Principle Of Election Research Articles

ПРЕДЛОЖЕНИЕ ПО РЕФОРМИРОВАНИЮ ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНОЙ СИСТЕМЫ РОССИЙСКОЙ ФЕДЕРАЦИИ

Introduction: the article analyzes the extent to which electoral systems meet different (mathematical and judicial) evaluation criteria. Purpose: to identify the fairest algorithm for mandate distribution when electing deputies and officials. Methods: apart from general scientific methods, we extensively used special scientific methods including comparative legal and systematic ones. Results: we have defined the range of mathematical criteria (the absolute majority rule, the Condorcet paradox, the principle of proportional representation of the parties, etc.) and legal criteria (the provisions of the principles of equal, free, and fair election). Preferential voting systems have been found to meet mathematical and judicial criteria most of all. A number of preferential voting systems meet the Condorcet paradox and ensure proportional representation of the parties. During such an election, free and equal participation of independent and party candidates is ensured. Many other systems of majoritarian, proportional, and mixed types do not meet the abovementioned criteria. Unfortunately, in particular cases the Condorcet paradox does not allow determining the candidate to be elected. Consequently, we suggest combining the algorithms developed by Tideman, Kemeny, Young, and Schulze in order to find the ‘strongest path’, or the most reliable way of determining the candidates’ positions in the election. Conclusions: the preferential voting system developed by us is universal and can be used while electing both officers (the president, the governor) and deputies. If it was implemented, electoral legislation would be standardized, as well as the operation of election committees. Such a unification would allow improving the level of citizens' electoral rights protection.

A Constitutional Review on the Introduction of Blockchain Electronic Voting System for Fair Elections

코로나19의 대유행은 사람들 사이의 전염과 감염을 막기 위한 방법으로 ‘비대면’ 방식이라는 새로운 패러다임이 정치･경제･사회･문화 등 모든 영역에 변화를 가져왔다. 코로나19의 세계적 유행 속에서 실시된 2020년 4월 총선거는 온갖 방역대책을 수립하여 성공적으로 마무리되어 세계적인 관심을 끌었다. 한편 이미 오래전부터 논의되어온 전자투표 제도의 도입이 이뤄져 잘 정착되었다면 현장투표를 하는 선거는 애당초 불필요했을 것이다. 그렇다면 과연 무엇이 전자투표제도의 도입과 정착을 어렵게 하고 있었는가 하는 점과 그러한 문제를 극복할 기술적인 방법을 찾지 못했는가 하는 점도 분석이 필요할 것이다. 헌법상 선거의 원칙은 보통, 평등, 직접, 비밀, 자유선거다. 이 원칙들 가운데 ‘비밀’과 관련된 부분 그리고 투표조작의 가능성이라는 관점에서 ‘공정성’이라는 부분이 새로운 투표방식을 취하는 경우 해결해야 할 과제다. 왜냐하면, 비대면투표가 이루어지려면 현재의 과학･기술 발전단계에서 가능한 전자투표 제도가 이러한 의심을 해결하고 헌법상의 선거원칙들을 실현할 수 있어야 하기 때문이다. 최근 제4차 산업혁명시대에 가장 주목받는 기술 중 하나인 블록체인 기술은 그 불변적 특성과 분권적 구조로 인하여 많은 서비스 영역에서 소비자와 기업/정부 사이의 현존하는 불평등성에 대한 평등화 요소로서 중심적인 위치를 차지하고 있다. 이러한 블록체인 기술의 가능한 응용기술 중 하나가 바로 블록체인 전자투표 설계이다. 이 논문에서 투명성을 담보하는 투표함으로서 근본적인 전자투표의 특성뿐만 아니라 일정 수준의 분권적인 모형의 제시 및 유권자에게 허락된 범위 내에서 선거기간 동안 자신의 투표를 최신화하거나 변경할 수 있는 형태의 블록체인을 활용하는 잠재적인 전자투표 모형을 제시할 것이다. 나아가 블록체인 전자투표 모형이 가진 장점과 단점에 대해서도 살펴볼 것이다. 이렇게 제시되고 검토된 바를 토대로 하여 공직선거에 블록체인 전자투표제도가 정착되기 위해 필요한 전제는 무엇인지 또는 관련 법령의 개정은 어떻게 이루어져야 하는지를 검토하고 공직선거에서 블록체인 전자투표가 도입되고 잘 정착되기 위한 여건 조성과 시사점 등을 살펴볼 것이다.The pandemic of COVID-19 is a way to prevent transmission and infection among people, and a new paradigm called the “non-face-to-face” method has brought about changes in all areas of politics, economy, society and culture. The April 2020 general elections, held amid the global wave of corona 19, drew global attention as they were successfully concluded by establishing all kinds of quarantine measures. Meanwhile, if the long-discussed e-voting system had been introduced and settled well, the election to hold on-site voting would have been unnecessary in the first place. Then, it is necessary to figure out what was making it difficult to introduce and settle the electronic voting system. It will also be necessary to analyze whether there has been no technical way to overcome such problems. The constitutional principle of election is universal, equal, direct, secret, and free election. Among these principles, the part related to “secret” and “fairness” in terms of the possibility of vote rigging are challenges that must be addressed in the event of taking a new method of voting. Because, in order for non-face-to-face voting to take place, the blockchain electronic voting system, which is possible in the current stage of scientific and technological development, must be able to resolve these doubts and realize constitutional election principles. Blockchain technology, one of the most notable technologies in the recent Fourth Industrial Revolution, occupies a central position as an element of equalization of existing inequality between consumers and businesses/government in many service areas due to its immutability properties and decentralized architecture. One of the possible applications of these block chain technologies is the block chain electronic voting design (schemes). In this paper, a transparent ballot box will present not only the nature of fundamental electronic voting, but also the presentation of a certain level of decentralized model and a potential electronic voting model that utilizes a type of block chain that can update or alter his or her vote during the election period to the extent permitted by voters. Furthermore, we will look at the advantages and disadvantages of the block chain electronic voting model. Based on these suggestions and reviews, we will review what the premise necessary for the establishment of the block chain electronic voting system in public office elections or how the revision of related laws should be made, and will look at the creation and implications of conditions for the introduction and well-established block chain electronic voting in public office elections.

ELECTRONIC-VOTING (E-VOTING) POLICY IN CONSISTENT GENERAL ELECTIONS TOWARDS A DEMOCRACY SYSTEM IN INDONESIA

Indonesia as a democratic country has entered the era of the millennium in the implementation of general elections simultaneously, it is necessary to utilize computer technology using the Electronic-Voting (E-Voting) method. Several regions in Indonesia have used the E-Voting method as a means of democracy which is applied at the hamlet and village head election levels. Village Head election policy with E-Voting as a new means of democracy through a touch of the monitor screen and E-Verification through voters' E-KTP. For example: Pemalang Regency (Ujunggede Village), Jembrana Regency in Bali (Mendoyo Dangin Tukad Village). Elections through e-voting must be designed as best as possible to realize the principles of direct elections, namely direct, general, free, secret (overflow) and honest and fair (fair) in direct elections. Electronic voting systems (e-voting) must be taken seriously and ensure transparency, certainty, security, accountability, and accuracy. In addition to technology readiness, of course, it must be supported by the readiness of the community in implementing this e-voting system in the future. The government's unpreparedness and lack of socialization of e-voting can also be a factor triggering failure in implementing this system.

Ризики впровадження е-голосування в Україні в контексті постпандемічної трансформація демократії

Виокремлено та розкрито зміст ризиків впровадження інструментів електронного голосування в Україні в контексті постпандемічної трансформація демократії. Зокрема, до ризиків впровадження е-технологій у процес голосування відносяться труднощі забезпечення безпечної ідентифікація виборця в онлайн-режимі при одночасному збереженні таємниці голосування; забезпечення рівність прав тих, хто використовує інструменти е-голосування, і тих, хто голосує в традиційний спосіб; можливість несанкціонованого втручання в процес голосування і підрахунку голосів виборців інсайдерів з розширеним доступом до системи (представників влади) або хакерами тощо. Обґрунтовано, що ці ризики за умов впровадження технологій е-голосування в постпандемічний період можуть привести до послаблення довіри з боку громадськості до виборів у цілому, спричинити зменшення рівня контролю виборчими органами держави за ходом голосування і підрахунком голосів виборців, а також зберігаються загрози порушення базових демократичних принципів – рівноправність громадян, свободи агітації, плюралізму думок та ін.

Editoriale del Dossier “Il contrasto alla corruzione come strumento di lotta politica”

Tradicionalmente, segundo a gramática dos sistemas políticos-constitucionais modernos de civil law, os locais da política são o Parlamento e o governo; o Judiciário e o Ministério Público são regidos por outros princípios, os do mérito apurados com imparcialidade e em condições de igualdade. De um lado, o princípio eletivo, de outro, o princípio seletivo. Os juízes e os promotores se relacionam com a política apenas indiretamente, por meio da lei, a que Judiciário e MP devem obedecer. Parlamento e governo são os lugares da democracia, o outro é o local dos melhores, ou dos técnicos, ou da competência. No entanto, dogmas e conceitos que antes mantinham a distinção entre o que pertence ao judiciário e ao Ministério Público e o que, por outro lado, escapa ao seu domínio, tornam-se por sua vez elusivos e, para superar muitas dificuldades que derivam dessas ambiguidades, criou-se silenciosamente uma figura híbrida, a do “magistrado político” (o que, no sistema italiano, abrange a figura do juiz e do promotor). Passando pelo mito do “homem forte”, alimentado pelo espírito antielitista e pelo ressentimento social, até a atual ausência de gravitas na gestão das decisões coletivas, nas modalidades de formação da opinião pública e sua influência nas decisões políticas, neste editorial pretende-se refletir sobre os marcos interpretativos das transformações que estamos vivenciando - amplamente discutidas no sistema processual penal italiano - com o objetivo de estimular o debate sobre o tema da “luta contra a corrupção”, tanto em uma perspectiva geral, quanto, mais especificamente, em suas relações com o princípio de legalidade penal.

Публично-правовое и частноправовое начала регулирования предвыборной агитации

Публично-правовое и частноправовое начала регулирования предвыборной агитации

The experience of student self-government in improving the quality of the educational process

The article considers the organization of self-government in higher education. This means voluntary and independent public activities of students to perform the functions of management of higher education, which is determined by its administration. Along with the main tasks of student self-government bodies to ensure and protect the rights and interests of students, it must ensure the performance of duties, influence the discipline and effectiveness of education. Democratic principles of election to these bodies, their effective functioning, and the provision of guarantees are a prerequisite for integration into the Bologna Agreement. The main problems in this are the need to improve the legal framework of the educational process, low financial resources, lack of democratic political culture, the mechanism of interaction with the administration and the passivity of students. Research on the issue shows a lack of awareness of the performance of student government and a low level of trust and authority of its leaders. Instead, the experience of European universities shows in favor of these bodies in solving university-wide cases. Strong material base and financial and legal independence from the administration of the educational institution allow to independently distribute part of the funds for financing grants from student societies and associations at the university. The influence of teachers on the process of formation of future specialists in terms of application of practical experience and modern management technologies is important. Thus there is a formation of the developed personality, stimulation of activity of the future citizen, education of the tolerant interlocutor. The conclusion is made about the importance of student self-government bodies whose activities are aimed at improving the educational process, organizing cooperation with students of higher education institutions and youth organizations, cooperation with managers and executors of projects of various levels, using the practical experience of teachers on the principles of collegiality in order to improve the quality of education.

Komunikasi KPU dalam Menekan Golput di Jember

Indonesia is a country that applies a democratic political system. One of the means of the democratic political system in Indonesia is the General Election. The implementation of a democratic election should be carried out in accordance with the election principles abided by Indonesia, namely Luber-Jurdil (Direct, General, Free, Confidential, Honest, Fair). In order for the principle of Luber-Jurdil to be carried out, supervisions are requireds. Supervision is not only carried out by Panwaslu (General Election Supervisory Agency), the public also have to play a role in that supervision. The public can monitor, either directly or indirectly, the process of running a democracy / elections. The results of the current study show that there were several causes of abstention in the last 2018 elections, namely: 1) Internal factors which include technical factor and occupational factor, 2). External factors which include administrative factor, and political factor. There are also solutions to reduce the number of abstentions for the next election by easing the rules for voters to be able to vote, improving the data collection and voter registration system so that it has fresher outlook (requires adequate personnel and budget support), changing the right to vote into an obligation to vote. The electoral system must be very easy for voters to understand (for example, easy voting procedures, simple ballot paper design). For those solutions, it is necessary to involve strategic groups, such as first-time voters, religious people, women, people with disabilities and marginalized groups.

ACQUISITION OF THE GARRISON OF THE HOLY CROSS FORTRESS (1722-1735): BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE CENTRAL STATE ARCHVE OF THE REPUBLIC OF DAGESTAN

Introduction. In article mainly on the basis of materials of the Central state archive of the Republic of Dagestan history of stay of the Russian imperial troops in Dagestan of the first third of the XVIII century is reconstructed.
 Authors of article from objective positions, taking into account achievements of domestic Caucasus studies on the basis of deep studying, the analysis and generalization of archival materials set as the purpose to define a role of garrison of fortress of the Sacred Cross in implementation of the Caucasian policy by the Russian Empire in Dagestan. In article the system of completing of garrison of the Sacred Cross is considered, all parties of activity of this type of military forces reveal, beginning from the organization to garrison service.
 The methodological and theoretical basis of the article is based on the basic principles of historical science: objectivity, scientific and historicism, involving the study of historical events and facts in specific historical conditions, their consideration in a comparative historical plan. Contribution of authors. M.-P. B. Abdusalamov analyzed the mechanism of collecting and sending recruits to the regiments of the fortress of the Holy cross, it is shown that this procedure was regulated by government decrees. N. D. By Chekulaeva revealed that the acquisition of the garrison of the fortress of the Holy cross was due to recruits coming mostly from cities of the Volga region, it is shown that the officer corps of the regiments of the garrison of the fortress of the Holy cross, was completed through the estates of the nobility of the Russian Empire on the basis of the principle of election from among noncommissioned chief officers.

Employee Representatives on Company Boards – Hostages, Renegades or Fierce Opponents?

Members of company boards in Scandinavia are legally obliged to act in accordance with the interests of the company. How to interpret this obligation has been on the agenda ever since the employees were given the right to elect their own board members in the early 1970s. This article, based on data from a European survey among board-level employee representatives (BLERs), compares Swedish and Norwegian BLERs and asks whether the conflict between the company’s interests and the employees’ interests (still) constitutes a predicament? The analysis indicates that this alleged conflict belongs to the initial debate and that it is less relevant to the current BLERs. The differing election principles in Sweden (BLERs are appointed by the local trade unions) and Norway (BLERs are elected by all the employees in the company) do not alter this conclusion.

Das Mehrheitsprinzip bei kirchlichen Wahlen

Abstract The principle of majority elections has been developed in canon law, especially in the area of episcopal und papal elections. The ecclesiastical majority principle has also shaped the forms of voting in secular law. Controversies concerning the system could easily arise, when members of the minority refused to comply with the majority’s decision, as happened in 1437 at the Council of Basle with regard to the removal of the council to another city, or in 1529 at the 2nd Diet of Speyer concerning the Edict of Worms. To avoid open dissension after elections in the early Middle Ages unsuccessful voters were compelled to adopt the majority’s decision (Folgezwang). Later on proceedings were developed to avoid controversial elections altogether.

THE AUTHORITY OF ADMINISTRATIVE COURT IN SETTLING THE DISPUTES OVER ELECTION PROCESS IN INDONESIA

<em>Indonesia is a country that provides constitutional guarantees over the principle of popular sovereignty. A manifestation of the principle of popular sovereignty is through the holding of a General Election. To safeguard the implementation of fair and democratic elections, laws and regulations concerning elections are made by the government. One of the principles of fair and democratic elections is the availability of legal mechanisms to resolve election disputes. The Indonesian Election Law already has these rules. One mechanism for resolving election disputes is through state administrative courts. This research focuses on discussing the development of the authority of the State Administrative Court (PTUN) in resolving disputes over the Election process. The PTUN has long been established in Indonesia, but the authority of the PTUN in resolving election disputes is a new authority expressly granted by the post-reform election law. This study also discussing two PTUN decisions. The decisions show how electoral law is applied in the practice, which is sometimes not always the same as what is expected by legislators.</em>

РЕАЛИЗАЦИЯ ОСНОВНЫХ ПРИНЦИПОВ ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНОГО ПРАВА В ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНЫХ СИСТЕМАХ

Introduction: the article analyzes the fundamental principles of electoral law and how they are implemented in various electoral systems. Purpose: to identify the objective criteria a democratic electoral system must meet. Methods: along with general scientific methods, there have been used specific scientific methods, including comparative legal and systemic ones. Results: there have been identified three principles of electoral law that can be recognized as fundamental: the principles of equal, free, and fair election. They mutually presuppose, guarantee, and supplement each other. Moreover, provisions of one principle can be corrected by provisions of the others. Thus, the principles of equal, free and fair election form an integral sustainable system whose elements are in a dialectical unity. These principles cover all the subjects of electoral law and electoral process and they must be followed at each stage of elections. Furthermore, they are complex and include provisions of a number of secondary principles (the principles of universal, equal, direct suffrage in a secret ballot, etc.). Conclusions: the above principles are implemented to the greatest extent in ranked voting. Some ranked voting systems ensure proportional representation of parties. Elections held based on such voting assure free and equal participation of both independent and party candidates. Many other majoritarian, proportional or mixed-member electoral systems do not meet the abovementioned criteria.

Electoral Campaign Financing and Criminal Policy

In a democratic state, power is exercised by elected bodies through free and fair elections. The choice of the political class that will exercise political, economic, etc. power by the sovereign (the people) is one of the most important moments in the way how a state works.The sovereign and the expression of his will by voting for those to be elected to the governing or governing bodies. The first part will address and analyze the election campaign, the day of voting until the moment of the results, is the period when the sovereign exercises his power directly by voting which political class will lead the state.Political classes seeking to govern and govern governing bodies disclose their programs, their policies during the election campaign.Election campaigns in modern and capitalist society require funding as they are associated with costs, expenses. Election campaigns cannot be done without capital, without money. The second part will analyze the power of money in election campaigns is related to the expenses political parties or candidates make to their program, to disseminate their political and governing ideas, so money power is used to influence the sovereign to be informed on election day. who to vote for and who to choose in the governing bodies. The use of money in election campaigns forces a democratic state to set rules on how to finance, spend, etc., so setting rules such as how the power of money will affect election campaigns and their control by the responsible bodies.In a country with a fragile and transitional democracy such as the Albanian state, the control of money power during election campaigns is extremely difficult, however the manner of controlling election campaign financing is clearly defined in legislation. In this paper I will contribute by analyzing the impact of money on the Albanian state policy, first in terms of electoral financing, financing of political parties and individuals in electoral campaigns In this paper I will address and analyze how money affects constitutional principles during election campaigns, how it affects the principles of free and fair elections. The third part will address and analyze how entities participating in electoral campaigns are financed.The use of illegal money during campaigns affects the violation of constitutional principles for free and fair elections.I will address and analyze the criminal policies in the field of illegal financing of electoral campaigns. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania in relation to free and fair elections. llegal financing of election campaigns is a current phenomenon of the Albanian society, bringing about the incrimination of Albanian politics.Illegal financing of entities participating in electoral campaigns comes from organized crime or suspects in criminal activities, and this brings about the establishment of those persons who protect the latter's interests and not the interests of the constituents or democratic interests of a state .Intensify the fight against illicit financing of electoral campaigns by creating not only a complete legal framework for preventing illicit financing but also creating practical mechanisms for not only law enforcement but also the practical prevention of uncontrolled funding of electoral subjects.Setting criminal penalties for illegal financing of electoral campaigns and revising the Criminal Code in incriminating all illegal financing actions that violate free and fair elections may be the most important step in the fight against illegal financing of electoral campaigns. Illegal financing of electoral campaigns in Albania calls for free and fair elections and questions the basic principles of the representation of political entities in governing institutions and therefore the interference in law and penal policy is current and immediate.

General Election System In Papua Indonesia

Elections in Papua are held based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections.In the Papuan elections as an approach to cultural values and ethnicity through noken. The basis of modern law, and and local wisdom. This model of indigenous peoples even though it contradicts the principle of election turns out to be a democratic process and provides a sense of justice for local indigenous peoples. This study will examine the electoral mechanism in Papua by prioritizing the mechanism of indigenous Papuans. The results showed the construction of electoral law in Papua, in accordance with customary law accommodated by the community in positive law in Indonesia.

USING VOTE E-RECAPITULATION AS A MEANS TO ANTICIPATE PUBLIC DISORDERS IN ELECTION SECURITY IN INDONESIA

Purpose: General elections in Indonesia until the last election were carried based on a manual system and complex checks. This process is always vulnerable to errors and fraud. As a result of these errors and frauds, the election results are always debated and doubtful. The dissatisfaction with general election results which causes security disturbances is an example of political threats and political instability. To fulfill the principles of elections, the presence of e-recapitulation is vital.
 Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of primary data, namely the results of observations and interviews, as well as secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media.
 Main Findings: Based on field studies, the efficiency and effectiveness of e-recapitulation are believed to be the solution to current problems in Indonesia. It can be concluded that the use of e-recapitulation must begin immediately in a large scope in all regions of Indonesia to realize better, more effective and efficient general election.
 Implications/Applications: The implementation is believed to minimize the emergence of post-election conflicts caused by fraud in the vote-counting process. Free bribery and fraud can be guaranteed in the future.

Penerapan Aspek Rasionalitas Dalam Pemilu 2019 (Studi Terhadap Tingkat Partisipasi Politik ODGJ di Kabupaten Hulu Sungai Utara)

Election as a means of popular sovereignty is a vehicle for every citizen who has the right to choose to use his political rights and voice in choosing a leader. Without exception, based on the provisions in the legislation, every citizen can use this right.
 
 In the implementation of the 2019 Election, the KPU strives maximally to accommodate all citizens who have the right to vote in the DPT. Repairs made many times are as an effort to increase voter involvement in elections.
 
 One voter group that is a public concern and discourse is mental accessibility or more commonly referred to as People with Mental Disorder (ODGJ) who voted in the 2019 election. Outside the context that these mentally ill people are under forgiveness according to civil law, the constitution itself basically gives the same rights to people who have mental illness to choose. Even in the Election Law itself there is no prohibition explicitly governing this. This means that mentally ill people also have the right to exercise their right to vote. Not all mentally ill people have the awareness to choose. Of course, if there are certain conditions that are allowed to choose.
 
 But how is the implementation of the business and rules in the field as an effort to increase voter participation by the organizers? And what is important is whether the application of direct, general, free, confidential and fair election principles can also be felt by ODGJ voters. Can their rights be used, but only choose formalities without secrecy. Don't let the voting rights of citizens with certain conditions be given an opportunity to commit fraud in the election. Fraud is detrimental to the voting rights of people who have mental disorders because it is considered easy to be cheated.
 
 Keywords: Elections, Mental Disability (ODGJ), Voting Rights, Participation.

PENERAPAN ASPEK RASIONALITAS DALAM PEMILU 2019 (STUDI TERHADAP TINGKAT PARTISIPASI POLITIK ODGJ DI KABUPATEN HULU SUNGAI UTARA)

Election as a means of popular sovereignty is a vehicle for every citizen who has the right to choose to use his political rights and voice in choosing a leader. Without exception, based on the provisions in the legislation, every citizen can use this right. In the implementation of the 2019 Election, the KPU strives maximally to accommodate all citizens who have the right to vote in the DPT. Repairs made many times are as an effort to increase voter involvement in elections. One voter group that is a public concern and discourse is mental accessibility or more commonly referred to as People with Mental Disorder (ODGJ) who voted in the 2019 election. Outside the context that these mentally ill people are under forgiveness according to civil law, the constitution itself basically gives the same rights to people who have mental illness to choose. Even in the Election Law itself there is no prohibition explicitly governing this. This means that mentally ill people also have the right to exercise their right to vote. Not all mentally ill people have the awareness to choose. Of course, if there are certain conditions that are allowed to choose. But how is the implementation of the business and rules in the field as an effort to increase voter participation by the organizers? And what is important is whether the application of direct, general, free, confidential and fair election principles can also be felt by ODGJ voters. Can their rights be used, but only choose formalities without secrecy. Don't let the voting rights of citizens with certain conditions be given an opportunity to commit fraud in the election. Fraud is detrimental to the voting rights of people who have mental disorders because it is considered easy to be cheated.

Accessibility of Persons with Disabilities in Realizing Elections with Integrity

The right to vote and be elected is a constitutional right of citizens who are recognized as part of the rights to the same position in law and government. Elections are a very important momentum, in fact, the Election still often raises problems for persons with disabilities. Persons with disabilities are a group of persons with disabilities who most need special facilities so that they can choose independently so they can fulfill the principle of elections, namely Direct, General, Free and Confidential and Honest and Fair. So that the political rights of persons with disabilities have not been maximally fulfilled through the provision of accessibility in elections for them. This research is normative legal research. By using several methods of approach, namely: Legislative approach (statute approach), conceptual approach (conceptual approach), case approach (case approach). The results of the study show that the provision of accessibility space, not only on the momentum of giving rights (giving ballots to be tested) to persons with disabilities on voting days and hours in elections but giving accessibility to persons with disabilities in elections was given since the stages of election implementation were echoed. Ideally, Disabled Persons must have access as election organizers as well as election participants. The accessibility of persons with disabilities should not only be given to access rights as voters on the day and time of voting.
 Keywords:People with Disabilities; Elections; Integrity

ПОЛІТИКО-ПРАВОВІ АСПЕКТИ ЗАКОНОДАВЧОГО ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ ВИБОРЧОГО ПРОЦЕСУ В СУЧАСНІЙ УКРАЇНІ

This article examines the stages of the electoral process based on the legislation of Ukraine on elections since the proclamation of independent Ukraine until now. Considerable attention is paid to the disclosure of the concept of "electoral process", since democracy and the legitimacy of the entire system of public authorities depend to the electoral democracy. On the basis of various points of view of scientists, scholars of lawyers it can be concluded that the electoral process as a legal category is an independent legal institution of constitutional law, which should be understood as a set of constitutional and procedural norms governing the formation of representative bodies of the state and other elected bodies of state power and bodies of local self-government, election of state officials. The issue of the legislative support of the electoral process in Ukraine, the problem of the formation of a system of electoral legislation in Ukraine on the basis of which the electoral process takes place - elections of the President of Ukraine, people's deputies of Ukraine, deputies of local councils and village, town and city mayors. Adequate reflection of the will of the citizens on the formation of a system of government, the creation of conditions for free and deliberate expression of will require not only the legislative consolidation of the principles of free and fair elections, but also detailed legal regulation of procedures for conducting an election campaign, determination of the status of the subjects of the electoral process, their rights and obligations defining the results of elections, etc. The necessity of formation and establishment of a stable electoral culture of voters and the stability of electoral legislation for ensuring the proper realization of the electoral rights of Ukrainian citizens is indicated. However, the main problem is not so much in adopting laws that would comply with generally accepted democratic principles, but in ensuring compliance with these principles in practice, which does not always lie in the field of legislative regulation. In order to ensure legality in the process of organizing and holding elections, the functioning and interaction of all branches of state power, local self-government bodies and public associations must be agreed upon.