post-Soviet Research Articles

АЛБАН БУС УЛС ТӨР: КЛИЕНТЕЛИЗМ, ТӨР БОЛОН НАМЫГ БАРЬЦААЛАХ ТУХАЙ ОЙЛГОЛТЫГ ТАЙЛБАРЛАХ НЬ

This article aims to elucidate the distinct political development in post-communist countries after 1989, focusing on the deviations from democratic governance. Drawing upon the insightful analysis provided by Czech political scientist Michal Klima in his work titled "Informal Politics in Post-Communist Europe: Political Parties, Clientelism and State Capture", this review article aims to synthesize and present key findings related to clientelism, the challenges of countering the state, and the strategies employed in managing the state. The analysis encompasses elements such as clientelism, corruption, and the patronage system, highlighting the nuanced perspectives on these issues within the framework of the post-communist political landscape. The overarching goal is to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the post communist political dynamics, encompassing diverse elements such as clientelism, state governance, and the intricate interplay of political forces. In conclusion, the analysis serves as a precursor to further exploration and understanding of the post-communist political landscape, offering valuable insights into the complex nature of state governance, clientelism, and other challenges to revive the civil society to counter these defective elements of the democratic regime.

Heuristic Potential of Concepts by G. Hofstede and A.A. Auzan for Studying Binarity of Culture in Armenia and Russia

At the present stage of development, culture plays a special role in the life of society as a set of value beliefs and practices, since it is it that shapes the attitude of the population toward the basic rules, norms, and realities, which is somewhat complicated by the spread of polar cultural patterns (binarity) in society. As part of the article, using materials from sociological surveys, we tried to present arguments about how post-Soviet countries are developing in the mirror of the manifestation of binary, which is actively manifested in national culture. In accordance with the theory of A.A. Auzan, we consider binarity culture to be a type of culture built on the structural opposition of the following values: individualism/collectivism, masculinity/femininity, high/low power distance, and tolerance/intolerance to uncertainty. Within Hofstede's theory, aspects such as individualism/ collectivism, tolerance/uncertainty avoidance, and femininity/masculinity are considered. To illustrate the development of binary culture, two neighboring countries – the Russian Federation and the Republic of Armenia – are examined. In the course of the research, we conducted secondary analysis of the data obtained from public opinion surveys in the city of Yerevan (Republic of Armenia) and in the Vologda Region (Russian Federation). Within the examination, practices supporting the populations of two polar types of cultures have been identified: C-culture and I-culture. In conclusion, we present preliminary conclusions about how the signs of polar cultures manifest themselves in Russian and Armenian society. We are trying to substantiate the idea that for the effective development of the state it is necessary that the process of making decisions important for the life of the population (institutional design) corresponds to the cultural needs of the population. Main research conclusion: culture serves an explanatory function, allowing for the identification of the reasons for the success or failure of managerial decision-making.

Russian-Eastern Intersections. A Venetian ‘Anomaly’

This article is devoted to the research of a group of scholars from Ca’ Foscari University of Venice who over the course of several decades – especially starting from the 1970s, and partly up to now – have studied the cultural and political relationships between Russia and Asia. Some of these scholars were specialists in Russian studies, others came from orientalist disciplines (in particular Iranian and Turkish studies), but showed an in-depth interest – also based on acquaintance with the language – in Russia and the Soviet Union. Their research has produced a large number of publications, of a predominantly literary and historical nature, which constitute an important contribution to the knowledge of Russian-Eastern interactions, with particular reference to the Caucasus, but also to Central Asia, Crimea and the Volga region. Some aspects of this ‘Venetian school’ of Russian-Asian studies can be very useful, albeit counter-current, for present-day research on the Russian, Soviet and post-Soviet area.

The Formation of the Justice System in the Early Years of Soviet Power

The relevance of this article lies in the study of the formation and formation of the institution of the justice system in the nascent Soviet state, the factors that influenced the formation of courts, the selection of persons administering justice. This historical experience is unique in many respects, since simultaneously with the collapse of the monarchy, a new socialist state was born on its territory, the ideological and political foundations of which largely predetermined the foundations laid in the foundation of the future judicial system of the RSFSR and modern Russia.Purpose: disclosure of the features and distinctive features of the formation of courts during the formation of Soviet power.Objectives: identification of factors influencing the formation of the justice system on the territory of our state in the post-revolutionary period.Methodology. The article uses a complex of general scientific and special-legal research methods due to the historical-legal and partly interdisciplinary nature of the article.The results of the study are of a historical and legal nature and made it possible to identify factors influencing the formation and formation of the Soviet justice system in the post-revolutionary period, namely the class struggle, communist ideology, the need to win the Civil War and consolidate its results, the use of courts as another control body for citizens of the state, admission to the administration of justice of persons who do not have a special education.Conclusions. The studied period of the development and functioning of justice on the territory of our state was characterized by the elimination of the previous system of administration of justice, the reliance on revolutionary legal consciousness in the administration of justice, the subordination of courts to representative bodies elected by citizens, the presence and functioning of revolutionary tribunals.As a result of the initial reforms of the courts, the previously existing unified foundations for the administration of justice were eliminated, and new ones were just beginning to form; as a result of the reforms, judges began to be elected from representatives of the people, regardless of their professional knowledge, which significantly affected the quality of justice, but contributed to its openness.

ON THE ISSUE OF THE SANCTIONS CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE SOVIET STATE AND UNFRIENDLY COUNTRIES DURING THE PERIOD OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND THE COLD WAR: HUNGER, GRAIN, LACK OF FOOD (1917-1991)

The paper examines the problems of the sanctions confrontation between the Soviet state and unfriendly countries during the period of industrialization and the Cold War. The main periods of aggravation of interstate relations, which contributed to the tightening of mutual restrictive measures, are considered. It is shown that the ongoing reforms and other initiatives of the leadership of Soviet Russia became the reason for the confrontation for many subsequent years, which were initially initiated by England and France. It is revealed that the “golden blockade”, introduced since 1925, turned out to be a heavy burden, having worked out options for exhausting the Soviet government, strategic opponents refused to accept gold as payment for the supplied equipment, machinery and technologies, supplies were carried out only when paying with grain, timber, petroleum products and other raw materials. Due to the past lean seasons in Europe, starting in 1930, Western exporters persistently demanded payment in bread, which subsequently served as the main factor of famine in the USSR (1932-1933). Drought and crop failures in 1931 became tragic for the Soviet people, these circumstances contributed to the loss of the threshold of food security of the country. It has been revealed that the measures introduced by Western countries were directly aimed at stimulating and whipping up protest sentiments in our country, which they tried to use against the Soviet government.

The war in Ukraine, the EU’s geopolitical awakening and implications for the “contested neighbourhood”

ABSTRACT This article looks at how the Russian invasion has reshaped the EU's Eastern neighbourhood policy and subsequently how has the new policy affected the strategies of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. We systematically review policy responses to the war of the EU and the countries of the EU-Russia contested neighbourhood and identify new patterns in foreign policy behavior of these states and key domestic policy changes. We specifically highlight the shift in two key attributes of the EU's foreign policy, which has traditionally defined its neighbourhood policy: its relations with Russia and the inclusiveness of the EaP countries in the European project. We make two arguments: first, the crisis and new risks in the region has created a demand and opened a geopolitical dimension to the EU neighbourhood policy, which required Brussels to fill a hard security vacuum in its own policies in the neighbourhood, which invoked an application of new instruments to deter Moscow and support EU's Eastern allies. Second, the crisis contributes to even faster erosion of the post-Soviet space and a new regional fragmentation along geopolitical lines. Finally, the question of sustainability of these changes and their effect on the EU as an actor remains open.

The United States and Ukraine’s Aspirations for NATO Membership

The aim of the article is to analyze and evaluate the attitude of the United States towards Ukraine’s aspirations for NATO membership after the Cold War. Particular attention was paid to the period after the outbreak of war in 2022. The main research problem is the following questions: What role does Ukraine play in the US-Russia geostrategic rivalry after the Cold War? Has the United States been determined and consistent in supporting Ukraine’s aspirations for NATO membership after the Cold War? Has the outbreak of war in Ukraine in 2022 affected the US attitude towards Ukraine’s aspirations for NATO membership? The United States supported NATO’s “open door” policy, including the possibility of joining the Alliance by post-Soviet states, including Ukraine. However, international factors and the situation in Ukraine meant that the US was not determined to finalize this process, and the approach of individual US administrations to this issue fluctuated. The outbreak of war in Ukraine in 2022 caused the US to postpone the issue of Ukraine’s possible membership in NATO for the post-war period. During the research, experts and scientists from research centers in Washington D.C. and New York were interviewed. The method of content analysis of text sources was also used.

Wybrane przejawy sowietyzacji Ukraińskiej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej na początku lat trzydziestych XX wieku w rozpoznaniu Oddziału II Sztabu Głównego Wojska Polskiego i władz politycznych II RP — część II

The aim of this article is to expand upon the considerations initiated in the first part of the article on the manifestations of the progressive sovietization of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the early 1930s. The article addresses a thesis according to which the sovietization of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the years in question prevented the implementation of Ukrainian national liberation slogans. It was also an unfavorable direction in the broader context of Poland’s security in regard to the policy pursued by Moscow as well as the proximity of the Second Polish Republic to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The presented arguments have led to the conclusion that the sovietization of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the early 1930s nullified the chance for implementing Ukrainian national liberation slogans. The policy pursued by the Soviet Union led to full integration of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the structures of the Soviet state. The sovietization methods limited the right to self-determination of the Ukrainian people. The diversity of methods and spheres covered by the phenomenon of sovietization in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was one of the most important determinants of the effectiveness of this process in the early 1930s.

Populist political masculinities, gender equality, and norm contestation in Armenia and Georgia

ABSTRACT Over the past two decades, the literature on norm diffusion in the post-Soviet space has grown dramatically. Increasingly, scholars have stressed the role of geopolitical competition between powerful international actors, notably Russia and the European Union (EU), in achieving and/or resisting liberal-democratic reform in the region. This article contributes to this recent research by adding a corrective to the literature, exploring the agency of local rather than external actors in the contestation of global gender equality norms through the high-value cases of Armenia and Georgia. By uncovering taken-for-granted gendered power dimensions in local norm contestation – a subject barely addressed in the norm diffusion literature – the article offers an explanation for the persistence of non-democratic trends in the post-Soviet space as a whole. Specifically, the article examines populist political masculinities contesting EU gender equality policies and related norms concerning violence against women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (LGBT) rights, arguing that in Armenia and Georgia, it is local populist actors, using taken-for-granted patriarchal and heterosexual discourses to reclaim local masculinities and their political legitimacy, who represent a major challenge to gender equality norms.

Exploring the language policy and planning: a comparative analysis of language practice in Kazakhstan and Estonia

ABSTRACT This study proposes a modified and more precise framework for conducting a comparative analysis of the current linguistic situations in two post-Soviet countries, Kazakhstan and Estonia. While these countries share historical roots under the Soviet Union, they have followed divergent paths since its dissolution. The evolution of language policy in these nations since their independence is considered from the perspective of everyday language practice, national identity, and prestige. With a particular focus on exploring the role of multilingualism in shaping the image and prestige of the Kazakh and Estonian languages, the research reports on the participants’ awareness of the de jure language policy and their attitudes towards the de facto language policy, and assesses the present state of the Kazakh and Estonian languages in the visual and media landscape. Employing an online survey and subsequent correlation analysis using SPSS, the research findings indicate a positive shift in the perception of native languages in both Kazakhstan and Estonia, signifying ongoing efforts to elevate their prestige and modernity across various sectors. By shedding light on the complexities of language dynamics in these two countries, the findings contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the contemporary sociolinguistic landscapes in Kazakhstan and Estonia.

Discovering a Young State: Foreign Sports Delegations in the USSR during the 1920s

In the 1920s, visits by foreign delegations to the USSR served as a crucial yet challenging avenue for showcasing the achievements of the nascent Soviet state. Drawing on previously unexplored materials from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (F. 537, inv. 2), this article examines the strategies employed in hosting these guests. It explores the planning of their itineraries and leisure activities, aiming to understand how Soviet sports leaders, during the early stages of state formation, skillfully concealed various shortcomings (especially economic and infrastructural) and highlighted sports and cultural triumphs to craft a positive global image of the USSR through what was ostensibly a non-political institution.Soviet physical education leaders did not shy away from inviting foreign teams to the country; instead, they actively welcomed all interested parties who could manage the journey. An ideally orchestrated visit seamlessly integrated four key elements: sports (the competitions), culture (theater, cinema, sightseeing), daily life (direct interaction with Soviet workers), and team recreation. When executed well, these visits garnered positive international feedback, thereby enhancing the USSR's global prestige as the inaugural socialist state. This became the primary objective of Soviet sports diplomacy in the late 1920s, marking a significant stride in breaking through international isolation.However, these visits were not without limitations and challenges. The level of indoctrination varied significantly among delegations: while European proletarians often visited sites significant to the October Revolution, guests from the East were predominantly exposed to the country's cultural facets. Despite the Red Sports International's encouragement, delegations rarely ventured beyond major urban centers like Moscow, Leningrad, Kharkov, and Odessa, as provincial visits were not feasible. Furthermore, even in these key cities, visitors encountered organizational challenges such as transportation difficulties, inadequate economic support, and issues with food provision, which diminished the effectiveness of propaganda efforts. These shortcomings were largely attributable to the absence of a standardized protocol for receiving foreign guests during the first decade of Soviet sports diplomacy and the general uneven infrastructural development of the country.

Former Soviet Union middle class: how entrepreneurs are shaping a new stratum and pattern of socio-economic behavior

The purpose of this study is to create a representative socio-economic profile of entrepreneurs operating in the former Soviet Union (FSU) states as a pillar of the new middle-class stratum. This study explored middle-class entrepreneurship from multiple perspectives, encompassing statistical analysis of microdata about households and firms. The aim was to gauge entrepreneurship within a national framework and examine its associations with social and economic factors. The study adopted the Doing Business tool as a novel paradigm to establish a quantitative correlation between the economic system in the post-Soviet space and the investigated variables. The analysis revealed that prospective entrepreneurs are members of the younger generation between the ages of 25 and 34; a critical factor in the development of entrepreneurship is highly educated human capital; and typical representatives of entrepreneurship intending to operate in the FSU states establish their own business as a means of subsistence, not as a means of advancement in the social stratum. In general, an entrepreneur of the middle class in the new economies of the post-Soviet space does not demonstrate a high level of entrepreneurial activity and, as a pillar of the middle-class stratum, is in the formation stage.

Зображення жінки в мистецтві як елемент радянської ідеології (героїня- працівниця, мати-героїня, жінка в іміджі соціалістичного реалізму) в добу «відлиги» та «застою»

In the article, the authors investigated and analyzed the aspect of the depiction of women in art during the "thaw" and "stagnation" as a key element of the Soviet ideology of those times. The purpose of the article is to study the role of heroine-worker, mother-heroine, and modern woman in the image of socialist realism. Based on this, the authors drew attention to their symbolic significance in forming ideological concepts and social values in this period. The methodological basis of the research is the use of the principles of historicism, systematicity, and comprehensiveness, as well as a combination of problem-chronological methods of induction and deduction. The scientific novelty. The authors make an essential contribution to understanding the role and portrayal of women in Soviet art during the periods of "thaw" and "stagnation". By analyzing heroine-workers, heroine-mothers, and modern women in the context of socialist realism, the article highlights new aspects of their symbolic significance, which contributes to expanding the understanding of Soviet ideology and influencing the perception of the role of women in society. Conclusions. Under the influence of Soviet ideology and communist propaganda, the changed image of a woman was like an allegory of the Motherland, contributing to educating patriotism and love for the native land and the entire Soviet state and socialist society, especially in the younger generation. The result of this process came to be completely new aspects in the perception of the role of women, which were widely reflected in works of art and testified to the modification of traditional stereotypes and social roles in the Soviet socialist society. Women's participation in various spheres of the Soviet economy, supported by ideological influence, was reflected in their new image in art, positively highlighting various aspects of their daily lives and roles in a socialist society.

Problems of training of civil servants in post-Soviet higher educational institutions

Relevance. The study of problematic aspects in the process of training civil servants in the post-Soviet countries is extremely relevant today. This is, of course, due to an active policy of retraining workers according to the European approaches. Thus, an examination of the problems currently impeding the effective training of civil servants will make it possible to find ways to address and improve them.Purpose. The aim of the work is to analyze the main approaches and tools that are used by post-Soviet higher education institutions in the process of training civil servants.Methodology. In the article used various scientific and methodical means, among which functional and system approaches, as well as the method of analysis and synthesis, comparison, deduction, generalization.Results. As a result of the research, both the theoretical and practical part of the question was revealed. Accordingly, in the first half of the work the essential content of the basic concepts and terms related to the studied topic has been determined, as well as their features and features have been disclosed. In addition, the methods and approaches underlying the training of civil servants in the post-Soviet countries were digging more into and their main disadvantages were identified accordingly.Conclusions. The practical value of the work lies in the fact that it can be used as methodical material for higher education institutions, and for the personal development of individual educational workers. Perspective direction for future research is consideration of modern programs, including remote ones, to improve the professional competence of civil servants and identify their main disadvantages.

“And I Believe in Signs”: Soviet Secularity and Islamic Tradition in Kyrgyzstan

AbstractIn Central Asia, the Soviet state had destroyed most Islamic institutions by the late 1930s, which gradually alienated millions of Soviet Muslims from the basics of Islamic theology and key Islamic practices of virtue cultivation, including the five daily prayers (namaz), Islamic ethics of dressing (like covering certain parts of the body), and certain lifestyle prescriptions (such as the avoidance of alcohol, gambling, and premarital sex). As a result, mainstream Islam in Central Asia came to revolve around the main Islamic life-cycle rites (i.e., male circumcision, the marriage ceremony, and funeral prayer) and occasional practices of uttering blessings, reciting short Qur’anic verses for the souls of the deceased, and visiting shrines, among others. Although more than thirty years have passed since the fall of the USSR, this non-observant form of Islam remains widespread in the region. Inquiring into the conceptual and affective aspects of Soviet forced secularization in Central Asia, I make two interrelated interventions into secularism studies and the anthropology of Islam. First, I theorize Soviet secularism through attending to the modern state’s aspiration to transcend and transform the particularities of lived traditions, which reveals significant overlaps between communist and liberal modes of statecraft and subject formation. Second, reflecting on a non-observant form of Islam in contemporary Kyrgyzstan, I ask: what remains of a tradition of virtue ethics when its modes of abstract reasoning and virtue cultivation have all but vanished?

Perspectives of the Court of the Astana International Financial Centre: Potential to Transform the Central Asian Legal Landscape

AbstractThe rise and proliferation of International Commercial Courts has become a perceptible trend across the European and Asian continents over the past two decades. One such dispute resolution hub exists within the Astana International Financial Centre, a special jurisdiction within the Republic of Kazakhstan that operates on the basis of common law principles. The Astana International Financial Centre and its Court were modelled on the international financial centres of Dubai and Qatar; however, there are substantial differences between the legal systems of the Gulf States and that of the Republic of Kazakhstan. As a result, the creation of a new court has led to considerable criticism within the local legal community, raising serious doubts as to whether the Kazakh state should be maintaining and financing a ‘caviar-court’ instead of using resources to reform and develop the national judicial system. Nevertheless, despite the scepticism surrounding the financial centre, there is potential for the Astana International Financial Centre and its Court to become a regional dispute resolution hub for post-Soviet countries and the Central Asian region, following the example of Singapore and Dubai.

Land Distribution in German and Mennonite Colonies During the NEP Period. Expectations and Reality

The article is devoted to the study of the relationship between the Soviet authorities and the German, as well as Mennonite communities, regarding land issues during the NEP period. It is based on the analysis of the official reports, memoirs and documents. The author studies the complex relationships between the central government, the regional level of authorities (provincial and district) and Mennonites. The land distribution in Mennonite colonies, as well as the cause and-effects of the process are analyzed. In the whirlwind of the internal and foreign political processes, the newly created Soviet state found itself on the edge of socio- economic conflicts. In order to solve urgent economic issues and curb mob violence, a number of economic reforms were adopted, which are known in history as the New Economic Policy. Most of the projects of the Soviet government were based on communist ideology at the initial stage. Those advanced farms’ lands, which used to belong to the Mennonites and Germans, were redistributed. Unemployed / recent employed people who had received some land, were not skilled and did not have a knack for agriculture. Therefore, they gradually abandoned their lands. That strategy undermined the land system and, as a result, became another pushing motivation for emigration and agricultural problems in the countryside. As a result of the Bolshevik government’s land program, the Mennonite community became embroiled in complex multilevel problems: a) intra- community land tensions caused by demographic processes and the resettlement of fellow refugees from starving regions of Soviet Russia to the colonies; b) conflicts with the population of neighboring villages and poor peasant committees, which often forced the issue of redistribution of Mennonite lands in their favor; c) failure of provincial and district executive committees to enforce resolutions of the supreme power to settle the land issue of the Mennonite community; d) ineffectiveness of the national minority committee; e) the perception by some Mennonites of new communist ideas – social equality. These reasons became important pushing factors for а large-scale wave of emigration of this ethno- confessional group to North America.

Gennady Shimanov and His Unfulfilled Dream of “Orthodoxizing the Soviet State”

The article delves into the life and endeavors of Gennady Mikhailovich Shimanov (1937–2014), a relatively unknown to the wide audience yet a profoundly intriguing thinker, Orthodox publicist and dissident of the Soviet and post‑Soviet eras. It provides an overview of his biography and creative journey, highlighting his atypical position within the dissident and human rights movement, which predominantly leaned towards liberalism. In general, Shimanov’s beliefs revolved around practicing Orthodoxy during the Soviet era, Christian socialism, and Russian nationalism. The article focuses on Shimanov’s historiosophical prediction in the 1970s, suggesting the transformation of the Soviet state into an Orthodox theocracy, and the subsequent debates within the dissident literature of that time. Unusual for that period was Shimanov’s conviction in the necessity of maintaining loyalty to the Soviet state even on the part of dissidents. The article also touches upon Shimanov’s post‑Soviet creative works and their character, notably after the collapse of the USSR when his expectations starkly failed to fulfill, or fulfilled in the opposite direction. Nevertheless, other successful ideas and predictions by Shimanov are acknowledged. For example, those regarding the detrimental consequences that the country and society would experience if the liberal approach was chosen as the way out of the historical impasse of the Soviet era. The article also notes weaknesses in Shimanov’s ideologies, particularly evident in the post‑Soviet years: painful antisemitism, excessive social interpretation in understanding of Christianity, and ideological engagement. Simultaneously, the article acknowledges positive aspects of his ideas, namely his focus on national and family issues that heavily impacted the future of the Russian people.

Development of university–industry partnership in Armenia: university perspective

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to investigate university–industry partnerships in Armenia from the viewpoint of universities. By doing so, it contributes to the existing literature on university–industry collaboration by identifying and addressing the specific challenges that impede the establishment of successful university–industry partnerships in Armenia and other post-Soviet countries.Design/methodology/approachA comprehensive literature review was conducted to examine the barriers, benefits and institutional, functional framework of collaboration. Additionally, this study used a survey methodology to gather data from faculty managing staff members at six Armenian higher educational institutions on various aspects of university–industry collaboration as well as the perceptions and experiences of the participants.FindingsThe results show that the effectiveness and applicability of the university–industry collaboration channels and institutional structures in six higher educational institutions are limited. Specifically, the channels that rely on academic entrepreneurship and innovation were found to be currently unviable. Moreover, the existence of spin-offs and start-ups is notably absent. Furthermore, limited access to funding and inadequate entrepreneurial support systems pose significant barriers to developing university–industry partnerships in Armenian reality.Originality/valueThis study represents a pioneering effort within the context of Armenian higher educational institutions, as it is the first time a survey has been organized to specifically investigate the topic of university–industry partnerships. Before this study, there was a lack of empirical research and data collection on this topic in Armenian higher education settings. Therefore, this research holds significant originality and contributes to filling the existing gap in knowledge regarding university–industry partnerships in Armenia. The research is shedding light on a previously unexplored area and providing a valuable contribution to the field of university–industry collaboration research in Armenia and other post-Soviet countries.

Alexander Pushkin and His Literary Heritage in the Soviet Union in 1917–1937: from Criticism to Veneration

The article takes the process of changing attitudes to the creative heritage of Alexander Pushkin in the Soviet state as the subject of research. The goal of the research is to reveal the role played by the heritage of Alexander Pushkin in the policy of the so‑called “cultural revolution” and to what extent it contributed to the revolution’s success. Within the framework of this goal, the following tasks were set: to identify which political circumstances influenced the process under review, how strong was the overestimation of the significance of Pushkin’s creative heritage, what role it played against the background of ideological education. The task was also to consider specific events and, first of all, the 100th anniversary of the poet’s death as the moment of the final consolidation of Pushkin’s top position in the pantheon of Russian classics. The novelty of the research consists in considering changes in the attitude towards Pushkin and his creative heritage in conjunction with changes in theoretical objectives that determined the cultural development of the country. In the course of the research, the following conclusions were successfully reached. Despite the paramount importance of the theory of “two cultures” and the ideological attitudes of the Soviet government in its early years, in terms of which Pushkin as a representative of the exploiter class had to be criticized, there was no complete denial of his creative work even among the representatives of the Proletkult (the Proletarian Culture movement). At the time the cultural uniformity was established through the use of the only possible artistic method — socialist realism with highly valued ideologic content, simplicity and concreteness — models for inspiration were actively looked for. Eventually, the simplicity and national spirit of Pushkin’s characters managed to satisfy the demands in the best way possible. Despite the fact that the preparation and celebration of the Pushkin jubilee in 1937 were held according to the rules set by ideological campaigns, it had a tremendous positive effect and introduced Pushkin’s works to the broad masses of people. Pushkin’s creativity captivated millions of people. From there, we can say that the cultural development of the Soviet Union cannot be perceived one‑sidedly.