Political Opposition Research Articles

For a Research Agenda on Negative Politics

This thematic issue deals with the “negative” side of politics, more specifically with dynamics of political aggressiveness and ideological opposition in voters and elites. Why do candidates “go negative” on their rivals? To what extent are voters entrenched into opposing camps parted by political tribalism? And are these dynamics related to the (dark) personality of candidates and the expression of emotions in voters? A series of contributions written by leading and emerging scholars provide novel and groundbreaking empirical evidence along three main lines: (a) the evolution, causes, and consequences of political attacks and incivility by political elites; (b) the drivers and dimensions of affective polarization and negative voting in the public; and (c) the dynamics of candidate’s personality and perceptions, the affective roots of attitudes and behaviors. This thematic issue aims at setting the stage for a new research agenda on negative politics, able to generate new insights by triangulating evidence and approaches from strands of literature that have mostly evolved on separate tracks.

Lithuanian Postcard in the struggle against Imperial Russia

The article is devoted to a peculiar episode of the struggle of Lithuanians against the policy of persecution based on nationality which was pursued by Imperial Russia between 1864 and 1904. Its participants were representatives of the parts of the Lithuanian nation separated by the border between Germany and the Russian Empire – Martynas Jankus (1858–1946), a German citizen, a Lithuanian of East Prussia, the owner of a printing office in Tilsit (Lith. Tilžė, currently Sovetsk, a town in Kaliningrad Oblast, the Russian Federation) and a group of Lithuanian young people who were operating illegally, a group of citizens of the Russian Empire. The time under discussion is the 1890s. During that period, the Lithuanian national movement was rapidly developing and strengthening while striving to bring together both parts of the nation and the USA-based Lithuanian diaspora community. One of the most important measures of the common struggle was the distribution of publications printed in Latin characters in the Lithuanian language which were banned to be published in the territory of Russia but were legally printed in East Prussia and smuggled across the border into Lithuania. From there, the publications were sent to Lithuanian communities all over the Russian Empire. This struggle resulted in victory: the ban was lifted by Order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Russia issued in 1904.
 To strengthen the political opposition, Lithuanian intellectuals printed not only books, brochures and newspapers but also various minor publications – political leaflets. Students of Russian universities and Lithuanian intellectuals graduates of these higher education institutions prepared texts and sent funds intended for their publication to the printing offices of Lithuanians and Germans in East Prussia. The number of such leaflets surviving to the present day is very small. One of these publications was an anonymous card of the size of a standard German postcard (95 x 140 mm). Thus far, three of them have been found in Lithuanian libraries and archives, and one has been discovered in the National Library of Russia in Saint Petersburg. A composition of two illustrations is printed on one side of the card: a Lithuanian countrywoman and a Cossack standing in front of her with a raised whip and a bottle of vodka as a gift for obedience. This symbolised a spread of orthodoxy and the deportation of Lithuanians from their native land. The following exclamation of the Cossack is printed: Are you a Lithuanian? Go to Russia! The explanation of the content of the illustration and the encouragement (first of all, to Catholic believers) to oppose the plans of the authorities are printed in small characters. They are related to the colonisation of Siberia. The statements are well-grounded, the exposition of the subject is logical and written in the correct Lithuanian language. Most probably, it was created by the graduate of the Faculty of Law of the University of Moscow Vladas Mačys (1867–1936).
 Vaclovas Biržiška, Professor of Law at the University of Lithuania in Kaunas and Director of the University Library, was the first to describe this publication bibliographically. The author regarded this publication as a postcard, attributed it to Martynas Jankus’ printing office and dated it ‘1892’. A more precise description was publicised in the fundamental work of Lithuanian national bibliography Lietuvos TSR bibliografija. Serija A: Knygos lietuvių kalba (Bibliography of the Lithuanian SSR. Series A: Books in the Lithuanian Language; vol. 2: 1862–1904. Book 2 (Vilnius, 1988, p. 401, No. 4065). It was compiled in the Soviet era, and the only available copy stored in Mikhail J. Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library (currently renamed the Russian National Library in Sankt Petersburg) served as the basis for it. The present author amended the publication date of the postcard (1891) and specified the circumstances of its distribution, while also ascertaining that the artist of the illustrations was the lithographer of Tilsit Johann Mai.

Colonial Origins of Postcolonial Authoritarianism in Tanzania: The Reflection on Democracy

The authoritarian style of rule and democratization in Tanzania after independence cannot be understood without analyzing the colonial state and the nature of its administration. The colonial state was alien, illegitimate, and established to facilitate the exploitation of Tanzanians and their resources. It was also compounded with highly centralized power, suppression and coercion, and imprisonment of anyone threatening the authority of the state. These features were against democratic principles thus, facilitated resistance to colonial rule. Political opposition was forbidden. Civil liberties were not respected. Coercion was the order of the day, and the colonial state did not hesitate to deport or imprison anyone threatening its authority. Independence was cheered by the masses as a new chapter in the road towards democracy and development. But to their disappointment, the postcolonial state was of similar caliber to the colonial state. As such, colonial legacies of authoritarianism continued to dominate. This has not changed to date, posing a threat to building a developmental and democratic state. This paper discusses the colonial heritage of authoritarianism and its reflection to “democratic” Tanzania. It argues that the administrative structure of post-colonial government in Tanzania, imitated the colonial administrative styles of rule, which works against contemporary democratic ideals.

Turkey’s State Crisis: Institutions, Reform and Conflict

Turkey’s State Crisis: Institutions, Reform and Conflict

The Politics of Islam: The Muslim Brothers and the State in the Arab Gulf

The Politics of Islam: The Muslim Brothers and the State in the Arab Gulf

W oczach Zachodu. Białoruś po 9.08.2020 r. w tradycyjnych mediach francuskich – casus „Le Monde”

The article focuses on topics concerning Belarus appearing in the French daily Le Monde . The goal is to determine whether and how Belarus (defined as a state and a society) has been and is perceived in the French media, and whether the events, such as the presidential election of 9 August 2020 and the resulting protests, have impacted the interest of the media and the character of the published materials/press articles. The article has been divided into three parts, including a short characteristic of the Le Monde daily and a discussion on the reasons why the newspaper is regarded as an influential and opinion-forming. The second part is a brief presentation of the Belarussian themes, which were present in Le Monde before 9 August 2020. Finally, the third part of the article presents the analysis of press articles published in Le Monde between 9 August 2020 and 9 August 2021. The diachronic focus has revealed a gradual transformation of the image of Belarus, shaped by the French media, and a revision of the key words and the related interpretation framework. The framework, which has been used to describe Belarus until that time: Alexander Lukashenko (the last European dictator) − political opposition (political prisoners, victims of the regime) has proved to be insufficient. New notions have been appearing alongside the old framework, such as the Belarussian society, which is no longer passive and submissive but is becoming creative and increasingly active in the fight for a new Belarus, despite the threat of repressions from the authorities.

STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA

The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the Arab region. Prerequisites for changing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa are complex. After the political party Justice and Development came to power, it led to the desire for neo- Ottoman revanchism and the rejection of the "zero problems with neighbors" political vector. Also, through various reforms, the leader of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, managed to neutralize the political opposition and the Turkish military, who historically were the external arbiters of Turkish political life. The strengthening of Erdogan's political position inside Turkey allowed him to change the external political course of his country. After the start of a series of revolutions in the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey felt that it could regain in this region the lost political and economic positions that it had lost after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. After that, Turkey began to position itself as an important military, political and economic player in the region, competing with such countries as Israel, Egypt, Iran and Saudi Arabia. This vector of development of Turkey's foreign policy showed that the country no longer seeks to pursue a policy close to the interests of the United States and the European Union, and began to distance itself from the Western world, becoming the dominant political and military player in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions. This trend showed that the Republic of Turkey has already declared itself as a regional power that other political players need to reckon with.

The Formation of Muslim Minorities within a Muslim Majority Context: the Case of Shia Groups in Nigeria

Abstract Focusing on al-Ḥaraka al-Islamiyya fī Nayjīriyā (Islamic Movement in Nigeria), which is the largest Shia group in the country, this article examines Shia’s growth and social relations between its members and the Sunni majority. It analyses how the imn uses its structure, networks, and reform programs to spread Shia at the grassroots despite theological and political opposition from the Sunni majority. Beyond engaging in doctrinal polemics with the Sunnis, the Shias organized themselves into a well- structured religious movement with a political agenda challenging the Sunni majority and the Nigerian state. They are construed as a threat by the state, a notion supported by the Sunni Muslims within and outside the government. Subsequently, these dynamics inform how both Shia minorities and Sunni majority react to each other and how they both partake in remaking the wider social fabric of the society they share through interpersonal encounters and their relationship with the state.

“Those Deluded, Ill-Starred Men”: Frederick Douglass, the New National Era, and the Paris Commune

The Paris Commune was the apotheosis of what unfolded in the 1848 European Revolutions, the first time the working class actually took political power, although briefly. Frederick Douglass covered the events of the Paris Commune closely in his newspaper, the New National Era. Douglass’s views on the Paris Commune, as of yet unexplored in detail by scholars, illuminate his relationship to democratic and social movements both abroad and in the United States. This essay examines in-depth the writings in Douglass’s newspaper on the Paris Commune and argues Douglass’s commitment to mass movements and oppositional politics did not necessarily extend to oppressed wage workers and was therefore situational, specifically as it related to class, labor, and republicanism. The Commune abroad and labor unrest at home motivated Douglass to examine the “labor question” for his readers. This brought to light his free labor prescription, with its assumption of a harmony of interests between capital and workers, to the problem of inequality and the exploitation of labor. Douglass supported, at key junctures, revolutionary movements and action both in Europe and at home, but his reaction to the Paris Commune exposes the limitations of his liberal political thought to take on an internationalist analysis of class conflict and labor struggles, especially when compared to contemporaries such as Benjamin Butler, Wendell Phillips, and Karl Marx. This study offers a unique contribution to Douglass scholarship while also building on research on Americans’ views of the Paris Commune and the retreat from Reconstruction. Douglass’s writings on the Paris Commune and the labor movement deserve more attention. They provide opportunities for historians, political theorists, and labor activists to augment our understanding of Douglass’s post-war career.

Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and Challenges in Johor

PAS’s existencein the state of Johor has spanned more than six decades. Nevertheless, the party's performance in the state election is seen to be still in an uncertain state until today when it failed to win a satisfactory number of seats both at the parliamentary and state assembly levels. This situation suggests that PAS is facing a serious problem that needs attention and a thorough solution to enable the party to get out of the prolonged political lethargy syndrome. By using a descriptive case study design, this article aims to unravel the challenges faced by Islamic party that make it difficult for them to expand in the state of Johor. The results of the study show that there are three main challenges faced by PAS, namely limitations on religious access, party identification and current sentiment of oppositional politics that are not in their favor. Therefore, PAS is advised to rejuvenate its image and set the direction of the party clearly so that the penetration rate of the party's influence can be elevatedin the state of Johor.

Sanctions are Costly for Citizens but Beneficial for Autocrats: A Political-Economic Perspective

Abstract Economic sanctions negatively affect the target country’s economic potential. As a type of enforced protectionism, sanctions shift the relative power in the target country between its citizens and its (autocratic) government. This shift tends to favor autocrats as their power over the limited means of production increases and as they control the remaining international exchange opportunities. Resistance against autocratic governments would require collective action by citizens or an organized political opposition, but the autocrats’ relative gain in power due to sanctions increases their likelihood of staying in power. Internationally, an economically weakened country may present less of an external military threat. However, as the stabilization of a target regime is a likely outcome of sanctions, sanctioned regimes remain an international threat. Therefore, we also discuss potential alternatives to sanctions as policy tools.

Political opposition and voter mobilization in an authoritarian state: The case of parliamentary elections in Iran

ABSTRACT Most autocratic leaders have confidence they can control election results by holding unfair and unfree competitive elections. They have many tools at their disposal to ensure they do not lose elections. Although electoral fraud and ballot box stuffing can secure an easy win, such tools may trigger mass protests and jeopardize the existence of the nondemocratic state. Nondemocratic leaders abuse the electoral system to prevent coordination among opponents and the masses. From changing election rules and banning political parties to eliminating effective candidates, the ‘menu of manipulation’ that nondemocratic leaders employ blocks creation of a focal point for collective action among the opposition. Moreover, the opposition rarely has an opportunity to solve collective action problems and deliver a unified message for change. When the opposition does capitalize on this opportunity, a segment of the electorate that opposes the nondemocratic leader responds to the opposition’s mobilization efforts. Based on original data gathered at the district level between 2000 and 2016, this study offers an original investigation into Iranian legislative elections. I argue that when opponents of an autocratic leader provide a unified request for change in the status quo, there is a surge in voter turnout.

Building a Disciplined and Efficient Body: Nationalism, Eugenics, and Physical Culture in Interwar Argentina

This paper analyses the body policies produced and transmitted from the physical culture and sports in Argentina during the period called the ‘infamous decade’ (1930–1943). In general terms, this period was characterised by fraud, electoral prescription, violence, mobilisations, strikes, and coercion and intimidation against the political opposition. This paper analyses two aspects of the elite’s attempts to bring under control some of the modernist dynamics installed during the decade. The first part explores the role of eugenics in the scientific study of sport and the debate on female athleticism. The second examines the reform of physical education introduced by the filo-Fascist Governor, Manuel Fresco, in the schools of Buenos Aires Province, Argentina’s richest and most populated electoral district.

Against lords and Parientes Mayores. Social conflict and resistance in the late medieval Basque Country

ABSTRACT This work aims to define the structural elements of aristocratic rule, noble lords in Álava and Parientes Mayores (heads of household) in Guipúzcoa and Biscay, over their lordships and church patronages; the fiscal and political opposition presented by hidalgos (petty nobility), peasants, ferrones (metal-industry workers) and townspeople; and the evolution of the resulting conflict over time. We also outline the discourses elaborated to legitimise lordly authority or to reject it, and those mobilised to denounce the arbitrary fiscal demands of the nobility and conditions of political exclusion. In order to illustrate this, we examine the rule of the Rojas and the Hurtado de Mendoza families over the small towns of Antoñana and Santa Cruz de Campezo, and the steadfast opposition to this rule from the towns’ residents.

Hossou v. Benin (Judgment on Jurisdiction) (Afr. Ct. H.P.R.)

On March 24, 2020, Benin notified the African Union Commission that it was withdrawing from the optional aspect of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (Court) that entitled non-governmental organizations and individuals to bring cases directly to the Court. Benin withdrew due to perceived interference by the Court in a domestic commercial transaction and numerous decisions against Benin involving political opposition, with the state noting “serious incongruities.” Benin also indicated its intention to attempt to reform the Court at the next African Union Summit.

“Special Feature: The Achievements of John Dennis,” ed. Claude Willan. 1650–1850: Ideas, Aesthetics, and Inquiries in the Early Modern Era, ed. Kevin L. Cope

“Special Feature: The Achievements of John Dennis,” ed. Claude Willan. <i>1650–1850: Ideas, Aesthetics, and Inquiries in the Early Modern Era, ed. Kevin L. Cope</i>

On Dankwa's Gift

On Dankwa's Gift

The image of the Umayyad Caliph Marwan bin Muhammad (127-132 H/744-749 AD) according to historians of the third and fourth centuries AH

The era of the late Umayyad caliphs witnessed political fluctuations, opposition movements, family and tribal conflicts, and the emergence of the Abbasid da’wa. Marwan bin Muhammad from the religious, political and administrative point of view, and what is the effect of that image on the future of the Umayyad state and the factors for its downfall, and the extent of the caliph’s responsibility for that, according to what the writings of historians of the two centuries provide us with information.

Social Media Regulation, Freedom of Expression, and Civic Space in Nigeria

This study investigates the impact of the digital revolution on freedom of expression and civic space in Nigeria, particularly examining the role of social media regulation in the country's shift towards autocratization. Employing secondary data sources, the research focuses on key variables, including the government's approach to online content regulation, social media shutdowns, and capacity to regulate online content. The analysis reveals that the government's attempts to control the new media space go beyond silencing the press to outright repression, leading Nigeria towards authoritarianism characterized by reactionary tendencies. Moreover, the study finds that the combination of excessive social media regulation, a suppressed judiciary, and a weakened legislature may result in authoritarian rule in Nigeria. The paper concludes that disobedience to court orders and the use of state institutions against political opposition contribute to the erosion of democracy, highlighting the importance of a balanced approach to social media regulation to protect freedom of expression and maintain a democratic society.

Zimbabwe w roku 2013 – nowe porządki w starym stylu?

The year 2013 seemed good for President Robert Gabriel Mugabe. After a period of dual power (2008-2013), he regained full control of Zimbabwe. The political opposition and the international community did not stand a chance with the president’s team. Interestingly, the fate of President Mugabe was determined by his own party and army, which for years served Crocodile faithfully. In 2017, the Mugabe era in Zimbabwe ended. However, in 2013 he was able to celebrate the full triumph. This article is about this.