Political Opposition Research Articles

A decadal outlook for global aquaculture

A decadal outlook for global aquaculture

Legalism without adversarialism?: Bureaucratic legalism and the politics of regulatory implementation in the European Union

AbstractMany scholars predict that European integration will foster adversarial legalism in Europe. In this article, I empirically assess the Eurolegalism thesis by examining EU regulatory mandates in the competition and securities fields, two policy areas where adversarial legalism is seen as most likely to develop. I argue that the diffusion of adversarial legalism to Europe has faced significant political opposition in the EU policymaking process which has curtailed the use of private enforcement mandates in EU secondary legislation. European policymakers have relied more on administrative enforcement through public regulatory agencies, a mode of policy implementation closer to bureaucratic legalism. In practice, public authorities play the primary enforcement role and private litigation serves the narrower function of compensation following public enforcement actions. Drawing from institutionalist theory, I identify several factors that have encouraged the development of bureaucratic rather than adversarial styles of European legalism, especially member states' commitments to procedural subsidiarity, the negative feedback effects from the US experience with entrepreneurial litigation, and the stickiness of European legal and bureaucratic traditions.

Political ambition and opposition legislative review: Bill scrutiny as an intra‐party signalling device

AbstractRecent research on executive–legislative relations in parliamentary democracies has shown that members of majority parties submit amendments to government bills to police the coalition compromise and to distinguish themselves from their coalition partners. It is poorly understood, however, what motivates members of the opposition to engage in the resource‐intensive work of proposing changes to government bills. Not only are amendment proposals by the opposition often unsuccessful (lack of policy motivation), they are largely invisible to the electorate (lack of vote motivation). We argue that amendments by the opposition are best understood as reflecting office motivations of legislators. Ambitious legislators draft amendments to signal skill and expertise to their party peers, which is rewarded with promotions to higher office. We confirm our argument with original data from a German state parliament. The findings further our understanding of legislative review, individual legislative efforts and career trajectories.

Süreyya Ağaoğlu and the emerging liberal order in early Cold War Turkey

This article discusses the life, career, and associations of Süreyya Ağaoğlu, Turkey’s first female lawyer, in the years leading up to Turkey’s watershed 1950 election, in order to understand Turkey’s liberal opposition. Considering her writings and experiences reveals not only the contested nature of liberalism in this period but also ways in which postwar liberalism was intertwined with the networks undergirding the emerging American-led Cold War order. Not only did she interact in her professional life with champions of liberalism from around the world, but she was also connected through her family to important figures in Turkey’s own liberal tradition. Her experience as a both a product of the ‘Kemalist’ state-building project and a critic of its excesses helps us think about the nature of political opposition during Turkey’s late 1940s democratization.

Legitimacy Concerns and Countermeasures of Multinational Enterprises: Taking Yankuang’s M&A in Australia as Evidence

With the continuing integration of global economy, Chinese enterprises speed up the expansion of overseas markets. However, factors such as legal differences, cultural conflicts, political opposition have generated severe legitimacy concerns that Chinese enterprises cannot afford to ignore in their internationalization. Such legitimacy concerns pose a huge challenge and substantially hinder the pace of internationalization of Chinese enterprises. But the current research mainly focuses on the acquirement of organization legitimacy, with little attention paid to the responding strategies of firms under legitimacy concerns. Such research gaps not only seriously hinder our understanding of factors leading to those legitimacy concerns against Chinese enterprises in host countries, but also bring practical losses to the internationalization of Chinese enterprises. This thesis aims to address those research gaps. This study contributes to the legitimacy literature by discovering various factors shaping legitimacy concerns of international Chinese enterprises and their corresponding legitimizing strategies. With the triangulation data focused on legitimacy research from Factiva and through Yankuang Group's overseas M&A in Australia, this thesis finds that firms identify various factors leading to their unique level of legitimacy concerns and adopt distinguishing responding strategies corresponding to those legitimacy concerns. In addition, this thesis provides implications to other international Chinese enterprises by building a framework of "Legitimacy Concerns-Countermeasures-Suggestions".

Opposition Political Youth Associations in Russia: Modern History

The object of scientific research is the opposition political youth associations associated with the political parties of the Russian Federation. The subject of scientific research is the activity of domestic political youth associations in various spheres of public life of the Russian Federation in the modern period. The purpose of the study is to analyze the historical path and activities of political opposition youth associations and determine their place in the socio-political life of the Russian Federation in the 1990s - at the beginning of the XXI century. General scientific (analysis, synthesis and others) and special historical research methods (historical-comparative, historical-genetic and others) were used. The article analyzes the historical path of the opposition political youth associations of Russia at the turn of the second and third millennia. The complex process of the development of multiparty youth associations of modern Russia, the formation of the "right-left" opposition is considered. The features of specific political youth associations are analyzed. It was concluded that modern opposition political youth associations, from the beginning of their existence to the present, are characterized by fragmentation and disunity, lack of clear programs, effective forms of work. They have a variety of ideological foundations. At the moment, the main direction of their activity is political. Opposition political youth associations are experiencing limited tools of their own propaganda. A common feature of all opposition youth associations is the absence of openly Nazi views. The left opposition has the greatest influence among youth opposition actors.

Shaheen Bagh and the Politics of Protest in the Anti-CAA Movement in India

This article attempts to understand the pathways and politics of resistance within the anti-CAA/NRC (Citizenship Amendment Act/National Register of Citizenship) protests in India. Led and organised by Muslim women, the activists living in the locality of Shaheen Bagh emerged as a powerful symbol of resistance against, and reimagination of, hegemonic notions of nationalism, secularism, citizenship, and belonging in contemporary India. By exploring the resistance seen in Shaheen Bagh as a case study, our analysis tries to understand the ways in which the protest was a reflection of emergent solidarity, engendered in part by the communalisation of everyday life in India and the rise of Hindu majoritarianism. We contend that the actions in Shaheen Bagh should be seen as symbolising an organic resistance movement located at the intersection of gender and religion. This research aims to raise the following questions: How did the activists from Shaheen Bagh navigate its potential as a gender-based protest movement while framing a political opposition to CAA/NRC? How does the idea of Shaheen Bagh offer us new vocabularies of thinking about alternative democratic futures through the prism of prefigurative politics? This article suggests we need to resist a linear or coherent reading of the protest and instead attend to its fragmentary, contested, and contradictory forms.

Music, performance and ZANU-PF’s hegemony in Mugabe’s newly independent Zimbabwe

The premise of this article is that popular music was a critical space for enforcing hegemonic dominance of ZANU-PF during the first decade of its rule, as perhaps in other eras. When it assumed power in 1980, ZANU-PF did not hide its intention to establish single-party rule, which was then popular across Africa. Top among competing priorities for the new regime was removing all centres of political opposition or resistance. But PF-ZAPU, ZANU-PF’s erstwhile liberation war rival, threatened this vision in south-western Zimbabwe, where it enjoyed significant support. We analyse music that promoted ZANU-PF hegemony in the context of the Gukurahundi ‘genocide’ in the early 1980s, a campaign that was part of the desire for complete dominance of Zimbabwe. The music contained a celebratory discourse spreading fear and emotional violence, thus censoring and suffocating competing narratives about the new state.

Idoya Puig and Karl McLaughlin, eds. Spanish Golden Age Texts in the Twenty-First Century: Teaching the Old Through the New; Alba Carmona. Las reescrituras fílmicas de la comedia nueva: Un siglo en la gran pantalla

Idoya Puig and Karl McLaughlin, eds. <i>Spanish Golden Age Texts in the Twenty-First Century: Teaching the Old Through the New</i>; Alba Carmona. <i>Las reescrituras fílmicas de la comedia nueva: Un siglo en la gran pantalla</i>

A Right to Speak: Formerly Enslaved People and the Political Antislavery Movement in Antebellum America

By running away, fugitive slaves have long been recognized as important figures in exacerbating sectional tensions and sparking the Civil War. But the political impact of runaway and formerly enslaved people extended well beyond their absconding. This essay explores how their lives in and escapes from slavery powerfully influenced the growth of formal antislavery politics. Fugitive and former slaves, along with their white political allies, used their experiences of enslavement to build political opposition to slavery. Formerly enslaved men became vocal speakers for political abolitionist coalitions, convincing listeners to support antislavery politics. Women escapees from slavery, too, pushed white antislavery politicians to adopt more visceral political language. Former slaves' political activism brought a humane dimension to antislavery politics, forcing the nation to see the political struggle against slavery through their eyes and experiences.

Locating Contemporary Indian Federalism: Contextualising the Trends of Centralisation with Changing Dynamics

Indian federalism is a peculiar model designed to accomplish the necessities of a heterogeneous and multifaceted society. The constitutional framework of federalism spells out that the fate of the states rests with the centre, as the centre can alter it with consultation but without taking consent from the concerned states. The justification offered for such a design during the Constituent Assembly deliberations was to thwart the centrifugal forces that had caused the partition of the subcontinent. The post-independence issues emerged due to several circumstances that influenced federalism in a political milieu where one party, the Congress, held dominance for the first two decades. This phase of Indian federalism was less contentious than the subsequent phase because of consensual politics but opposition and confrontation later appeared with the rise of oppositional politics and regional autonomy demands. In the 1990s, Indian federalism experienced a shift where regionalisation and federalisation of political parties reshaped the federal context along with other factors. Also, this was a volatile phase followed by a bi-nodal alliance system that brought political stability at the national level. The BJP scripted landmark victories in the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections that unleashed new challenges and strengthened the trends of centralisation. Besides centralisation, federal cooperation found space through several initiatives of the centre. Thus, the article investigates how Indian federalism functions in a variegated system by emphasising the contemporary trends of centralisation with changing dynamics.

أنساق المعارضة السياسية في مضمر شعر (بلند الحيدري): مقاربة بمنظور النقد الثقافي

The culture was able to pass its patterns embedded in many areas of everyday lifestyle, among which and especially its aesthetic aspects are best expressed through the poetic texts of the poet Bland al-Haidari. We found that culture became the second author in parallel with the dissected texts of the apparent author al-Haidari. We have found the effect of culture is so strong within the texts that at times the poet expresses things in his literary language and with the full awareness that appear differently from what the embedded subtext suggests. Our study, which came under the title: (THE PATTERNS OF THE POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE POETRY OF BLAND AL-HAIDARI: AN APPROACH TO CULTURAL CRITICISM) through which we were able to uncover a set of embedded political patterns, expressing the opposition sides, hiding under the aesthetic rhetorical façade of the text. For this reason, we have resorted to cultural criticism, because it is the competence of this criticism to cross the literary connotations and reach the third semantic dimension, which is the semantic dimension. This is the essence of the difference between literary and cultural criticism, as literary criticism does not go beyond critical aesthetics.

De 1864 à 1880 : Valentin Magnan (1835–1916), un anatomo-clinicien, expérimentateur, enseignant et fondateur d’une maison de santé privée à Suresnes fondée en 1875 avec Gustave Bouchereau (1835–1900) et Gustave Lolliot (1837–1882) ou l’histoire d’un évincement d’un aliéniste radical-socialiste à la chaire des maladies mentales et de l’encéphale en 1877 (Partie II)

The Orleans monarchist Ferdinand Duval (1827–1896) that was the prefect of the Seine issued a decree abolishing the teaching of mental illness following the Teulat affair and in the name of Moral Order politic, this is very different from the republican project. This decree inaugurated a lot of debates. The reading of these about the question of the creation of a chair for mental illnesses and the brain (1877) at the General Council of the Seine and the French National Assembly reflected the political oppositions between monarchist and republican. Magnan was discredited by his participation at the so-called exhibition of the insane and his creation of a private health center in Suresnes (1875) with Gustave Bouchereau (1835–1900) and Gustave Loliiot (1840–1882). That was said to oust Magnan as a candidate to hold the Chair Mental Illness Clinic. Auguste Voisin (1829–1898) was eliminated for this job because he was the brother of the police prefect Félix Voisin (1832–1915). We believe that Magnan was not selected because his attitude of allegiance to Georges Clémenceau (1841–1929); their relationship went beyond a simple friendship. Magnan’ political orientation was a radical socialist. He was not in favored on the one hand with the President of the Council Jules Simon (1814–1896) and on the other hand with the Minister of Public Education and Fine Arts William Henry Waddington (1826–1889). The latter was the signatory of Ball's appointment order and his installation to the Chair Mental Illness Clinic at Sainte-Anne Asylum. In fact, Ball has Britannic origin and was Protestant as W.-H. Waddington. Thus, he was the minister's favorite. At a time when an ambient anticlericalism existed, the appointment of a Protestant alienist reflected a desire to maintain religious influence on the hospital ground for the Protestant community. Therefore, Benjamin Ball (1833–1893) appointment as the first holder of the Chair Mental Illness Clinic at Sainte-Anne asylum has been based on political and religious background.

Denunciando al estado. Los artistas como Campaneros en América Latina de los 60.

DENOUNCING THE STATE: THE ARTISTS AS BELL RINGERS IN LATIN AMERICA OF THE 1960S The term bell‑ringer is relatively new, however, it is derived from the concept of whistleblower, which emerged in the 1960s. In that decade, many Latin American countries experienced coups and military dictatorships, which oppressed the political opposition and censored the media. In the absence of the institutions of control and independent journalism, artists began to denounce the abuses of power and the vices of societies in their works, which led to the creation of new artistic movements in Latin America. This article seeks to test a hypothesis that as a result, the artists became bell‑ringers, perfectly fitting the definition framework of the theory presented by Marcia P. Miceli, Suelette Dreyfus, and Janet P. Near.

Women Opposition Leaders: Conceptual Issues and Empirical Agendas

&lt;p&gt;This thematic issue provides the first comprehensive overview of women opposition leaders and their performance. Setting the stage for a new research agenda, this editorial piece integrates theoretical and empirical insights at the intersection of three distinct research areas: political opposition, political leadership, and gender and politics. It discusses various notions of opposition leaders and identifies three main lines of inquiry: (a) career pathways and trajectories, (b) patterns of selection and de-selection, and (c) the actual and perceived performance of women’s oppositional leadership. Applying a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches, this collection of original articles captures the diversity of women opposition leaders, their career trajectories, and their exercise of leadership across different political regimes and world regions.&lt;/p&gt;

The political economy of carbon border adjustment in the EU

Abstract The European Commission has proposed a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) to enable ambitious climate policies in EU member states and to incentivize emission reductions in other countries. This paper adopts a dynamic, multilevel, polycentric perspective to discuss how domestic as well as foreign interest groups would be affected by the policy. Our analysis yields three central insights. First, diplomatic efforts should be focused on a small number of countries that would be most severely affected by the CBAM. Second, the CBAM should be implemented as an enabler of domestic mitigation efforts in an open climate alliance instead of an attempt to extend EU climate policy to other countries. Third, gradually phasing in the CBAM while phasing out free emission permits for EU producers and supporting the transformation of carbon-intensive sectors in third countries can ease political opposition from domestic as well as foreign industries.

Social and political opposition to energy pricing reforms

ABSTRACT Fossil fuel subsidy reforms (FFSRs) are critical to sustainable development goals. Fuel subsidies sap governments of funds and contribute to environmental degradation. However, progress on their reduction has been mixed due to weak political and social support for higher prices. Energy affordability has recently shot up the agenda, following a period of sustained energy and broader price inflation, contributing to a resurgence of strikes and other expressions of social grievance. Drawing on empirical experiences across a diverse set of countries – including Chile, France, Indonesia, Iran and Ghana – this paper explores factors shaping the societal and political acceptability of FFSRs. It shows that such measures should be better adapted to the unique political, social and economic fabric of each reforming country or locality. It builds on insights from a small literature on political and social factors shaping FFSR outcome, which emphasize greater risks of social resistance in countries with weak institutions, lower income levels and a history of political instability. It finds that a key element for the success of policy reforms in this area is the ability of policy makers to maintain a broader balance among social, political and industrial interests, regardless of the stage of economic and institutional development.

What Was the ‘Alt’ in Alt-Right, Alt-Lite, and Alt-Left? On ‘Alt’ as a Political Modifier

What was the ‘alt’ in alt-right, alt-lite, and alt-left? Tracing these controversial terms’ development over the 2010s, this article interrogates the construction, meaning, and utility of the ‘alt’ modifier in US politics. Contextualizing the emergence of ‘alt’ among wider debates about how to spatially conceptualize anti-system politics beyond the left-right spectrum, it argues that ‘alt’ was used to name a tendency that moved beyond traditional ideological questions about what society should look like, and instead signified a preference about how politics should be done: namely, a rejection of the mainstream norms of political conduct, and an embrace of vulgarity, incivility and an extremely adversarial approach to political opposition. It shows how a popular-cultural understanding of ‘alternative’ was used to give this approach a countercultural sheen, and maps out the cleavages between groups that the alt/mainstream binary opened up. Finally, it considers the legacy of the ‘alt’ modifier in contemporary politics.

Editorial

This issue of the Bhutan Journal has focused partly on language─ the most specifically the changing needs and status of the language of the Bhutanese diaspora. When the Royal Government of Bhutan wanted to reduce its potential political opposition, one of the major criteria in its target list was Nepali language and its users. The evicted people- who were mostly of Nepalese descent- reached Nepal where they reinvigorated their skills in Nepali language and literature that had almost extinguished in Bhutan. During their migration for resettlement, for many literate people, Nepali language or literature was the only possession they carried with them.

Political Pathways and Performance of Women Opposition Leaders in Indonesia and South Korea

While some world regions have seen women opposition leaders with no ties to political families rise to national leadership, in East Asia, women opposition leaders who ascend to national executive positions have been largely limited to the wives, daughters, or sisters of prominent male politicians. Locally, however, there have been some broadening and diversification of women who seek and win executive office through oppositional politics. Given the small number of women opposition leaders who have gained leadership positions in the government, this article develops an interpretive study of the relationship between becoming “critical actors” and doing “critical acts” as women opposition leaders. Using four illustrative cases of women who have pursued executive power through oppositional politics, this article questions whether and how the variation in women’s pathways affects their exercise of power in Indonesia and South Korea, two young though consolidating democracies in East Asia. Drawing on the biographies and policies of two presidents (Megawati Soekarnoputri and Park Geun-hye) and two mayors (Tri Rismaharini and Kim Soo-young) it shows that local women opposition leaders use their executive leadership to initiate and implement public policies, unlike their national counterparts whose pathways and performance are intertwined with family background. By doing so, the article sheds light on the complex nexus between political pathways and performance of women opposition leaders.