Nuclear Issues Research Articles

Willingness to eat seafood among Taiwanese after the 2023 Fukushima radioactive water release: An extended Theory of Planned Behavior approach

The release of radioactive water from Fukushima in 2023 emerged as a significant nuclear issue, particularly affecting Taiwanese perceptions. This study aimed to investigate the willingness of Taiwanese people to consume seafood following the 2023 Fukushima2 incident, using an extended Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) model. A total of 204 Taiwanese respondents completed an online questionnaire comprising 28 TPB indicators. The results from Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) revealed that subjective norms had the strongest positive influence on the intention to eat seafood, followed by personal attitudes and financial considerations. Interestingly, perceived behavioral control was found to negatively impact the intention to consume seafood. This research is among the first to explore seafood consumption intentions in the wake of the Fukushima water release and provides a robust theoretical foundation for stakeholders aiming to promote seafood consumption, particularly among Taiwanese consumers.

대북원조 역사에서 남북협력기금의 개발재원 역할 재조명: OECD CRS 기준 적용을 중심으로

Purpose: This study aims to elucidate the role of South Korea's aid to North Korea as a development resource and to identify its characteristics in comparison to major donor countries. Originality: For North Korea, where exports and foreign investments are limited, foreign aid represents a critical resource for development. Should progress be made on the North Korean nuclear issue, the demand for development in North Korea is expected to surge, and the role of the IKCF is anticipated to expand. This study is significant as a foundational research effort to enhance the utilization of the IKCF as a development resource. Methodology: It categorizes IKCF programs from 1995 to 2022 into development aid projects and projects based on the unique inter-Korean relationship. It reclassifies the programs using the OECD CRS and compares the aid patterns of major donors to highlight the distinctive features of South Korea's aid to North Korea. Result: Initially, the IKCF had a strong character as a development resource, but since the early 2000s, the proportion of projects based on the special inter-Korean relationship has increased, giving the fund a dual character. Since 2008, the significant reduction in aid to North Korea has diminished its development resource role. Comparing sectoral allocation patterns of South Korea and major donors shows these patterns vary depending on key donor countries, reflecting international circumstances and donor characteristics rather than North Korea’s needs. In the mid-2000s, aid through NGOs increased, focusing on ‘productive sectors’ despite criticism for small, fragmented projects. Conclusion and Implication: Given fluctuating international circumstances, diversifying aid to North Korea cooperation with other donors is necessary. To enhance future aid effectiveness, integrating small-scale development projects by private organizations through consortia and addressing sectoral imbalances from a long-term perspective is crucial.

Analysis of the Impact of U.S.-South Korean Military Activities on the DPRK's Nuclear Test Process

After the end of World War II, the Korean Peninsula was divided into two, and then the Korean War broke out, and the two Koreas were still in a state of "armistice." The North Korean nuclear issue and the large-scale U.S.-South Korean joint military exercises that have lasted for decades have made the situation in Northeast Asia, which is already in a security dilemma, even more complicated and volatile. By analyzing the timing of North Korea's nuclear tests and their backgrounds, it is easy to find that North Korea has never stopped researching nuclear weapons. However, every nuclear test has been conducted against the background of large-scale U.S.-South Korea joint military exercises. On the issue of resolving the DPRK's nuclear crisis, it is worth rethinking the way of resolving the DPRK's nuclear issue through sanctions and pressure. A study of the relationship between the DPRK's nuclear test and the U.S.-South Korea joint military exercises will help to ease the security dilemma between the two sides as well as the security situation in Northeast Asia. It will also serve as a reference for other nuclear proliferation issues in the international arena.

Muhammadiyah Goes International? Challenges and Opportunities

The idea of Muhammadiyah internationalization emerged as a response to the phenomenon of globalization, where Muhammadiyah tried to ensure that its da'wah movement was in line with the conditions of the times. This approach also includes global social issues such as the fate of workers, gender inequality, nuclear issues, and the environment. Muhammadiyah has a high commitment to the values of Pancasila and tries to contribute to achieving Indonesia's national ideals as stated in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution. In the international context, Muhammadiyah not only plays a role as an Islamic movement but also as a socio-Islamic movement that tries to respond to various global issues. This article discusses how Muhammadiyah tries to develop the concept of peaceful Islamic da'wah amidst the complexity of the international world. Furthermore, it explains how Muhammadiyah's role in international relations involves active participation in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and humanitarian activities in various countries. Muhammadiyah's internationalization strategy is explained through programs such as sending its best cadres abroad, establishing schools and charitable efforts in various countries, and participating in international forums. The author also discusses the concept of Muhammadiyah internationalization in three dimensions, namely ideas, roles, and movements. The idea of internationalization involves global socialization of the character of the Muhammadiyah movement and teachings. The role of internationalization includes increasing the role of Muhammadiyah in international forums, such as humanitarian missions, peace, and social activities. Meanwhile, the internationalization of the movement aims to make Muhammadiyah a model of Islamic practice that can be adopted globally. Furthermore, this article describes how Muhammadiyah, as an Islamic movement in Indonesia, is actively involved in the dynamics of the international world to encourage the transformation of the role of religions in overcoming global problems. Through internationalization, Muhammadiyah seeks to be part of a global movement that brings enlightenment, promotes Islam as a religion of peace, and contributes to the development of world civilization.

Feasibility and Safeguards Policy for Nuclear Power Plants: A Case Study in Indonesia within the NPT Framework, Emphasizing Global Security Analysis

This study examines the feasibility of a United Nations (UN) peacekeeping force with nuclear capabilities to improve global security. It starts with a historical overview of nuclear weapons and international agreements. The research then addresses challenges such as proliferation, cyber threats, and nuclear energy expansion. This paper analyses Indonesia's stance on the Iranian nuclear issue and the challenges of balancing international relations with domestic pressures, with a focus on its role in the UN Security Council. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, the research assesses global security, technical challenges, political considerations, moral implications, cost allocation, roles of non-nuclear states, regional impacts, transparency, nuclear disarmament, public perception, and alternative security approaches. The study highlights the importance of a comprehensive evaluation that takes into account technical, political, ethical, economic, and regional dimensions. The text emphasizes the importance of transparency, accountability, and international consensus in achieving effective global security. While acknowledging both the potential benefits and risks, the research recommends careful consideration and multilateral diplomatic efforts to promote global stability.

Analysis and prospect of DPRK nuclear issue based on “Strategic logic of nuclear proliferation”

ABSTRACT The nuclear proliferation of the DPRK poses an existential threat to the ROK and Northeast Asia. Analyzing this situation using the framework of the “Strategic Logic of Nuclear Proliferation,” it becomes evident that the DPRK's interactions with China, ROK, and the US have facilitated its development. This indicates the fulfilment of both “Willingness” and “Opportunity” factors necessary for proliferation. To put it differently, the low cost of the nuclear programme, the high cost of preventive war, and the substantial security benefits of proliferation have rendered it feasible. Depending on the strategies and policies pursued by the related states and their interactions, the future of the DPRK nuclear issue will unfold in one of three directions: (1) reinforcement, (2) denuclearisation, or (3) status quo. Consequently, to address effectively the DPRK's nuclear problem, it is imperative to enhance cooperation with China, and strengthen the regime for controlling nuclear-related materials and technologies.

북·중·러 연합의 형성과 전망

This study analyzes the North Korea, China, and Russia coalition amidst complex global crises like the US-China strategic competition, the US-Russia crisis, and the North Korean nuclear issue, using coordination games and problems as analytical tools. In the ‘New Cold War’ context, they identify a focal point, form coalitions, and coordinate strategies based on reactive anti-US policies and confrontations with coalitions involving ROK, the US, and Japan. However, differing perspectives on the ‘New Cold War’ and external factors leading to divergent focal points resulted in strategic uncertainty. Forming a stable grand coalition as an institution is challenging, and there is a risk of abandonment when forming a specific coalition based on interests. Moreover, the emergence of spoilers within the coalition breeds apprehension among other nations, rendering the coalition unsustainable. Consequently, the sustainability of the North Korea-China-Russia coalition diminishes, fostering ongoing non-cooperative behavior amidst a temporary phase of adhesion.

Exploring the Zone of Possible Agreement on the Nuclear Issue of the Korean Peninsula

From 2003 to 2009, China, Japan, North Korea, Russia, South Korea, and the United States engaged in a series of multilateral negotiations to address North Korea’s nuclear program. On September 19, 2005, the six participants achieved a “gold standard” agreement on denuclearization. North Korea agreed to relinquish all nuclear weapons, abstain from deploying nuclear weapons, and rejoin the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), as well as adhere to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. The United States affirmed its lack of nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula and expressed no intention of attacking or invading the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) with nuclear or conventional weapons. China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United States concurred to provide energy assistance to the DPRK. Furthermore, the agreement established the principle of “commitment for commitment, action for action,” which holds significance for the spirit of future engagement. The prevailing impasse in resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula prompts the inquiry of a possible negotiation model. This paper uses the Harvard negotiation method to examine a zone of possible agreement (ZOPA) between China, North Korea, Russia, and the United States, which culminated in the September 19, 2005 Six Party Talks agreement addressing the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula. The first section of the article is devoted to scrutinizing the Zone of Possible Agreement (ZOPA), which facilitated the 2005 agreement. Based on the acquired insights, the second section assesses the prospects for implementing the 2005 Joint Statement in the current context. This section also concentrates on identifying a ZOPA under current conditions, taking into account past experiences and lessons learned from past negotiations.

BRICS as a Catalyst for Global Governance Transformation: Beyond Western Perceptions

Scholarship on global political economy and global peace and security governance often depicts BRICS members as emerging powers with relatively limited experience in international leadership. These depictions underscore their contested regional leadership and ambiguous institutional, political, ideological, and socio-economic capacities to influence and reshape the global governance system. However, this article challenges some of these characterizations of BRICS members as inaccurate and rooted in Western exceptionalism. Employing a qualitative secondary research approach, it aims to analyze the role of BRICS as a new model for global governance by examining key institutional and political initiatives undertaken by the bloc, as well as by each of its member states.The analysis reveals that institutional initiatives such as the New Development Bank (NDB) demonstrate the BRICS’ capacity to deploy a combination of hard and soft power tools, thereby contributing to the emergence of multipolarity in the global governance architecture. These initiatives have exposed the world's developing regions to new experiences, resources, and understandings of the priorities of emerging powers. Furthermore, political responses to crises, such as turmoil in Zimbabwe, Libya, and Mali, as well as nuclear issues in Iran, where BRICS members have assumed mediatory, supportive, or leading roles, have sparked renewed interest in understanding BRICS as an alternative to traditional conceptions of global peace and security governance. Significantly, BRICS’ soft power diplomacy plays a pivotal role in projecting the bloc as an advocate of alternative global governance architecture and in dispelling negative perceptions. This objective is achieved through the BRICS’ transformative agenda, which offers alternative pathways for attaining international public goods in developing regions with shared historical and ideological affinities.

Relations between Russia and China in the context of the formation of a new world order

The article examines Russian-Chinese relations in the context of the emergence of a new world order. The author emphasizes that Russia and China consider each other as priority partners, always respect each other’s interests, becoming a model of relations between great powers. The countries maintain close exchanges and contacts at all levels, exchange views on major issues of mutual interest, strengthen mutual trust and develop cooperation in various fi elds. Russia and China have always adhered to the principles of non-alignment with blocs, non-confrontation, and they are not directed against a third party. They develop bilateral relations and cooperation in various fi elds on the basis of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefi t, which brings tangible benefi ts to the people of the two countries and also contributes to global development. China and Russia take common positions on most issues on the international agenda and are strengthening cooperation within the UN, SCO, BRICS, APEC, G20 and other multilateral platforms. They cooperate closely on global and regional issues, such as the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue, the situation in Afghanistan and the Iranian nuclear issue. When Russia and China join forces, global multipolarity and democratization of international relations will receive new impetus, which will guarantee global strategic balance and stability. Meetings between the leaders of Russia and China become the compass and anchor of Russian-Chinese relations, laying a solid foundation for deepening bilateral cooperation. Under the strategic leadership of the two heads of state, the Russian-Chinese relations of comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation will continue to move forward in the new era. The leaders of China and Russia agree that against the backdrop of unprecedented changes taking place today in the system of international relations, Russian-Chinese relations have reached unprecedented heights. The author comes to the conclusion that, in general, Russian-Chinese relations have not only withstood many new challenges, but have also strengthened signifi cantly over the past year.

Evolution of Legislation Regarding the Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposes

The development and use of atomic energy represent one of the greatest achievements of the 20th century, opening new possibilities for global evolution. The United Nations (UN) has formulated the «Millennium Development Goals» and the «Sustainable Development Goals by 2030» to address comprehensive solutions to the social, economic, and environmental challenges facing the planet. In this context, nuclear energy offers unparalleled advantages, but it is essential to consider the risks and challenges associated with its future use and development. Nuclear law serves as a valuable tool for regulating the development of nuclear energy and overcoming these risks and challenges. All countries must strictly fulfill their international obligations, responsibly implement international legal instructions at the national level, and collectively support the international regime and legal framework organized around the United Nations. This, in turn, contributes to the achievement of the shared goal of «atoms for peace and development».
 The international legal framework on nuclear issues emerged alongside the development of nuclear energy worldwide. It evolves as social, economic, scientific, and technical challenges associated with this development are addressed, thereby contributing to the safe, secure, and sustainable development of peaceful nuclear energy use.
 The IAEA and the international community have established an almost universal regime of safeguards aimed at detecting and preventing the diversion of nuclear materials from peaceful nuclear activities to the production of nuclear weapons.
 Based on the results of the conducted research, it has been established that each country not only has the right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes but also bears the responsibility and obligation to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to support nuclear safety and security. All countries should conscientiously fulfill their obligations in accordance with the international legal framework on nuclear safety, fully implement relevant resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, strengthen and expand the existing international legal framework on nuclear safety, and provide institutional guarantees, adhering to universally defined guiding principles for managing international nuclear safety.

A Study on Narratives of North Korea Nuclear Issues on the Film “Steel Rain”

A Study on Narratives of North Korea Nuclear Issues on the Film “Steel Rain”

중미 글로벌-지역 이중 극체제로 본 북중관계

This study aims to examine how China’s realization of polarity in international relations and its threat perception on the U.S. have affected China-North Korea relations in the post-Cold War era. Since the end of the Cold War, the world has formed a U.S.-led unipolar system, while East Asia has been a bipolar system between the U.S. and China. China has jumped on the U.S. bandwagon but confronted it when the U.S. has posed threats to East Asia where China's vital interests reside. When it has had cooperative relations with the U.S., China has kept a certain distance from North Korea, which is under international sanctions over its nuclear issue, while strengthening its relations with the DPRK when it has conflicted with the U.S. History has shown this pattern. Relations between China and North Korea, which had deteriorated since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea in 1992, normalized after China felt threatened by NATO’ military attack on Yugoslavia in 1999. Relations between the two countries, which had deteriorated following North Korea's first nuclear test in 2006, strengthened despite the DPRK's second nuclear test in 2009 as the South Korea-U.S. alliance strengthened after the Lee Myungbak administration took power. Worsened relations between China and the DPRK caused by North Korea's continued nuclear tests and missile provocations since Xi Jinping took power strengthened again when the U.S. began to balance against China in 2018. This pattern makes us predict how China-North Korea relations will be in the future. If conflict intensifies between the U.S. and China, China-North Korea relations will be strengthened. On the other hand, if U.S.-China relations turn to a cooperative stance, China-North Korea relations are likely to become estranged. It is predicted that conflictual relations between the U.S. and China would continue, and therefore, close relations between China and North Korea would persist for the time being.

From Donald Trump to Joe Biden: The Adjustment and Continuation of U.S. Policy on Irans Nuclear Program

This paper is targeted at the policies and adjustments of the United States against the nuclear program of Iran during the administration of Donald Trump and Joe Biden and attempts to analyze the reasons and motivations. After the Trump administration took office, the United States unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and implemented an all-round suppression of Iran. On the contrary, President Biden has shown a strong willingness to rejoin the deal and released goodwill to Iran frequently. Bidens policy seems to be significantly different from that of Trump, but it does not deviate from the framework of the Trump administration. This paper explores the foreign policies of the two governments towards Iran through three levels of analysis and uses cognitive psychology to analyze the influence of Trump's personal factors on his policies. It concludes that Trump's policies on Iran nuclear issue during his administration are mainly affected by his political personality and national security environment, while Biden's strategic adjustment to the foreign policy is more influenced by political pressure at home and abroad besides national security.

The role of nuclear cultural heritage in long-term nuclear waste governance

Abstract. Against the background of the long period of time for which the highly radioactive waste is to be safely stored, this waste is understood as an eternal burden (Brunnengräber, 2015). For the human imagination, such long periods of time are hardly comprehensible and graspable; instead, fears, worries and ideas fed by past and present experiences prevail, out of which expectations for the future are developed. According to StandAG, the site selection procedure should be transparent, participatory, learning, self-questioning and science-based, i.e. a procedure that can be perceived as fair and comprehensible and can thus promote the acceptability of the decision for a site and ensure “added value” of the site beyond its core function (NEA, 2022). At the same time, the interests of numerous stakeholders across generations and their role in active or more passive oversight of the site must be taken into account. Even after the site has been chosen, during the construction and operating phases, and after the repository has been closed, the memory of the repository must be preserved, and the region that takes on the burden must be honoured. This region will already change beforehand, for example due to the activities during the construction and emplacement phase, the attribution of meaning by the media, politics, and the public of the region as a future repository region. International literature on nuclear heritage (Rindzevičiūtė, 2019; Pitkanen and Farish, 2018), cultural memories (Assmann, 2010), nuclearity (Blowers, 2016; Hecht, 2014), energy cultures (Uhlig, 2020; Stephenson et al., 2015), spatial identity processes (Devine-Wright and Batel, 2017), and long-term governance and institutionalization (Mbah and Kuppler, 2021), as well as sociotechnical imaginaries (Jasanoff and Kim, 2013; Watkins, 2014), show different approaches on how developments in connection with changes of the landscape over time and the identity of a region can take place and how an institutionalization of places of nuclear cultural heritage could look. Places of nuclear significance often develop locally starting from nuclear infrastructures and activities concerning nuclear issues such as protests and might include institutionalization processes, e.g. the implementation of places of memory like museums. This may happen without the initial intention of institutionalization of a nuclear cultural heritage. Additionally, top-down processes from politics and administration may support institutionalization actively. How the different processes and activities are intertwined and foster institutionalization, as well as the role of different timescales in relation to these processes, is still open for debate (e.g. Pescatore and Palm, 2020). The aim of this research is to explore these multiple aspects that play into the development and emergence of nuclear heritage sites and sketch how a nuclear cultural heritage can aid in working towards long-term nuclear waste governance in a way that takes into account the spatial and cultural specificities of heritage sites and landscapes.

The Persian Gulf-Black Sea International Transport and Transit Corridor: Goals and Constraints

ABSTRACT The Persian Gulf-Black Sea International Transport and Transit Corridor is a multimodal and combined network of ships, rails, and road freight routes connecting Iran, Armenia, Georgia, Bulgaria, and Greece. Iran is the trustee of the agreement and has played the central role in establishing a transit route to the Black Sea region as ‘Tehran’s forgotten bridge to Europe’ since its inception in 2016. Nonetheless, the Persian Gulf-Black Sea Corridor faces significant obstacles and challenges: resolving Iran’s nuclear issues, resolving disputes between Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan, and stabilizing the security situation in the Black Sea following the Ukraine war, all of which reduce its efficiency and quality. In these circumstances, connecting the Iranian railway to the Caucasus and Armenia and building Armenia’s North-South highway and the deep port of Anaklia on Georgia’s Black Sea coast can stretch the capacities of the Persian Gulf-Black Sea Corridor. It can also strengthen the Wider Black Sea Region and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC).

Can It Get Out of Predicament? Japan's Policy towards DPRK Nuclear Issue

This study aims to examine Japan's policy towards DPRK nuclear issue. It summarizes current Japan's policy pattern towards DPRK nuclear issue. Japan's entrenched marginal position in the Northeast Asian security architecture fundamentally shaped the outward appearance of Japan's policy towards the DPRK nuclear issue. However, there is still some room for Japan to play out. Some factors determine why current Japan's policy towards DPRK nuclear issue is ineffective. These factors include the following: Japan did not handle its relations with its neighbors China, South Korea, and Russia well, but instead further deteriorated the three pairs of bilateral relations; China, Russia, and North Korea constitute a potential alliance, further increasing the pressure on Japan; Japan's domestic public opinion abducted the government's DPRK policy; The last assumption is that current Japan is a country without nuclear weapons. Japan's willingness and ability to deal with the above issues will determine the future trajectory and effectiveness of its policy towards the DPRK nuclear issue.

북한주민 식량권(Right to Food)에 대한 북한과 국제사회의 책임

This study examines the fulfillment of obligations related to the right to food for the people of North Korea, considering the concept of the right to food and responsibility under international norms. The research aims to determine whether North Korea and the international community are adequately meeting their obligations in guaranteeing the right to food. International norms, such as the UN Declaration of Human Rights and the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, delineate the individual’s right to food and the corresponding responsibilities of states and the international community.
 North Korea has implemented various policies to enhance food production, including guidelines from the Supreme Leader, initiatives such as the field-respinsibility-system (po-jeon damdangje) that incentivizes farmers, and the upgrading of agricultural institutions. However, these efforts have yielded unsatisfactory results. The North Korean authorities’ emphasis on self-reliance, labor mobilization, and resistance to accepting food aid from the international community have hindered progress. While the presence of markets in North Korea has increased access to food, government control over food purchase and distribution persists, posing challenges in guaranteeing the right to food for those unable to access the market.
 The international community has provided support to address North Korea’s food crisis since the mid-1990s. However, the imposition of UN and US sanctions due to the North Korean nuclear issue, coupled with the COVID-19 pandemic, has hindered the provision of food aid. The combination of sanctions and North Korea’s political blockade further impedes the realization of the people’s right to food. Despite outward appearances, both North Korea and the international community have failed to fulfill their responsibilities in guaranteeing the right to food for North Koreans.
 Consequently, this study offers several policy implications for ensuring the right to food for the North Korean people. Firstly, it proposes resuming humanitarian support from UN organizations and international NGOs, utilizing the UN sanctions waiver with the understanding of the US, and ensuring transparency in aid distribution. Secondly, it recommends urging North Korea to accept external support, such as from the FAO, to strengthen their agricultural base and increase food production, aligning with the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Lastly, it suggests the establishment of a collaborative entity, tentatively named the “Korean Peninsula Agricultural Development Organization” or the “East Asia Humanitarian Cooperation Council,” which would enable accurate assessment of North Korea's food situation and work towards improving long-term food productivity.
 Given that the right to food is a fundamental human right crucial for individual survival and well-being, it is imperative that the responsible parties collaborate to ensure the guarantee of this right for the people of North Korea.

Opening Up Arms Control Silos

Over the years, countless undergraduate students in survey courses and special subjects have been lectured about U.S. President Richard Nixon’s May 1972 visit to Moscow, the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty’s (ABMT) signing, and the agreement that concluded the first round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT). Images of Nixon and Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev putting pen to paper in the Kremlin’s grand St. Vladimir Hall will be familiar to hundreds of thousands—if not millions—of students who have studied U.S. and Soviet foreign policy, the Cold War, and the arms race. Yet, this outward appearance of amity and compromise between leaders with their metaphorical fingers on the metaphorical buttons of thousands of nuclear weapons belies the lengthy and, at times, vicious bureaucratic infighting that plagued the SALT and ABMT negotiations. It is this very bureaucratic complexity that the late Patrick J. Garrity (who sadly passed away on May 10, 2021) and Erin R. Mahan seek to address in Averting Doomsday: Arms Control During the Nixon Presidency. Not only do they concern themselves with personal and institutional factors that influenced Nixon’s arms control agenda policies, but they also make a welcome effort to encompass the entirety of arms control. This ambitious aim brings together an assessment not just of strategic nuclear issues, but also of nuclear non-proliferation, nuclear testing, chemical weapons control, and biological weapons control. These areas are frequently left in silos—pun apologetically intended—and treated as distinct issues. Garrity and Mahan are therefore to be praised for such a comprehensive approach.

A Study of Post-Cold War German Policy Towards the Iranian Nuclear Issue

Germany has been an important participant in the resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue, and the evolution of the Iranian nuclear crisis has become a major event in the international community at the beginning of the 21st century. The U.S. pursued unilateralism and hegemony, advocating unilateral sanctions and coercive means to solve the problem, while the EU, led by Germany, adhered to multilateralism and advocated a peaceful solution through negotiations and other means. After Merkel came to power, she promptly adjusted her policy towards the U.S., made the U.S. accept the EU proposal, shaped Germany into a role that is bold to challenge and take responsibility in the face of crises, pushed the UN Security Council to reach multilateral sanctions and comprehensive EU sanctions against Iran, and finally reached the Iran nuclear deal. This journey fully demonstrates Germany’s pursuit of foreign policy autonomy in the post-Cold War era, balancing the two pillars of foreign policy towards Europe and the U.S. in pursuit of its own interests.