Party Candidates Research Articles

“Extending the Referendum Model of Presidential Election Outcomes: Both Candidates Matter”

We offer a candidate-centered amendment to incumbent-referendum models of presidential election outcomes that dominate the literature on post-WWII presidential elections. Our argument is that incumbent-challenger differences in character qualifications and issue concerns of the electorate should be included. These differentials, which recognize the advantage or disadvantage of the incumbent relative to the challenger party candidate have strong effects on election outcomes independent of the state of the economy, the number of years the incumbent party has held the White House, and presidential approval. Properly understood, in addition to the state of national affairs, presidential election outcomes are about the choice presented to the mass public. This added element means that candidates matter for election outcomes and electoral change in ways that have not been properly appreciated in existing scholarship.

Perilaku Memilih Masyarakat pada Pilkada Kabupaten Sidoarjo Tahun 2020

This study generally aims to find out the voting bahavior in the Sidoarjo 2020 election. There are three independent variables (X); Party identification (X1), group ties (X2), and candidate competency (X3). Meanwhile, there is one dependent variable: Voting Behavior in the 2020 Sidoarjo election (Y). Using quantitative methods and is included in the explanatory research category, and based on three voting behavior theory: sociological approach (Columbia school, psychologica approach (Michigan school), and rational approach. There were 100 respondents spread across all districts (18 districts) in Sidoarjo. From the results of the research and statistical analysis carried out, it is known that three supporting party variables (X1), Group Association (X2), and Candidate Competency (X3) are related to Voting Behavior in the 2020 Sidoarjo election (Y). In addition, it is known that voters for candidate number one (BHS-Taufiq) are more likely to be driven by the candidate’s competency variable, while voters for candidate number two (Mudhlor-Subandi) are more driven by party giver variables and group ties.

Political Parties Act as a Stumbling Block to Women’s Political Leadership in Tanzania

Abstract The international, regional and subregional conventions that Tanzania has ratified call for State Parties to regulate the functioning of political parties to, inter alia, promote the full participation of women in political leadership and in decision-making processes. The reintroduction of multiparty democracy in 1992 witnessed the enactment of the 1992 Political Parties Act to govern the registration and management of political parties. The Political Parties Act scarcely contained any specific provisions for advancement of women’s political leadership in political parties. The Act was amended in 2019 through the Political Parties Amendment Act (PPAA). While the PPAA requires political parties to adhere to the principles of gender and social inclusion in the nomination of its candidates, elections of its leaders and in the design of its policy documents, the provision is vague, non-binding, and hard to enforce. This article analyses the Political Parties Act of 1992, and its 2019 Amendment. It depicts legal gaps that negatively affect how women become party leaders, candidates, and benefit from parties’ resources and capacity building opportunities. The article makes recommendations to improve legal protection for the advancement of women’s access to political leadership.

HAMBATAN KOMUNIKASI INTERAKSIONAL PADA DPAC PDIP DI KECAMATAN BATU AJI KOTA BATAM

Indonesia is a country that uses a democratic system, so political communication is one of the main keys to the establishment of politics in this democratic country. Communication can be in the form of conveying information to the public by political party candidates to convey their goals to become a politician. Political communication is also intended as a vessel for channeling people's aspirations to prospective political members who will advance as power holders in a democratic country like Indonesia. Therefore the purpose of this study is to find out how the communication barriers that occur in the Batu Aji sub-district community are carried out by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and to find out what causes the delay in the political communication process. This study used descriptive research with qualitative research methods located in Batu Aji District. Data collection techniques used were observation and interview techniques and continued with documentation. The results of the discussion obtained are that the success achieved by political actors depends on how political communication goes well and smoothly without any obstacles, by building relationships with the community and building trust so that there is no miscommunication that occurs in politics.
 
 Keywords: Obstacles, Politic, Communication, Democratic

민주화 이후 한국의 대통령 선거

This study aims to outline the results and factors of the eight presidential elections held by the Republic of Korea over the past 35 years since democratization in 1987. Since the election analysis so far has focused on individual factors or specific elections, it is insufficient to show the main factors that run through the entire elections, and their correlations. This study comprehensively examines the characteristics of the presidential elections after democratization focusing on regionalistic voting behavior, election competition structure, regional election coalition, political situation, and candidate factor which have been pointed out as major factors in the presidential election. Through this, it is possible to discover several principles of competition that commonly worked in the presidential elections. First, it is an advantageous structure for candidates from Gyeongsang-do to win in a situation where regionalism is dominant. Second, it is difficult to win if candidates divide, whether conservative or liberal. Third, in the election coalition, the outcome is determined by who makes political coalition with Chungcheong-do . Fourth, the greater the disappointment with the incumbent government, the greater the pressure for regime change, and the disadvantage of the ruling party candidate. Finally, voters generally prefer presidential candidates who are far from Yeouido politics . The outcome of the election was determined by the interaction of these factors.

Hardness of candidate nomination

We consider elections where the set of candidates is split into parties and each party can nominate just one candidate. We study the computational complexity of two problems. The Possible President problem asks whether a given party candidate can become the unique winner of the election for some nominations from other parties. The Necessary President is the problem to decide whether a given candidate will be the unique winner of the election for any possible nominations from other parties. We consider several different voting rules and show that for all of them the Possible President problem is NP-complete, even if the size of each party is at most two; for some voting rules we prove that the Necessary President is coNP-complete. Further, we formulate integer programs to solve the Possible President and Necessary President problems and test them on real and artificial data.

How politics can influence the allocation of social program benefits: A case study of the Brazilian poverty reduction program Bolsa Família

We investigate the utilization of Bolsa Família, a Brazilian social program aimed at reducing poverty and social inequalities, for electoral purposes. The literature demonstrates that politicians often employ social programs to achieve their political and personal goals. Most of these studies focus on politicians offering benefits from social programs before elections in an attempt to capture votes in the upcoming election. In contrast, our research reveals that social programs can be used as post-election rewards for their voters. This strategy has the potential to be much more effective than the previous one, as it directs rewards only to those who actually produce favorable outcomes for politicians. We employ differences-in-differences models in our tests. Our results indicate that cities electing a ruling party candidate in the 2012 mayoral elections, where the previous mayor is not affiliated with that party, receive more benefits than cities that do not elect ruling party candidates. Similarly, cities with higher percentages of votes in favor of the ruling party in the 2006 presidential elections receive more benefits than cities with lower percentages.

The experience premium and women’s nomination to local elections in South Africa’s African National Congress party

What explains women’s underrepresentation in first-past-the-post compared to at-large elections? While existing studies emphasize candidate experience or party nomination to competitive districts, we argue that local party selectors are more likely to desire women to have a type of political experience that signals their connection to the national party. To test our argument, we use a novel dataset of over 10,000 local candidates nominated by South Africa’s African National Congress party. In South Africa’s Mixed Member Proportional system, we find that compared to men, women are more likely to be nominated in FPTP elections after having previous experience as PR councillors. Previous PR experience is distinct from other forms of experience such as incumbency, and contextual factors such as pre-electoral intra-party violence do not explain women’s nomination to FPTP seats. These findings contribute to our understanding of how electoral systems impact parties’ nomination of female candidates at the local level.

Political Parties and Loser’s Consent in American Politics

Social science has established that political parties have been indispensable to American democracy and their most active members as keepers of the democratic flame. The aftermath of the 2020 presidential election raised questions about the role of the parties in protecting democracy, particularly the fundamental democratic norm of “loser’s consent.” We argue that recent political developments—close elections, ideological polarization, participatory party nominations, and changes in campaign finance and media—have worked to undermine the parties’ commitment to loser’s consent. We use recent survey data to show that party activists no longer demonstrate greater commitment than do ordinary citizens to democratic norms—especially to loser’s consent. We also examine how parties and voters responded to the post-2020 crisis of democratic legitimacy, finding that both parties prioritized their political interests over democratic health. However, a small number of voters did deviate from normal partisanship and helped to shore up American democracy in the 2022 elections.

Citizens’ candidates? Labour market experiences and radical right-wing candidates in the 2014 Swedish municipal elections

This article uses Swedish register data to study the labour market experiences of radical right-wing candidates standing in local elections. We look at different measures of economic insecurity (labour market participation trajectories, experience of unemployment in social networks and relative growth in the number of jobs for foreign-born workers vis-a-vis natives) and examine whether they are predictors of candidates running for the Sweden Democrats, the main radical right-wing party in Sweden, as opposed to running for mainstream political parties. We find that the labour market trajectories of such candidates are markedly different from those of mainstream party candidates. Those with turbulent or out-of-labour market trajectories are much more likely to run for the Sweden Democrats, as opposed to other parties. The same is also true for candidates embedded in social networks with higher levels of unemployment, while working in a high-skilled industry markedly lowers the probability of running for the Sweden Democrats, especially for male candidates with low educational attainment. We find mixed results for the ethnic threat hypothesis.

KEWENANGAN PENGADILAN NEGERI MEMUTUS SENGKETA ANTARA PARTAI POLITIK DAN KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM

The District Court is a general court institution that handles criminal and civil cases which is domiciled at the district or city level, while a state institution is a body that has the authority and duties for certain matters and is specific in nature, such as the KPU which functions as an organizer of general elections that cannot be separated from conflicts or disputes in the stages of holding elections, in this case there are issues that cause dynamics, namely the result of a lawsuit filed by the just and prosperous people's party in suing the KPU because the Prima party did not pass as a political party candidate for the 2024 election. This type of research is normative research. (legal research), namely placing law into a system of norms. This research uses a statutory approach (statute approach) and an analytical approach (analitycal approach). The authority of the district court in deciding disputes over the general election process that occurred as a result of the failure of political parties participating in the election with the KPU is beyond the competence of the general court and claims cannot be accepted. The election law regulates three matters relating to election dispute resolution: first, settlement Election process disputes are conducted through the election supervisory body (Bawaslu). Second, the settlement of election disputes is carried out by legal means through the State Administrative Court (PTUN) because every decision issued by the KPU is a State Administrative decision. Third, the settlement of disputes over the results of general elections is carried out through the Constitutional Court as regulated by the 1945 Constitution.

Inviting the Populists to the Party: Populist Appeals in Presidential Primaries

The aftermath of the 2016 election cycle ignited significant interest in populism among scholars of American politics, yet relatively little engagement has gone toward how American political elites and institutions respond to populist insurgencies. This is problematic as the response a populist insurgency receives likely affects its degree of success, thereby conditioning the substantive importance of rising populism. This paper addresses this shortcoming by articulating an audition and assimilation theory of party response to populist insurgencies. This theory predicts that parties, presented with an electorally viable populist insurgency in a presidential primary contest, can choose to assimilate the message while removing the populist content to diffuse the insurgent nature. In contrast, an electorally unviable populist insurgency is treated as a failed audition, warranting no response. Using a corpus of presidential primary candidate speeches, I show that party nominees assimilate the topics used by populists who demonstrate electoral viability but do not become more populist themselves. This assimilation is also found among party platforms. Furthermore, assimilation is only performed by the Democratic party and exceeds assimilation of topics used by electorally viable, non-populist rivals.

Screening political party candidates and the implications for electoral performance

The formation of the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) party in March 2022 has radically altered Lesotho’s political landscape. Apart from the new calibre of political leadership, the party has, in line with its name, revolutionised some of the traditions long held by Lesotho’s political parties. Contrary to the closed primary elections that most parties use, the RFP introduced a combination of centralised and technocratic approaches in determining the list of party candidates for the October 2022 elections. With the former, the party reserved candidateship in eleven constituencies for persons appointed by the leader. Four front runners in the primary elections in the remaining constituencies would be subjected to various screening methods with the final determination to be made by the party leadership. The detractors have mocked the RFP’s approach as undemocratic and undermining the will of the people. The party also experienced internal resistance that led to it being taken to the law courts where some decisions were reversed. Using various data collection methods, this paper discusses the strategies used by the RFP and shows that much as they are not common in Lesotho, these strategies are not entirely new in politics as they are used in other democratic systems. An examination of the October 2022 elections results shows that despite the court challenges, the RFP’s candidate selection strategies had a positive impact on the party’s performance as well as on the profile of the resultant National Assembly.

PORTRAYAL OF THE US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN PAKISTANI AND INDIAN MAINSTREAM NEWSPAPERS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF DAILY DAWN AND THE HINDUSTAN TIMES

This research paper primarily aimed to explore portrayal of the US presidential election through lenses of quantitative content analysis in the leading mainstream elite newspapers of Pakistan and India. This study has been theoretically linked with media conformity and agenda setting theories. It was found that the newspapers of both the countries published the presidential elections according to their national interest and government foreign policies as the Pakistani government and leaders was in the favor of Hillary Clinton and the Indian leaders and government was in the favor of Donald Trump during the campaign of presidential elections. The results also indicated that the Daily Hindustan Times has given more favorable coverage to the Republican Party candidate i.e. Donald Trump whereas Daily Dawn has published more favorable coverage to the Democratic Party candidate i.e. Hillary Clinton. We can conclude from the discussion that media conformity theory is very much supported according to the finding of the research. Keywords: the US presidential election, Republican Political Party, Democratic Party, Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, Daily Dawn, The Hindustan Times, Media Conformity Theory.

Institutional System Reform in the General Election Commission Through the Implementation of Digital-Based Applications

The advancement in science and technology, particularly in the information systems field, is proceeding rapidly. It is necessary to implement digitally-based applications to reform the institutional system to support the work and performance of the General Election Commission as the general election organizer. The qualitative research method explains and reveals how to reform the General Election Commission's institutional system by implementing digitally-based applications. Reference sources include books, scientific journals, laws and regulations, internet sources, and other relevant sources pertinent to this investigation. This study aims to discover, comprehend, and analyze information concerning institutional system reform at the General Election Commission via the implementation of digital-based applications. The research reveals that the General Election Commission is a state agency responsible for organizing general elections. Reform in an institution is necessary, a requirement of the times, due to the impact of technological advancements in all fields, systems, or orientation changes made to make things better than before. Changes made to the institutional system by the KPU have made it easier for the KPU to carry out its duties and responsibilities of providing the public with access to transparency, monitoring, and oversight at all stages of the election. Included are the Political Parties Information System (SIPOL), the KPU Member Information System and Ad Hoc Agency (SIAKBA), the Civil Service Information System (SIMPEG), as well as the Protect Your Rights Mobile Application and the Check Members of Political Parties Candidates for Election Contestants Through ID number.

Party Nomination Strategies in Flexible-List PR: Which Candidate Characteristics Lead to Realistic Positions?

This article addresses the candidate selection process for realistic list positions with regard to multiple-office holding and personal characteristics in flexible-list proportional representation (PR) systems within the Czech context. More specifically, this issue is explored in the 2006–2017 elections to the Czech Chamber of Deputies. Results of binary logistic regression analysis with observations clustered by party or constituency indicate that incumbents (with or without multiple office holding) stand a significantly higher probability of being selected as a realistic candidate. This probability increases only if the incumbent also has the regional mandate. The results also show that candidates with a PhD degree or higher, with a higher public office position, at the age of forty-one to fifty years, or with residence in a regional capital or in Prague have a significant probability of being selected as a realistic candidate. A specific gender bias was also found.

Searching for YIMBY public discourse in Sydney

ABSTRACT The terms NIMBY (Not-in-my-backyard) and YIMBY (Yes-in-my-backyard) describe negative and positive attitudes towards building higher density housing. Based on a series of newspaper articles that reported on a Sydney council hiring a community planning advocate and comments by a Liberal party candidate regarding housing supply, this paper seeks to identify if NIMBY and YIMBY discourses exist in reader-generated comments made by self-selecting commenters. Critical discourse analysis is mobilised to examine the actors and the framing in the newspaper article, as well as the discursive strategies used in the readers’ comments. The paper finds the readers’ comments are dominated by NIMBY discourse but does find evidence of a YIMBY public discourse. Practitioner Pointers Property industry promotes a positive self-presentation by identifying other stakeholders as being responsible for a lack of housing supply. A discourse of housing supply links higher density housing to a positive influence on housing affordability and the environment. Readers’ comments explicitly link immigration and population growth with housing supply issues.

Local Electoral Institutions and the Dynamic Motivations of Ethnic Party Candidate Nominations in South Africa

How do parties historically dominated by one group diversify their representatives? I argue that ethnic parties adjust their strategies according to the institutional rules in place and the demographics of relevant constituencies. I study South Africa, which has a Mixed-Member Proportional electoral system, where parties nominate Single Member District and Proportional Representation candidates. Using original data on the racial, ethnic, and career background of over 10,000 local candidates nominated by the historically white Democratic Alliance party, I find that the party engages in vote-based inclusion by nominating black candidates to predominantly black districts. And while the DA symbolically includes non-whites on its PR lists, white candidates dominate electable list positions. These findings provide a demonstration at the micro-level of why ethnic parties struggle to meaningfully diversify.

From primary to presidency: Fake news, false memory, and changing attitudes in the 2016 election

During a contentious primary campaign, people may argue passionately against a candidate they later support during the general election. How do people reconcile such potentially conflicting attitudes? This study followed 602 United States citizens, recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk, at three points throughout the 2016 presidential election investigating how attitudes and preferences changed over time and how people remembered their past feelings. Across political parties, people’s memory for their past attitudes was strongly influenced by their present attitudes; more specifically, those who had changed their opinion of a candidate remembered their past attitudes as being more like their current attitudes than they actually were. Participants were also susceptible to remembering false news events about both presidential candidates. However, they were largely unaware of their memory biases and rejected the possibility that they may have been susceptible to them. Not remembering their prior attitude may facilitate support of a previously disliked candidate and foster loyalty towards a party nominee during a time of disunity by forgetting they ever used to dislike the candidate.

Mayoral elections and partisan dynamics in Africa’s local governments

ABSTRACT Enforcing party loyalty is particularly difficult in settings where parties are not strongly differentiated by policy or ideological platforms, as is the case in many African countries. Instead, the system of party nominations serves an important role in maintaining loyalty and discipline. Yet, direct mayoral elections at the subnational level affect these dynamics by expanding the range of positions that politicians can occupy, thereby creating opportunities for them to forge greater visibility within their party or enabling them to defect and create an independent political identity. Drawing on the case of Zambia, which shifted in 2016 from indirect to direct mayoral elections for its district councils, this article discusses how the change in electoral rules contributed to more independent mayoral candidates and growing intra-party frictions, especially among mayors governing large urban areas. Additional case studies from Senegal, which shifted to direct elections in 2022, and Mozambique, which reverted to indirect elections in 2018, further underscore the external validity of the analysis while refining its scope conditions. The article emphasizes that while political decentralization is often viewed as a mechanism for enhancing downwards accountability to citizens, it can also exert considerable impacts on party loyalty.