought to have taken place, to fuel the food for thought in other disciplines. Role of women or studies on women have always assumed some special importance in the light of the inherent patriarchy to which womenfolk often found themselves to be subordinated, excluded from the public life and academics, writing. Notwithstanding, the force and tide of time did lead to many upheavals in Europe in the early 19th Century and significance of women although not actively but passively grew up to take a very prominent place in modern History. This paper focuses chiefly on women and their movements in early 19th Century – the coinage of the term Utopian feminism and how revolutionary times call for unprecedented changes both in society and gender role orders.

Via Ripetta 155: The last piece of Clara Sereni’s life writing story

Clara Sereni’s writing journey began in 1974 with Sigma Epsilon and went on to flourish through the years with the publication of numerous inspiring and thought-provoking literary works. Many of her autobiographical and fictional texts delve into the years between 1968 and 1977, a crucial decade that changed Italy and forever impacted the author’s life and political thinking. In Via Ripetta 155, Sereni found a renewed desire to bear witness to those politically revolutionary times by revisiting the experiences of her private self and her interaction with the public realm. This study engages with the analysis of this last piece of the complex puzzle that encompasses the written story of her life, and argues that the text represents a final self-empowering act in which the apartment of Via Ripetta becomes the stage for a dialectical discourse between personal achievements and socio-political changes, personal conflicts and public turmoil.

Beethoven: A Life by Jan Caeyers, and: Die zwei Leben des Ludwig van Beethoven by Ulrich Drüner, and: Beethoven: A Political Artist in Revolutionary Times by William Kinderman

Reviewed by: Beethoven: A Life by Jan Caeyers, and: Die zwei Leben des Ludwig van Beethoven by Ulrich Drüner, and: Beethoven: A Political Artist in Revolutionary Times by William Kinderman Sandi-Jo Malmon, Colin Coleman, and Barry A.R. Cooper Beethoven: A Life. By Jan Caeyers, trans. Brent Annable. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2020. [xxiv, 630 p. ISBN 978-0-520-34354-2. $34.95] Die zwei Leben des Ludwig van Beethoven. By Ulrich Drüner. Munich: Blessing, 2020. [525 p. ISBN 978-3-89667-633-7. €24] Beethoven: A Political Artist in Revolutionary Times. By William Kinderman. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2020. [x, 256 p. ISBN 978-0-226-66905-2. $35] The year 2020 marked the 250th anniversary of Beethoven’s birth, and although government restrictions due to the coronavirus pandemic forced the cancellation of most live performances, they did not prevent the publication of substantial books on the composer. The three reviewed here all concentrate on biography rather than analysis of his music, and the question is how much new material, commentary, or interpretation they contain. Jan Caeyers is a conductor as well as a musicologist, and although he has produced little original research on Beethoven, his large-scale biography of the composer was widely welcomed when it was published in Dutch in 2009, prompting this translation into English, with revisions. The first surprise in the book is that Beethoven’s father is consistently referred to as Jean, not Johann, ‘because he went by “Jean” his entire life and since it was the name used on all official documents . . . [and] the original name given to him in Mechelen’ (p. 544). This is certainly a new interpretation, but unfortunately it is not entirely accurate: in the numerous documents cited in Thayer’s standard biography, the father is referred to variously as Joan, Johan, Joannes, Johann, Joann, and even Giovanni, but the French form ‘Jean’ is fairly infrequent. As for Mechelen, Caeyers offers no evidence that Johann was ever there, let alone that he acquired his name there: his father Louis left Mechelen and moved to Bonn several years before Johann’s birth, and a document from the period states that Johann was born in Bonn. The book as a whole is divided into fifty-nine short chapters. Though mostly biographical, the narrative mentions Beethoven’s main compositions in appropriate places, sometimes offering brief comments on the musical content, complete with the occasional music example. Each chapter add-resses a particular theme, such as ‘Salieri’s Opera Lessons’, ‘The Golden Years’, and ‘Post-Congress Vienna’. This approach results in a rather convoluted chronology at times, especially as some of the themes are quite loose. At one point, for example, a discussion of Beethoven’s friendship with Bettina Brentano in 1810–1812 is immediately followed by a discussion of the ‘Appassionata’ Sonata (1804– 1806), since both are rather tenuously related to his friendship with Josephine Deym in 1804–1807. The story of Beethoven’s life is engagingly and vividly recounted and includes all the main details as well as many interesting facts that will be new to most readers, extracted from letters, conversation books, reminiscences, and elsewhere. For example, we are told that Antonie Brentano, one of two candidates considered here as Beethoven’s ‘Immortal Beloved’, was the daughter of Johann Melchior von Birkenstock (1738–1809), who was an advisor to Empress Maria Theresa, brother-in-law of Johann Sonnenfels, and a noted education reformer. The ‘Ode to Joy’ was first set by Christian Gottfried Kӧrner, who belonged to the Freemasons lodge Zu den drei Schwerten in Dresden. In mid-September 1807, Beethoven knocked at Josephine Deym’s door, hoping to persuade her to marry him—or so it is claimed. After the unfortunate misunderstanding with ‘Jean van Beethoven’, however, one is never quite certain whether to believe what is stated. Often no source is given for the information, though material taken from letters is well-documented. Any such misgivings are well-justified. During [End Page 273] a perceptive appraisal of Beethoven’s folksong settings, which are all too often disregarded in biographies (including the other two reviewed here), we are told that...

In Search of Progress: Caste and the Modernity of the Left in Manik Bandyopadhay’s Short Stories of the Bengal Famine of 1943

This paper aims to explore the crucial import of caste in defining the modernity of the left. By examining Manik Bandyopadhyay’s three short stories of the Bengal Famine of 1943, it argues that idioms of left modernity gained a definitive articulation through left political and left cultural movements during the Famine by reducing intricacies of caste struggle into just articulations of class conflict. The discourse of the Famine wrought by artistic and literary practices of the left intellectuals, articulated through realism, represented the Famine as a revolutionary time by formulating a critique of the classist politics of nationalist elites; thereby the discourse of the left recreated class hierarchy in a more complex way than nationalist politics. By constituting the lower castes as an ambiguous monolithic peasant class, however, the middle-class intelligentsia of the left reconfigured the rhetoric of modernity animated by their own caste position within the language of class.

ЖЕНСКАЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ АКТИВНОСТЬ КАК РЕЗУЛЬТАТ РАСПРОСТРАНЕНИЯ ИДЕЙ ФЕМИНИЗМА И МОДЕРНИЗАЦИИ РУССКОЙ ПРОВИНЦИАЛЬНОЙ КУЛЬТУРЫ НАЧАЛА ХХ В. (ПО МАТЕРИАЛАМ ВОЛОГОДСКИХ ГАЗЕТ)

The article considers the cultural problems of genesis and the spread of feminist sentiments in the Russian province of the early XX century in the context of women's participation in the political life of the Russian Empire. Theemancipation of women is one of the most revealing processes within which there is a struggle between conservative and modernist values of social consciousness, which determine the spiritual content of the both that era and modern times. The culmination period for the women's movement for equality was the revolutionary time of the late XIX — early XX centuries, when women in Russia managed to achieve impressive results in this direction. This was due to several reasons. Firstly, the socio-cultural modernization of the turn of the XIX-XX centuries invaded for a long time the ideas of people about the role and purpose of women, as well as about relations between the sexes, which seemed immutable and inviolable, that is, it affected the so-called «gender sphere», which gave a new impetus to the ideology and movement of feminism. Secondly, in Russia, where there was always a special interest of society in the «female» topic, the history of the development of this phenomenon had its own features, and in some respects the emancipation process was even ahead of the european one. Thirdly, the historical connection of russian feminism with the revolutionary liberation movement and the prevailing pre-revolutionary situation in the country played a large role in this, and therefore the socio-political aspect of female activity in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century is of particular interest. At the same time, not only the events and processes themselves with the participation of women are important and significant, but also the perception and assessments of them by modern people, given in the article on the example of the analysis of Vologda newspaper publications of the early Modernism period. For the first time, articles from the newspapers «Vologodsky Listok», «Russky Sever» and «Severnaya Zemlya» were introduced into scientific circulation.

ДО СТОРІЧЧЯ ЗАСНУВАННЯ УАПЦ У М. КИЄВІ: ПЕРЕДУМОВИ ВІДРОДЖЕННЯ ЦЕРКВИ (1917–1921 рр.)

The Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) was officially established in 1921, at the First All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Sobor in Kyiv. The highest church hierarchy was also designated while laying conceptual and canonic foundations of the church. The restoration of the independence of the Ukrainian Orthodoxy became possible thanks to the transformational processes in society during the Ukrainian Revolution, which brought about the people’s struggle for political and cultural independence. The center of the autocephalous movement was the city of Kyiv, where the first national Orthodox parishes were created and from where clergymen were sent to create local church communities. It was in Kyiv that important councils were held and the top church leadership was concentrated. The city also hosted the main UAOC cathedral. The article analyzes the internal political situation in Ukraine and in Kyiv during 1917–1921, characterizes the influence of the religious policy of the Ukrainian and Bolshevik governments on the formation of the UAOC. The paper reveals the role of public, cultural figures and Orthodox laypeople of the city of Kyiv in the development of the autocephalous movement in Ukraine. The author claims that due to the revolutionary time’s political instability, the process of restoring the church independence was slowed down, and efforts on the behalf of national church leaders had only partially successful results. At the same time, many years of attempts to restore the church’s autonomy contributed to the revival of national discourse and allowed the ideological and organizational structure of the church to be clearly defined. At the First All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Sobor, the autocephaly of the UAOC was proclaimed, and Vasyl Lypkivsky was ordained Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Ukraine. The Sobor adopted the church canons, which were fixed in a document entitled «The Acts of the All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Sobor in the city of Kyiv, 14–30 October 1921» According to the «Acts», the UAOC introduced Ukrainization and reformation of internal church life, consolidated the transition from the «episcopal-autocratic» structure of the church to the «church-conciliar» one, conferred the role of the UAOC governing body to the All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Council (Rada), and so on. The Sobor was crucial for the implementation of all the changes made by church leaders and officially consolidated the status of the church as a separate institution.

Moments in Revolutionary Time

Abstract Written in the context of Sudan and Lebanon’s 2018–19 revolutions, this article examines the discourse of two religious movements that are intricately entangled with the state as they negotiate popular demands to rethink that state, weighing competing claims to revolutionary salience along the way. It argues that revolution, even when it is working to reimagine states construed on confessional lines, has a particularly religious character. This is both because it demands that we rethink religion, given its unavoidable imbrication in the workings of the modern state, and because phenomenologically it too advocates ethical and ontological transformation that has the power to transcend and outlive political reform.

Book review: Revolutionary Time: One Time and Difference in Kristeva and Irigaray

Book review: Revolutionary Time: One Time and Difference in Kristeva and Irigaray

The politics of time during the Napoleonic Consulate, 1799–1804

ABSTRACT The French Revolution generated an acceleration of political time that disrupted old assumptions about the legitimacy and durability of political authority. Following the coup of 18 Brumaire, Napoleon and his counsellors had to confront the challenge of erecting a legitimate regime that would endure in a political environment where regimes that endured very often appeared illegitimate. This article examines how the French Consulate (1799–1804) sought to manage revolutionary time by practising a politics of temporal dilation. The embryonic institutions of the Consulate – from the Légion d’honneur to the lycées – were designed to decompress popular perceptions of time, at least as they related to political life, by charting a verifiable pathway for the nascent regime to develop steadily and incrementally through history. The collective perception of the present was made to expand, re-validating the notion of historical experience and slowing the unruly onset of the political future. Time would cease to be the medium of rupture. This article examines how the temporal assumptions embedded within the regime discourses and political practices of the Napoleonic Consulate were central to the construction of its own legitimacy.