Party Images Research Articles

ҚАЗАҚСТАННЫҢ АГРОӨНЕРКӘСІПТІК КЕШЕНІНДЕГІ КӘСІПКЕРЛІК УНИВЕРСИТЕТТЕРДІҢ РӨЛІ

The authors set a goal - to show the role of the formation of entrepreneurial universities as one of the elements of a new innovative model for the development of the country's economy and to recommend solutions. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between the research in universities and achievements in agricultural sector, where the process of organizing a new type of university becomes necessary in connection with the current situation in the world and the republic associated with the pandemic. Higher education institutions characterized by research and entrepreneurial activities are created according to the triple helix model and are thriving in the United States, Great Britain, Australia and many other countries. It is noted that scientific developments in the field of agriculture do not always meet the requirements of consumers. Often they are not known in the educational system or may be non-competitive, not comparable to the demands of practice. Due to the seasonality of production and instability of income, agricultural enterprises are not able to finance the costs of mastering and introducing innovative technologies into production. The dynamics of development of agricultural sector (gross agricultural output, yield per hectare for the main types of crops, livestock population), the quality of educ national programs for agricultural specialties are shown. The costs of financing science in Kazakhstan are considered on the basis of ratings of the national chamber of entrepreneurs "Atameken". Entrepreneurial universities have real opportunities to solve the problems of harmonizing relations between universities and agribusiness, contribute to improving the image of both parties, increasing their investment attractiveness and competitiveness in market environment.

The effect of watching political programs on islamic-based party political images among Muhammadiyah students

This study aims to know the effect of watching the Indonesia Lawyers Club political episode program against the image of Islamic-based political parties among the Muhammadiyah Students Association of UIN Sunan Kalijaga ahead of the 2019 Presidential Election. Theories used are Cultivation Theory, television watch intensity, political parties' image, and Islamic based political parties. Validity test uses criteria validity calculated using the Pearson Product Moment formula, while the reliability test uses the Alpha Cronbach formula with the help of SPSS version 15. The type of analysis of this research is quantitative descriptive research with survey methods and data analysis using inferential parametric statistical methods, namely, the Pearson Product analyses Moment with the help of SPSS version 15. Meanwhile, to find out the magnitude of the effect of watching television using the formula Coefficient of Determination. Data collection techniques using questionnaires, interviews, literature studies, and documentation with sampling techniques using random sampling, as many as 62 respondents. From the data processing, it was found that there was an influence between watching the Indonesian Lawyers Club program on political episodes on the image of Islamic-based political parties among the Muhamadiyah Students Association UIN Sunan Kalijaga before the 2019 presidential election. Other variables also influence the formation of the image of political parties. This study uses DK = 60 (N-2 or 62-2) and the level of probability or significance level of 0.05 (5%), then the table is 0.250, and from the calculation, the recount is 0.550. Thus, since counted> tables, Ho is rejected, and Ha is accepted.

Zuma versus Ramaphosa: Factors Influencing Party Choice of South Africans in the Run-up to the 2019 Elections

The outcome of the 2016 local government elections in which the ANC lost substantial support, fuelled early speculation on not only the outcome of the 2019 general elections, but also on the factors which were likely to determine party support. Added to this was the deteriorating political and socio-economic situation in South Africa. Against this background, two national surveys were undertaken in October/November 2017 and October/ November 2018 to establish the factors at these particular times that were likely to influence the vote choice of South Africans. From both surveys it was found that South African voters increasingly base their choice of a party on rational considerations. Trust in the president was a particularly important predictor of voter choice. In the first survey, loss of trust in the president (Zuma) resulted in a loss of faith in the ANC and in support of the party; while in the second survey, the converse was true: an increase in trust in the president (Ramaphosa) reflected an increased trust in and support for the party. Other predictors of vote choice in both surveys include a desire for socio-economic well-being and hope for a better future; the fear of losing a social grant; age; and racialised party images.

Protesting Parties in Europe: A comparative analysis

The article provides the first large-scale study of protest activities by political parties. The empirical analysis draws on original protest event data for 30 European countries based on semi-automated coding of news agencies. The article innovates by (a) proposing a standardized indicator for the extent to which protest and electoral politics relate to each other, (b) showing that parties’ involvement in protests differs across political contexts, and (c) mapping the profile of a typical party-sponsored event and a typical protesting party. Despite long-term trends toward differentiated modes of interest intermediation, the results indicate that a wide range of parties does protest. However, in highly differentiated contexts, the typical protesting party mirrors the outsider image of movement parties: it does not belong to a mainstream party family and has no government experience. By contrast, more strategic factors, such as opposition status, drive parties to the streets in less differentiated contexts.

Media’s Projection Of Democratic Process: A Comparative Analysis Of Three Leading Pakistani Political Parties During Election 2018 In National Dailies

The democratic continuity strengthens the public institutions and triggers the glimmer of hope for public prosperity. The current research focuses on the association between the print media and political parties in Pakistan. The basic purpose of this analysis is to examine that how the Pakistani dailies portray three of Pakistan’s parliamentary parties in their substances during the electoral process of 2018. Media has an abundant worth during the voting process because of its aptitude to frame the image of political parties, headship and affect the reader’s point of view. So the media and political affairs liaison become more multifaceted during the polling process. Media depends on political parties for an update while political leaders follow the media for profile-raising. Pakistan had its polling day to elect its 15th National assembly on 25th July, 2018. What remains to be studied is the contribution of print media in raising mass awareness, deep understanding, mass participation in the voting process and worth of democratic continuity? Did it initiate to sensitize the citizens about the worth of voting, critical thinking about present political parties manifestos and their earlier enactment? Did the depiction of electoral competition only relate to the portrayal of political party leaders, their clashes among each other or did it go beyond and drafted any opportunities and remedies to improve civic issues?The researcher has discoursed this multi-faced rapport by analyzing the treatment of mainstream political parties (PML-N, PPPP, and PTI) in Pakistani leading dailies (Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Dawn and The News) by applying qualitative and quantitative content analysis techniques. The frequency, position and tilt of news stories regarding political parties published on the front page of the selected newspapers from 25th June 2018 to 25th August 2018 is studied, and editorials of the nominated dailies were qualitatively examined through framing.

STRATEGI PENCITRAAN PARTAI DEMOKRAT WILAYAH KOTA BANJARMASIN SAAT PEMILU TAHUN 2019

The Democratic Party in the 2004 General Elections entered the top five political parties with the highest electability in Indonesia. This party's victory was not only achieved at the central level but also the regional level. The party's positive trend continued into the 2009 elections. The Democratic Party experienced a significant decline in votes in 2014 due to the issue of corruption. The decline in votes has certainly had an impact on the preparation of the Democratic Party in the 2019 elections. The Democratic Party must prepare an appropriate political winning strategy, both at the central and regional levels. This study aims to determine the Democratic Party's imaging strategy in the city of Banjarmasin. This research uses a qualitative method, with a qualitative descriptive approach. The theory used in this study is the theory of empathy. The results showed that there were three imaging strategies carried out by the Democratic Party, namely imaging through the management of issues, through consulting services, and mass media. This imaging strategy is managed for the 2019 elections. This research generates suggestions that the Democratic Party should utilize issues that can improve the party's image. The Democratic Party should also use the services of political consultants from professional circles to boost the party's positive image. The use of mass media should also not be limited to party leaders, but the level of functionaries.

The effect of trust of a political party as a moderating variable on the leadership towards voters' loyalty

AbstractThis paper aims to conducting an analysis and research with a view to testing and analyzing the effects of leadership on voter loyalty with political communication, a party's image, and voter satisfaction as the intervening (mediating) variables. This research employing a survey method was conducted in the Special Capital Region of Jakarta precisely in July 2013 until August 2013 where the population consisted of fixed voters in the area of Jakarta which, according to the data from the General Elections Commission of the Special Capital Region of Jakarta (Komisi Pemilihan Umum [KPU] Daerah Khusus Ibukota [DKI] Jakarta), the number of fixed voters in the regional‐head election in 2012 amounted to 6,996,951 people. The sample size was calculated using Slovin's formula with a 5% error level and obtained a sample of 400 respondents selected randomly. The implications of this research is The higher the variable Leadership is, the higher the values of the variables Political Communication and A Party's Image are. Variables A Party's Image and Voter Satisfaction which have a significant and positive influence on Voter Loyalty. Variables Leadership and Political Communication which are not significant on the variable Voter Loyalty (Y4), Moreover, this research also discovers that A Party's Image mediates the influence of Leadership on Voter Loyalty. Loyalty of voters results from a process which is both complex and consists of multiple factors involving the individual voters themselves, the environment, and political parties.

“The Late Leader”: Influence of Political Leader’s Death on Their Evaluation

Of the dead, nothing unless good—has this Latin quote practical implications for political marketers? We tend to view dead people (especially leaders) more favorably than their living equivalents. The phenomenon that psychology refers to as of “death positivity bias” (DPB) has been observed in the case of both business and political leaders. People show a death positivity bias even in impressions about politicians who were ineffective. Death seems to cement leader’s legacy, which encourages a sense of pride and identity and tends to foster group cohesiveness and involvement. In this paper we aim to verify 1) if people show a death positivity bias in their judgments about a real political figure, former Polish President Lech Kaczyński, 2) whether a DPB occurs also in the case of fictitious leaders with differences by gender and leadership styles. Study 1, based on opinion polls surveys completed before and after Kaczyński’s death, shows that voters evaluated him more favorably after his death than when he was alive. An experimental Study 2 shows that people express a DPB in their judgments about fictitious leaders within the two basic dimensions of social perception, i.e. communion and agency, while the leadership style and gender of a leader might have a moderating effect. Leader’s death as a valuable tool in political marketing campaigns and party image creation is discussed.

Brand Identity of The New Party

Being a new party in the election and competing with other senior parties, making the new parties to build symbols, images, and programs that are campaigned through various media, including new media. This article discusses the new media for branding strategy in marketing policies Berkarya Party as a new party in legislative elections in 2019. This study limits one important aspect, namely branding, because it will focus on forming the Berkarya Party image as a new party that wants to attract young voters. As a new political party, the Berkarya Party certainly wants to introduce itself to the public. In the establishment of branding, brand strategy is the concept theory to formed party image, one of which from brand strategy is the brand identity with the theory of impression management strategy. This study uses qualitative methods with qualitative content analysis methods. The technique of collecting data is obtained from the contents of existing messages on websites and social media created by the recipient. The results to be obtained from this research are the strategies carried out by those who succeeded in the 2019 campaign period in order to get votes from voters

СПЕЦИФИКА КОНСТРУИРОВАНИЯ ИМИДЖА ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ПАРТИЙ В СОВРЕМЕННЫХ МЕДИАДИСКУРСИВНЫХ ПРАКТИКАХ

The purpose of the study is to analyze the specifics of constructing the image of political parties in modern world media discourse practices. Achievement of this goal by the authors of this article determines the formulation of a number of important tasks, for the solution of which, first of all, the study of the image-making of political organizations is carried out, which is of interest to representatives of various worldview and social groups. The article examines the algorithm for constructing the image of parties and party coalitions, identifies the factors influencing their modifications. The authors determine the most effective strategies and tactics that influence the formation of a positive image during the electoral process, conduct a detailed analysis of the communication tools that generate a highly effective image of political parties using both traditional media practitioners and modern Internet agrigers. The work analyzes the main and auxiliary resources that have a multifaceted impact on the collaboration of party forces and their leaders with the media in the process of creating the given images, and broadcasting information to the target audience. As a result, a conclusion is made about the discursiveness of the image-making technologies existing in the media space, the presence of convergences and antinomies in them.

Image-Forming Potential of Nominations in Political Discourse

English Abstract: The conceptual structure of the image of political parties in Germany is described and analyzed using image-forming nominations, which are used for image-supporting or image-disturbing speech behavior. IMAGE is an evaluative-normative construct of political speech production, consisting of nodes-slots, the verbal filling and implementation of which leads to the modification of the image depending on the characteristics of the discourse in which the speech interaction takes place. Russian Abstract: Kонцептуальная структура имиджа политических партий Германии описывается и анализируется при помощи имиджеформирующих номинаций, которые употребляются для имиджеподдерживающего или имидженарушающего речевого поведения. ИМИДЖ является оценочно-нормативном конструктом политического речепроизводства, состоящим из узлов-слотов, вербальное наполнение и реализация которых, ведет к модификации имиджа в зависимости от особенностей дискурса, в котором совершается речевое взаимодействие.

АСИММЕТРИЙНАЯ ОСНОВА АНТИТЕЗЫ С ОППОЗИЦИЕЙ СВОЙ / ЧУЖОЙ В СОВРЕМЕННЫХ МЕДИАТЕКСТАХ

The article analyzes the asymmetrical basis of the antithesis with the opposition self / other in modern mediatexts. The aim is to state and interpret the peculiar linguistic realization of the asymmetrical basis of the antithesis with the opposition self / other in modern mediatexts. The study systematizes theoretical statements arguing asymmetrical relations as basic characteristics of language and text. Besides, it proves dominating role of asymmetry in modelling Russian media space. The article highlights that media discourse asymmetry, which became the object of scientific research only in the last decade, is caused by the manipulative character of media texts. As a result of factual material analysis, there was made a conclusion that early XXI century mediatexts are a priori asymmetrical. They contain both communicative and linguistic asymmetry resting mainly on contrast between linguistic and contextual antonyms which demonstrate diametrically opposite political views and divide political space into self and other. Antithesis self / other is not only a key opposition of political discourse; it also models socio-political relations. The article contains analysis of the opposition self / other as well as its explicators we / they, friend / enemy used in mediatexts. The study proves axiological fixedness of all explicators of the antithesis opposition conditioned by both linguistic and extra linguistic reasons. The authors draw the conclusion that actual mediatext based on the antithesis with the opposition self / other is the crucial way for politicians and journalists to manipulate the subjects of political communication by forming constructive or destructive images of states, political leaders, parties or organizations. A significant result of the study is that interaction of the addresser’s and addressee’s cognitive systems is based on historical and socio-political experience, the system of values, the idea of state’s as well as individual politician’s perspective. It is combination of factors that makes the foundation for coding and decoding information, and routes realities of political world basing on the opposition self / other.

THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN SHAPING THE IMAGE OF A POLITICIAN


 
 
 This article discusses the ability of the media to influence the political culture and consciousness of society, in particular through the creation of stereotypical symbolic constructs such as political images and political myths. The features and the role of each type of media in the formation of the images of political leaders and parties are presented, as well as some techniques that the media use in the process of updating political images are presented. It is known that the main goal of the media in the process of constructing political images is the creation and dissemination of political myths. The article discusses in detail four main topics from all possible plots of political myths: “the myth of the conspiracy”, “the myth of the golden age”, “the myth of the hero-savior”, “the myth of unity”.
 
 

Which Party Represents My Group? The Group Foundations of Partisan Choice and Polarization

While groups have been central to thinking about partisan identity and choices, there has been surprisingly little attention paid to the role of perceptions of the group composition of the parties. We explore this critical linking information in the context of religious groups, some of the chief pivots around which the parties have been sorting. Using three national samples, we show that perceptions of the religious group composition of the parties are often biased—evangelicals overestimate the presence of evangelicals within the Republican Party and the irreligious within the Democratic Party. The key finding is that individuals are far more likely to identify with the party in which they believe their group is well represented—a finding which clarifies the role of party image shifts in constructing partisanship, the limits of the culture war motif, and the importance of social perception in shaping beliefs about party representation.

Building consensus: shifting strategies in the territorial targeting of Turkey's public transport investment

ABSTRACT A growing amount of research explores how the allocation of regional development monies follows electoral reasons. Yet, the existing literature on distributive politics provides different and contrasting expectations on which geographical areas will be targeted. The paper focuses on proportional representation (PR) systems. While in such settings governments have incentives to target core districts and punish foes, it is suggested that when incumbents attempt to build a state–party image they may broaden the territorial allocation of benefits and even target opposition out-groups. The paper exploits data on Turkey's public transport investment for the period 2003–14 and in-depth interviews to provide results in support of the hypothesis.

Escaping collective responsibility in fluid party systems: Evidence from South Korea

How does the public evaluate politicians' reactions to crises that damage their party's image? Using an experimental survey design and the 2016 South Korean political scandal, we explore which strategies allow politicians to avoid electoral accountability for corruption in their party. The scandal prompted some politicians from the president's party to participate in protests calling for her impeachment, make statements criticizing her leadership, or join a new splinter party. We find that all of these strategies both increase electoral support and decrease perceptions of corruption. However, leaving the party is the least successful at increasing electability and politicians are more likely to gain votes if instead they take a clear position against corrupt politicians. Our findings have implications for accountability in weakly institutionalized party systems, where politicians, faced with a party brand crisis, have incentives to switch parties to escape electoral consequences, as opposed to reforming the party from within.

Party images in Northern Ireland: evidence from a new dataset

ABSTRACTThe literature on belief systems in mass publics shows that survey respondents typically have difficulty in describing their images of political parties; only about half offer a meaningful description of how they see individual parties. This paper investigates what people in Northern Ireland think that parties stand for in their home jurisdiction, in Great Britain and in the Republic of Ireland, using open-ended questions in a survey of 1,008 Northern Ireland residents. Northern Ireland respondents resemble those elsewhere, in that only about half seem able to offer a politically meaningful description of what local parties stand for. Among the more politically sophisticated, the Northern Ireland parties are described in ethnonational terms, the British parties are placed in socio-economic (social class and left-right) categories, but few respondents know how to describe the parties in the Republic of Ireland. There is an intriguing asymmetry in the characterization of Northern Ireland’s unionist and nationalist parties: the DUP emerges as only marginally more ‘hard-line’ than the UUP, whereas a great gulf exists between the SDLP and Sinn Féin, the former being perceived as much more moderate. Notwithstanding high levels of electoral stability in Northern Ireland, our findings show that party supporters vary greatly in their levels of political sophistication, perhaps allowing elites greater freedom of action than if all voters were highly politically informed.

преступлеЕВРОПЕЙСКАЯ ПОЛИТИКА АВСТРИИ И ГЕРМАНИИ: МЕЖДУ ПРАГМАТИЗМОМ И ПРАВЫМ ПОПУЛИЗМОМ

The article deals with problems of integration of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPO) and the “Alternative for Germany” Party (AfD) into the European system of parliamentarism and state governance. The analysis of the FPO participation in the Austrian government and of the AfD in Bundestag makes it possible to determine the degree of influence enjoyed by the right-wing populist parties on the policy in the fields of migration, security, EU defence as well as relations with Russia. The author has arrived at the conclusion that alliances between the conservatives and social democrats both in Austria and Germany are polarizing society, facilitate the strengthening of right-wing populists and the establishment of new nationalist-type parties. Particular attention is paid to the attempts taken by the right-wing populists in Austria and Germany to make an image of respectable parties with a pragmatic approach to the solution of topical problems. In so doing, public opinion is dangerously getting used to the incorporation of the right-wing populists in the traditional European system of governance. During the time preceding the 2019 elections to the European Parliament, the democratic parties stand a chance to mobilize the intellectual potential and human resources in order to counteract the right-wing forces. At the same time, the unpredictable character of the present international situation narrows down the potentialities for having a verified forecast of the consequences of confrontation between the pragmatism of traditional parties and their right-wing opponents. Moscow has been displaying a pragmatic approach to cooperation with the government of Austria, just like Berlin is appraising the work by the ministers of Chancellor S. Kurz on concrete issues. The experience of the AfD must not give illusions concerning its generally benign attitude to Russia. Parties in Germany, except the Left Party and a section of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, have supplied a different interpretation even to W. Brandt’s “Eastern” policy by asserting claims to Moscow.&nbsp

Political Engagement on Social Media as Antecedent for Political Support among Voters in Malaysia

The emergence of new media as a result of the development of the internet has made the media a democratic agent of information. In conjunction with the transition of current political culture, society is now more comfortable using social media as a source of political information. This study was conducted to identify the impact of social media use on politics in Malaysia and to analyze the level of social media uses in determining the people's pattern of support for political parties and political candidates in Malaysia. This study was conducted using survey questionnaire as the research instrument. A total of 993 respondents consisting of males (46.2%) and females (53.8%) were selected randomly to participate in this study. Among the survey results, almost two-third of the respondents used newspapers (65.5%), followed by social media (63.5%) and television (59.5%) to search and read current political information in Malaysia. The findings also show that respondents agree that social media plays a role and has the advantage of channeling political information (mean = 3.57) compared to conventional media. The respondents agreed that social media helped to enhance the image of candidates and political parties (mean = 3.17) by displaying candidate activity in serving the people (mean = 3.25). This suggests that today's society is very concerned with what is shown on social media on matters involving current politics. Therefore, monitoring of political information shared on social media should be done to ensure that information is free from seditious elements that can diverge unity. Keywords: Social media, political support, political engagement, political participation, Malaysia.

Party Brands and the Democratic and Republican National Committees, 1952–1976

Political scientists have traditionally dismissed the Democratic and Republican National Committees as “service providers”—organizations that provide assistance to candidates in the form of campaign funding and expertise but otherwise lack political power. I argue this perspective has missed a crucial role national committees play in American politics, namely that national party organizations publicize their party's policy positions and, in doing so, attempt to create national party brands. These brands are important to party leaders—especially when the party is in the national minority—since they are fundamental to mobilizing voters in elections. In case studies covering the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) in the period 1952–1976, I show that minority party committees prioritize their branding role and invest considerably in their publicity divisions, inaugurate new publicity programs, and create new communication tools to reach out to voting groups. Additionally, I show that in cases where the party is out of the White House, the national committees have considerable leeway in deciding what party image to publicize. Rather than being mere powerless service providers, I show that party committees have played crucial roles in debates concerning questions of ideology and issue positioning in both parties.