Question Of Sovereignty Research Articles

Publicity, Civil Liberties, and Political Life in Princely Hyderabad

AbstractIn the 1930s, there were two glaring questions confronting the princely state of Hyderabad's Administration: the question of sovereignty (or the political future of the Hyderabad) and the problem of civil liberties. This article explores the complex socio-political conditions in the early decades of the twentieth century that gave rise to the formation of dynamic civil-society institutions in the princely state of Hyderabad. In particular, it asks how and why the discourse of civil liberties was taken up by these institutions and assesses the response of the Hyderabad Administration with respect to safeguarding civil liberties for its subjects. What the historical record reveals is that the early decades of the twentieth century in Hyderabad became a battleground between the Hyderabad Administration and the burgeoning public sphere that the Administration could not control nor manage.

Debates on the Italian Budget and the Question of Sovereignty

Debates on the Italian Budget and the Question of Sovereignty

Moderne Spiele: Play and Gender in Walter Benjamin’s “Berlin Chronicle”

This essay performs a reading of Walter Benjamin’s “Berlin Chronicle” to show that what is at stake in this work is the question of male sovereignty as it relates to the modern city and the modernist text as spaces of play. This autobiographical sketch draws and, in its form, explores an analogy between the ways city spaces are organized and the way writing organizes a life’s memories into spatially distributed groupings of signs. Its fragmentary, reflexive structure purports to challenge the linearity of standard autobiographical writing, subjecting them to the play of associations and the casual stroll of the flâneur. Given Benjamin’s emphasis, here as well as elsewhere, on a method of composition that reflects the “surface play” of 20th-century modernity, it would seem that the reader is also invited to stroll like the flâneur, or play like the gambler, through the text. The city and the essay become analogous to each other as spatial constructs the reader is invited to circumnavigate—they create Spielraum, or room-for-play. However, Benjamin’s game is deceptive, as he strategically entraps the feminine—represented by the rather Oedipal coupling of Benjamin’s mother and a variety of lovers and prostitutes—within this space. On a closer reading, gendered difference becomes the protocol by which a textual-urban network operates in “Berlin Chronicle,” making it exemplary of the ways in which playful modern media and spaces condition and position subjects within their games.

Les évêques du Midi capétien et le service militaire au roi (1229-1304)

The bishops of Capetian south of France and military service to the king (1229-1304) Well established in “Royal France”, military service by the bishops was regularly performed in the XIIth and XIIIth centuries. When the Capetians established a foothold in the south of France, especially from about 1229, their representatives tried to impose a similar obligation, but they met resistance from the prelates. At the time of the siege of Quéribus (1255), the seneschal of Carcassonne tried to bring together the bishops, and developed his arguments in a long report sent to St. Louis, mingling the summonses of previous years, from the time of Simon de Montfort, and invocations of Roman law. Several years later, at the time of the “host of Foix” (1272), Phillippe III undertook to put in prime of place the military obligations of his vassals, throughout the whole of his domain, including the sénéchaussées of the south of France. Once again, the bishops protest, particularly that of Agde, whose case drags on for a long time before the Parlement of Paris. In reality, the arguments deployed barely allow one to question the military obligation of the bishops of southern France with regard to the king, but one can suppose that, beyond the question of right, the real matter at stake was the question of royal sovereignty ; by bringing their cause before the Parlement, the bishops of the south of France were led to recognise this fully.

Comparative Study of the Genetic Variability of Sitophilus Zeamais Subservient to 2 Host Plants (Millet and Maize) in Senegal (West Africa)

Millet and maize, because of the importance of their yields, constitute a reliable alternative to the question of sovereignty and food security. These cereals are exploited in all agroecological zones of Senegal. But their stocks, especially those of maize, are deteriorated by Sitophilus Zeamais, a beetle of the Curculionidae. It is therefore necessary to find natural solutions that are healthier than the use of pesticides which is harmful to living beings and the environment. This article makes a comparative study of the genetic diversity of the populations of this insect individually subservient to maize and to millet. The importance of this study is to find a genetic explanation for the differential vulnerability of these host plants to Sitophilus Zeamais, because the genetic diversity influences the adaptability of the individual and consequently its development. For this, insects Sitophilus Zeamais subservient on the one hand to maize and on the other hand to millet were collected in each agroecological zone. The exploitation of 125 sequences of the Cytochrome B gene corresponding to the individuals, by software of study in population genetics (Bioedit, DNAsp, Mega, Arlequin…) compared to parameters of genetic variability, revealed an approximately similar and high genetic diversity of the 2 populations of millet and maize. Thus, millet and maize genetically have the same effect on the adaptability of Sitophilus Zeamais.

Sovereignty between the Katechon and the Eschaton: Rethinking the Leviathan

Introduction This paper both rejects the reading of Thomas Hobbes's Leviathan as a secularized katechon and rethinks anew the questions of sovereignty and politics in his thought. It does so by examining the eschatological character of his politico-theological understanding of the relation between the kingdom of the Leviathan and the kingdom of God. Indeed, through different contemporary readings of Hobbes's theory of the state,1 this paper offers an insight into the concrete eschatology at operation in Hobbes's thought and underscores its relevance for the understanding of government, biopolitics, and sovereignty. This is achieved through two different albeit interconnected undertakings, which…

The Pragmatist Question of Sovereignty

ABSTRACTIn Democracy and Tradition, Jeffrey Stout asks Christian political theologians if they can discern God's activity in modern democratic cultures. In so doing they might “acknowledge the sovereignty of God while transcending both resentment of, and absorption into, the secular.” As Stout recognizes, the question of sovereignty is relevant not only to Christian, but also Jewish and Islamic thought. However, interreligious comparisons remain undeveloped in his work. In response, the following essay coordinates Stout’s pragmatism with developments in comparative theology. It then evaluates both the Jewish messianism of Gershom Scholem alongside Islamic sovereignty (hakimayyah) in the thought of Sayyid Qutb. While their viewpoints differ in considerable respects, they nonetheless provide key test cases for Stout’s questions concerning divine sovereignty. In sum, the paper opens new avenues for religious deliberations in democratic traditions.

Non-Traditional Threats to Security in the Discourse of Taiwan Presidents Chen Shuibian and Ma Ying-Jeou: a Double-Edged Sword

<p>Podejście realistyczne jest nadal najczęściej stosowanym przy analizie polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Tajwanu, a utrata terytorium i przyłączenie wyspy do Chin są uznawane za główne zagrożenia egzystencjalne. Niemniej jednak w dyskursie politycznym coraz częściej zwraca się uwagę na nietradycyjne zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa, takie jak bezpieczeństwo zdrowotne, czy bardziej ogólne bezpieczeństwo jednostki ludzkiej. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie procesu sekurytyzacji, czyli włączania nowych zagadnień do sfery bezpieczeństwa Tajwanu, poprzez analizę dyskursu politycznego dwóch prezydentów tajwańskich – Chen Shui-biana i Ma Ying-jeou’a.</p><p>Jak się okazuje, w politycznej retoryce Tajwanu coraz więcej miejsca poświęca się zagrożeniom ekonomicznym i zdrowotnym. Artykuł ukazuje, że poruszanie w dyskursie kwestii związanych z bezpieczeństwem ekonomicznym, prowadzi do ograniczenia udziału Tajwanu w światowym handlu. Powiązanie kwestii handlowych z politycznymi (problem suwerenności wyspy), przekłada się na protekcjonistyczną politykę handlową. Z drugiej strony, traktowanie pandemii jako zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa, pozwala tajwańskim politykom na ubieganie się o miejsce w Światowej Organizacji Zdrowia, niejako przyczyniając się do międzynarodowej legitymizacji wyspy i wzrostu jej znaczenie w stosunkach międzynarodowych.</p>

Introduction: Transnational Food (In)Security

Serving as introduction to the first Annual Transnational Legal Theory Symposium — with a focus on Transnational Food (In)Security — this essay provides an overview of the themes that stood at the centre of the conference and which pervade the symposium contributions. The topic of food concerns one of humanity’s basic and profound aspects of survival. Universal and equal access to food is, at the same time, ridden with problems of power, inequality, distribution and implicated in old and new geopolitical conflicts. As such, ‘food’ has ties and is central to conditions of poverty and hunger, development and ‘modernisation’, transitional justice and rule of law reform around the world. As a problem of critique and scholarly inquiry, food prompts an inter-disciplinary assessment of the nature and different aspects of what is at issue here. The contributors to this symposium take us deep into the complexity of food and illustrate the challenges of adequately understanding and approaching questions of food security and food sovereignty in a globally interconnected world.

Bi-Ethnic Federalism and the Question of Sovereignty: Understanding the Competitive Security Postures in Cyprus

Abstract When ethnic groups negotiate self-government arrangements, ‘ethnic sovereignty’ lies boldly at the heart of their security considerations. The constitutional nature of self-determination and the extent of territorial control can determine the degree of ethno-territorial sovereignty attributed to groups. However, in competitive contexts influenced by fear and mistrust, groups interpret these pillar elements in ways that increase their own sense of security. The present study argues that legal and political positions on sovereignty in Cyprus are largely built around the competitive security assumptions held by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaderships, and explains how the divergent viewpoints and understandings of sovereignty reflect the underlying security fears and suspicion of parties. The analysis finds that the two ethnic leaderships in Cyprus have sought to accumulate a distinct ‘sovereignty capital’ in an effort to safeguard their own and overpower each other’s perceived security intentions in the event of federal collapse, making thus the attainment of settlement in Cyprus particularly elusive.

Hawaiian style graffiti and the questions of sovereignty, law, property, and ecology

Based on the ethnographic insight gained from the fieldwork conducted between 2006 and 2012 on the island of O‘ahu, this article attempts to capture the aesthetic and symbolic expressions of decolonization in aerosol writing pieces by a crew primarily composed of Kanaka Maoli (“true human being,” indigenous people of Hawai‘i) writers. By focusing on the indigenous aesthetic practice of kaona (“hidden meaning”), the article analyzes the ways in which Hawaiian style graffiti unveils the contested issues of jurisdiction, sovereignty, property claims, and ecological integrity under the prolonged colonial and military occupation. It simultaneously illuminates the decolonial vision brought forth by Kānaka Maoli writers that seeks to transcend and transform the realities imposed by the colonial and occupational power. Through socio-historical contextualization, the article draws parallels between the time of Hawaiian Kingdom and the present, to unravel the integration of ancestral knowledge and contemporary expressions in Hawaiian style graffiti.

Preventing and Responding to Atrocity Crimes: China, Sovereignty and the Responsibility to Protect

With China on the rise, a question that is becoming increasingly important for international lawyers is that of the potential implications of Beijing’s strident defence of State sovereignty for the international legal system. Against this background, a better understanding of Chinese interpretations of sovereignty appears not only useful but also desirable. This article contributes to clarifying some of the intricacies of those interpretations by examining China’s approach to the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Through an analysis of both its conceptual and practical engagement with R2P, the article reveals that Beijing’s attitudes towards questions of sovereignty and non-intervention in the context of humanitarian crises are more complex and nuanced than often assumed. After exploring the conditions under which China would accept infringements of sovereignty aimed at protecting basic values of humanity, the article suggests that the real challenge that Beijing will face going forward is not to show more willingness to engage in forcible interventions, but, rather, make credible contributions to peacefully preventing and halting the commission of atrocity crimes.

Revisitar la soberanía indígena: los desafíos de una reivindicación excluida

El 14 de septiembre de 2017 se cumplieron 10 años de la Declaración de Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas (UNDRIP). Considerado a menudo como una importante victoria para los pueblos indígenas, el presente artículo aborda sin embargo un punto ausente en la UNDRIP pero central en numerosas luchas indígenas: la cuestión de la soberanía. Empieza explorando la evolución histórica del concepto de soberanía en la teoría política y las relaciones internacionales, antes de estudiar la conceptualización indígena del término. Posteriormente, analiza reivindicaciones y prácticas de soberanía y autogobierno indígenas en tres de los cuatro países que votaron en contra de UNDRIP en 2007: Nueva Zelanda, Australia y Canadá. Este análisis permite examinar diferentes modelos soberanos posibles para el reconocimiento de la soberanía indígena y esbozar sus respectivas configuraciones político-espaciales. A lo largo de este artículo se intenta poner constantemente a prueba la clásica y supuestamente inquebrantable relación entre soberanía, autoridad absoluta y territorialidad indiscutida. Finalmente, se concluye señalando la necesidad de una mirada transdisciplinar para entender la reivindicación de soberanía indígena, y llamando a la transformación de las relaciones internacionales, la política doméstica y el derecho internacional para avanzar hacia su reconocimiento y realización.

Nature Knows No Borders: International Law and Environmental Measures in Resolving Maritime Boundary Disputes

Maritime boundary delimitation has always been a challenging issue at least for three reasons. Firstly, it has to take into account the expansion of territorial sovereignty and sovereign rights at sea, notably since the adoption of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Secondly, it does not only involve legal aspects but also technical ones, and not every state has adequate resources to deal with technical matters. Thirdly, it is politically sensitive at times given the strategic role of oceans in national defense and security. Thus, it is not surprising that many maritime boundary disputes have taken a very long time to resolve or even remain unresolved until present, such as the overlapping claims in the South China Sea (SCS). This article argues that maritime boundary disputes should not jeopardize the marine environment in disputed areas, especially where environmental protection and preservation are critically needed. Furthermore, environmental measures could play a significant role in resolving maritime boundary disputes, since they could encourage the states involved to cooperate in managing the marine environment, a field that is less politically sensitive compared to the question of sovereignty. As far as the SCS is concerned, experts have warned that this area has been severely degrading, especially the coral reefs, and may lead to ecocide. In this context, this article will discuss international instruments related to environmental measures that should be considered in the SCS disputes and the role that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) could play.

Fifty Years since the 1967 Annexation of East Jerusalem: Israel, the United States, and the First United Nations Denunciation

AbstractIsrael’s annexation of East Jerusalem was condemned for the first time by the un one week after it took place in unga Resolution 2253. The United States chose to abstain rather than join the denunciation of Israel’s application of its domestic law to East Jerusalem. The claim I wish to make is that the us abstention did not spring from indifference to the question of sovereignty over East Jerusalem, as has previously been contested. The us perceived the Israeli move as contrary to international law, and an obstacle to the possibility of achieving a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Thus, the us abstention was in disregard of a un member state’s responsibility to ‘take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace’, and contributed to the failure of the un peaceful conflict resolution mechanism to achieve a peaceful resolution to the dispute over East Jerusalem.

G.A. Naqvi: from Indian Police (UP), 1926 to Pakistani Citizen (Sindh), 1947

AbstractThis is the story of how G. A. Naqvi (Indian Police, 1926) of the United Province (UP) was affected by the events of 1947–1948 in British and independent India and Pakistan and had to become what he did not wish to be: a private citizen in Pakistan. It shows how he, like so many others, had to become reconciled to the idea of British India breaking-up into independent India and Pakistan. This process changed forever the relationship between institutions of the Indian State and individual lives of Indian Muslims; the ‘long’ Partition of British India prompted new questions of legitimacy, citizenship and sovereignty, while producing “displacement, disruption and disappointment”. This was especially so in the so-called ‘Muslim-minority provinces’, among which the UP held the pre-eminent position and to which Naqvi belonged. After 21 ½ years of service, Naqvi found himself unwanted in both India and Pakistan, in a time of deepening communal divide, suspicion and hostility. A much sought-after officer during the Second World War, how was he to know that over 1947–1948, not one of the four governments to which he was and/or could be affiliated with would want to have anything to do with him.

NUEVOS MODELOS DE SOBERANÍA. KOSOVO Y LA SOBERANÍA IRRELEVANTE

La cuestión de la soberanía, en permanente evolución, tiene una enorme importancia tanto en el ámbito jurídico y académico, como en el mundo de la Realpolitik. En el caso de Kosovo es posible concluir que la cuestión de la soberanía resulta de menor relevancia que la gobernanza, dado que, al menos durante el periodo 1999-2008, ningún Estado puede ejercerla efectivamente ni reclamar los atributos y competencias que a ella acompañan. Tras la intervención militar de la OTAN, Naciones Unidas desplegó una administración territorial que colocaba todos los atributos de la soberanía y los instrumentos de poder en manos de agentes extranjeros cambiantes, no vinculados al territorio o a la sociedad de Kosovo. La autoridad del Estado es reemplazada y superada por la autoridad funcional de una institución internacional que administra y gobierna el territorio.Palabras clave: Soberanía, Kosovo, UNMIK, condicionalidad, estándares.

The Oath of Allegiance, Hannah Arendt, and the Trials of Jacobean Political Theology

This essay uses the theories of Hannah Arendt to characterize the Jacobean Oath of Allegiance as a problem of political theology, one in which the judicial performance of the oath must balance the interjection of sovereign authority over matters of individual conscience. The essay asks if that balance can include the necessarily plural, and potentially destabilizing, negotiations of promise-making. To answer those questions, the essay draws on accounts of the 1607 trial and execution of Robert Drury, an English Catholic priest captured less than a year after the infamous Gunpowder Plot. These accounts reveal how individual Catholic encounters with the Oath and the state machinery that enforced it demonstrate—in real time and before real audiences—an engagement with questions of sovereignty, conscience, and the competing claims of religion and nation that occupied more learned commentators. In this instance, Drury's attempt to negotiate a private submission to the king's decree, rather than a public one, runs aground on what I argue is the state's desire to control not only the allegiance of its Catholic (and Protestant) subjects, but also the creative and political agency that inheres in moments of socio-political compacting. The result is an account that complements recent theoretical studies by providing a sense of the lived experience of political theology in Jacobean England.

La crise de l’oléoduc Edjeleh-Gabès : Au cœur des enjeux de souveraineté du Maghreb (1954-1962)

Alors que les pourparlers franco-libyens (1954-1956) retiennent toute l’attention des pétroliers français, Paris réfléchit à sécuriser l’évacuation du pétrole du Sahara algérien. Après la perte du Fezzan libyen, la France décide de construire un oléoduc transportant le pétrole du gisement d’Edjeleh, situé non de loin de la frontière libyenne, et traversant le territoire tunisien jusqu’au port de la Skhira dans le Golfe de Gabes. La Tunisie est un petit producteur de pétrole, cependant nous verrons que dès 1958, les canalisations d’hydrocarbures qui traversent le pays deviennent aussi un vecteur des intérêts et de la sécurité des approvisionnements énergétiques français et, européens. L’accord franco-tunisien du 30 juin 1958 est rapidement dénoncé par le FLN algérien comme une atteinte à la solidarité maghrébine et un soutien au colonisateur. Certainement l’une des premières crises diplomatiques régionales, l’affaire du pipeline Edjeleh-Gabes, met en lumière les enjeux de souveraineté des diplomaties algérienne, libyenne et tunisienne à l’aune des indépendances.

The Black Radical Tragic: Performance, Aesthetics, and the Unfinished Haitian Revolution by Jeremy M. Glick

Reviewed by: The Black Radical Tragic: Performance, Aesthetics, and the Unfinished Haitian Revolution by Jeremy M. Glick Carolyn Fick Glick, Jeremy M. The Black Radical Tragic: Performance, Aesthetics, and the Unfinished Haitian Revolution. New York: New York UP, 2016. Pp. 296. Jeremy Glick's recent book, The Black Radical Tragic: Performance, Aesthetics, and the Unfinished Haitian Revolution, raises many new questions and presents challenging insights into the relationships between art and revolution. In particular, it explores the ways in which modern theatrical performances and artistic interpretations of the Haitian Revolution allow us to reconfigure the problematics of the black radical tradition as they relate to the present. To be precise, he asks: "What insights are gained when we link problems of aesthetic organization with problems of revolutionary organization?" (6). Put another way, can such linkages between the historical past and the actual present-as "ontological equivalences"-open possibilities for an ameliorative, if not a revolutionary future? Fundamentally, it comes down to a question of black self-determination and black sovereignty as an intrinsic part of universal history played out in and through revolution. For Glick, the precedent for this line of inquiry is embedded in the Haitian Revolution. Also embedded in the Haitian Revolution, as in all revolutions, are the tensions as well as the convergences between the role of official leadership on one hand, and the goals and often unarticulated, but deeply entrenched, aspirations of the masses on the other. The book is largely devoted to examining how these dynamics are cast in various twentieth-century theatrical representations of the revolution, ranging from those of C.L.R. James, Edouard Glissant, and Aimé Césaire to Bertolt Brecht, Eugene O'Neill, and Sergei Eisenstein. At the core of Glick's book is a discursive analysis of C.L.R. James's 1967 play The Black Jacobins, and Edouard Glissant's Monsieur Toussaint, produced in 1961, as two case studies from which to explore the use of the tragic as [End Page 174] a way to approach the intrinsic problem of revolutionary leadership and its interdependence with the mass base.1 Glick sees James's use of tragedy as the idiom through which the protagonist as revolutionary leader mediates his relationship with the chorus, whose voices represent and give expression to the justifiable claims of the revolutionary masses "from below." Glissant deals with the same problematic of the individual leader and his relationship to the mass base, but the approach Glissant takes is one that attempts to resolve the inherent opposition of the two through the concept of the Whole, or le Tout, wherein both the individual leader and the masses are intrinsically tied, and thus subsumed in the totality of the revolutionary project by which the nation comes into being. While the narratives of James and Glissant both ultimately insist on the interdependence between leader and base at the expense of an exclusive focus on the leader, in James such interdependence is problematized by profound divergences in goals and mentalité that, as in any revolution, inevitably emerge between leader and base, and in the case of the Haitian Revolution are grounded in the specific material conditions of the ex-slave population and the larger political objectives of Toussaint Louverture. Given these apparently irreconcilable divergences and the potential "threat from below," James confronts, but does not resolve, the recurring question in revolutionary politics of the "purge" as a necessity to justify and preserve the greater good of the revolutionary project. Just as Louverture's arrest and execution of his nephew, General Moïse, who embodied the aspirations and spoke for the agrarian masses under his supervision, and who led an open revolt against the oppression of his uncle's regime of coerced plantation labour, was done in the name of saving the revolution, for James it was also Toussaint's greatest error as a revolutionary leader. The impossibility of reconciling the mass base's collective goal of personal landownership as the means of living their lives freely, and Toussaint's overarching economic, political, and military objectives for an emancipated black state in the slaveholding Atlantic, is what lies at the very heart of the tragedy. Glick reads Edouard...