Nuclear Issues Research Articles

Iran’s Covid-19 Fight: Domestic and External Implications

Iran has been one of the most seriously hit victims of the COVID-19 pandemic, and its fight against the virus is one critical part of the global fight against the disease. The internal and external implications of the fight are very complicated, and some of them are already visible, though these implications depend on how soon and how effectively Iran finally brings the disease under control. Iran is economically in a very serious situation due to covid-19 and domestic and international shutdowns. But compared with other major oil producers, Iran could potentially be less affected by the global depression as sanctions had already made it less dependent on oil revenue. Furthermore Iran might become a centre of production of medical materials and facilities. Politically, the virus fight has created an opportunity for the temporary soft landing of the political tensions as a result of a series of accidents in the last two years and particularly in the first two months of 2020, though the crisis did produce new political pressures. The pandemic has also produced opportunities for Iran to temporarily improve its neighbouring security environment and its standing in the nuclear issue by criticising inhumane US sanctions. Finally, the fight against the virus has witnessed the joint efforts of Iran and China, which has contributed to a maturing of the Iran-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.

中国学界关于 “北韩核问题”的研究特点分析 －基于CiteSpace软件的计量统计－)

中国学界关于 “北韩核问题”的研究特点分析 －基于CiteSpace软件的计量统计－)

How to Resolve the North Korean Nuclear Issue: From a Commitment Problem Perspective

From a rationalist perspective, this paper analyzes the current nuclear stalemate between the United States and North Korea. Using a simple game theoretical model, this paper shows that the current deadlock emanates from a commitment problem, Pyongyang’s concern that the United States will be unable to commit itself to following through on an agreement once Pyongyang has dismantled its nuclear programs, because Pyongyang’s accommodation of the demand for denuclearization would imply not only the increased vulnerability of the North to U.S. military presence but also the undermining of its future bargaining power relative to that of the United States. Currently, the lack of a reliable enforcing mechanism to guarantee the implementation of a nuclear deal generates this commitment problem, making it more difficult for both sides to strike a deal. Thus, this paper offers three policy alternatives to minimize the commitment problem as a prerequisite to resolving the North Korean nuclear problem and making progress towards denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula. First, minimizing the commitment problem requires bringing in a third party who is capable of securing the implementation of an agreement. Besides bringing in a third party, this paper also proposes two other ways to make reneging costly. The final agreement for a nuclear deal must be a legally binding agreement such as a treaty that requires U.S. domestic legislative approval and finally, North Korea must relinquish any economic aid from the United States to reduce the possibility that a nuclear deal made between them does not cause any U.S. domestic backlash against the deal.

Sentiment analysis of nuclear energy-related articles and their comments on a portal site in Rep. of Korea in 2010–2019

This paper reviewed the temporal changes in the public opinions on nuclear energy in Korea with a big data analysis of nuclear energy-related articles and their comments posted on the portal site NAVER. All articles that included at least one of “nuclear energy,” “nuclear power plant (NPP),” “nuclear power phase-out,” or “anti-nuclear” in their titles or main text were extracted from those posted on NAVER in January 2010–December 2019. First, we performed annual word frequency analysis to identify what words had appeared most frequently in the articles. For that period, the most frequent words were “NPP,” “nuclear energy,” and “energy.” In addition, “safety” has remained in the upper ranks since the Fukushima NPP accident. Then, we performed sentiment analysis of the pre-processed articles. The sentiment analysis showed that positive-tone articles have been reported more frequently than negative-tone over the entire analysis period. Last, we performed sentiment analysis of the comments on the articles to examine the public’s intention regarding nuclear issues. The analysis showed that the number of negative comments to articles each month–irrespective of positive or negative tone–was always larger than that of positive comments over the entire analysis period.

朝鲜“并进”外交政策及中朝关系 -金正日执政后期为中心-

The 17-year-leadership of Kim Jong Il, started from his election as Chairman of the North Korean National Defense Committee, could be divided into four periods, namely, the leadership under the guide of the will period; the pre-administration period; the mid-administration period; and the late-administration period. This paper aims to analyze the “Byungjin” foreign policy and China-DPRK relations pursued by North Korea in the late Kim Jong-il’s administration from the perspective of the assumptions of North Korea’s implementation of the nuclear-holding strategy and effectuation of the nuclear issue as the main theme of great power game. The late Kim Jong Il administration was in the transition period of the regime of successor system. Although DPRK achieved the staged goal of the nuclear ownership strategy with the success of two nuclear tests, the national security situation was still grim. In order to successfully complete the transition of the regime and implement the “powerful and prosperous” national strategy, North Korea adopted “Byungjin approach” in both interior and foreign affairs. Concerning the interior affairs, on the basis of adhering to “military-first politics”, more attention was paid to economic development and the improvement of people’s livelihood. As to the foreign affairs, focuses were on both the “nuclear diplomacy” and “economy diplomacy”, that is, the “Byungjin approach”. On the one hand, the nuclear diplomacy strategy was continuously advanced, and the “Brinkmanship” strategy and the off “Six-Party Talks” mechanism were carried on to defend the results of nuclear tests against such countries as the United States, South Korea, Japan and others with regard to the North Korean nuclear issue. On the other hand, the economic factors in foreign activities were paid due attention to. The economy-promoting-governance policy was taken to promote the economic-diplomatic relations between the friendly countries such as China and Russia; and to improve the relations with the United States, Japan, and South Korea, aiming at the economic benefits. In the process of implementing the “Byungjin” foreign policy, Kim Jong Il personally promoted the development of DPRK-China relations, actively sought a foreign policy with the political support and economic cooperation as the core with China, so as to elevate Sino-DPRK relations to a strategic height and a long-term prospect. To strengthen the political support and economic cooperation and assistance from China, Kim Jong Il administration maintained close communication by way of high-level exchanges on the matters of DPRK nuclear issue and others, and promoted mutual trust and reciprocal cooperation continuously. Taking the event of “PRC-DPRK Friendship Year” as an opportunity, the economic and trade cooperation were enhanced, and the cultural exchanges were enlivened. After the trial of North Korean nuclear tests, the new type of neighborly, friendly and cooperative state-to-state relations have been further developed.

A insustentável invisibilidade do nuclear: os processos de publicização dos problemas sociais e ambientais decorrentes da exploração do urânio em Caetité, BA

O artigo discute os processos de publicização dos problemas do nuclear em Caetité, Bahia. Desde o início da operação da mina de urânio na região, no ano de 1999, uma série de atores locais e não locais tem produzido evidências dos problemas decorrentes da extração do mineral para combustível das usinas nucleares brasileiras. Neste artigo argumenta-se que esse processo, ao mesmo tempo que constitui o nuclear e o urânio como uma situação problemática, também transforma os atores a ela concernidos, construindo os processos através dos quais questões do nuclear se tornam visíveis. Para isso, baseia-se em documentos, relatórios técnicos, materiais publicados em jornais e observação de campo de parte dos atores envolvidos nas questões do nuclear. Concluímos que as exigências dos atores passam a ser construídas a partir de evidências que seguem constrangimentos metodológicos próximos daqueles produzidos pela operação da mina, baseado em monitoramento e avaliação de dados técnicos. Mas, diferente da manutenção do nuclear como uma caixa preta, os atores publicizam o urânio e o nuclear como um problema público.

Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors

The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.

Major and Minor Transnationalism in Yoko Inoue’s Art

This article elucidates major transnationalism and minor transnationalism through an analysis of works by New York-based Japanese artist Yoko Inoue (b. 1964). Inoue engages in social criticism through varied media such as ceramics, installations, and performance art. Her works demonstrate minor transnationalism observed in the relationships she has built with other transmigrants and minoritized individuals over such issues as xenophobia and racism after 9/11, as well as Hiroshima/Nagasaki and related contemporary nuclear issues. Inoue also addresses the disparities in collective memory and narratives between Japan and the US plus socio-economic inequalities between nation-states and the movement of people/goods/money within Trans-Pacific power dynamics, all of which illustrate major transnationalism in the Trans-Pacific.

TINDAK PIDANA LINGKUNGAN HIDUP DALAM KAITANNYA DENGAN PEMANFAATAN ENERGI NUKLIR

ABSTRACT The development of technology in the world lately is very rapid, nuclear technology is widely applied in various fields. By utilizing nuclear energy, humans get huge benefits. The use of nuclear technology is also not spared from accidents. Nuclear accidents are caused by too much energy which is often very dangerous. In relation to nuclear issues with the legal consequences of the use of nuclear technology and environmental criminal liability. This research uses a normative juridical approach that is descriptive in nature with existing literature and regulatory studies relating to the environment and nuclear. The use of nuclear energy cannot be separated from the consequences of the law. due to the law in the form of a nuclear accident that causes a loss originating from radiation or combined radiation. This has an impact on the environment in the form of damage that has a negative effect on humans and ecosystems in general. Related to the legal consequences caused, it should be held liable according to law which in this case is criminally. In nuclear accidents related to the environment, individuals and corporations may be held liable for criminal penalties in accordance with the PPLH Law in the form of basic criminal penalties for individuals and also corporations or legal entities with principal penalties in the form of criminal fines and additional penalties in the form of confiscation of evidence, compensation, compensation, restitution, repair of damage resulting from criminal acts. The handling of this corporation is clarified by the Supreme Court Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 13 of 2016 concerning Procedures for Handling Criminal Acts by Corporations due to obscurity in the criminalization of corporations in the PPLH Law. As for punishment as a result of nuclear utilization which has an impact on the environment its nature is ultimum remedium or as a final remedy. Keywords: Nuclear Utilization, Nuclear Accidents, Criminal Liability.

Iran’s Covid-19 Fight: Domestic and External Implications

Iran has been one of the most seriously hit victims of the COVID-19 pandemic, and its fight against the virus is one critical part of the global fight against the disease. The internal and external implications of the fight are very complicated, and some of them are already visible, though these implications depend on how soon and how effectively Iran finally brings the disease under control. Iran is economically in a very serious situation due to covid-19 and domestic and international shutdowns. But compared with other major oil producers, Iran could potentially be less affected by the global depression as sanctions had already made it less dependent on oil revenue. Furthermore Iran might become a centre of production of medical materials and facilities. Politically, the virus fight has created an opportunity for the temporary soft landing of the political tensions as a result of a series of accidents in the last two years and particularly in the first two months of 2020, though the crisis did produce new political pressures. The pandemic has also produced opportunities for Iran to temporarily improve its neighbouring security environment and its standing in the nuclear issue by criticising inhumane US sanctions. Finally, the fight against the virus has witnessed the joint efforts of Iran and China, which has contributed to a maturing of the Iran-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.

Dying for rights: putting North Korea's human rights abuses on the record

The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) may have the worst human right record in the world. Imagine a country where you can be sentenced to a long prison term for singing a foreign song, possessing a bible, or complaining about a dire state-induced famine—and this only skims the surface. Perhaps due to preoccupation with the nuclear issue and the inability to get good data, there are few comprehensive works on rights in this benighted country. That is where Sandra Fahy's masterful catalogue of North Korea's rights abuses comes in. She believes that North Koreans ‘endlessly’ suffer a winter bereft of ordinary rights (p. 261). Her book details various types of violations: the well-known detentions without due process, torture, summary executions and the most horrible prison camps in the communist world, on top of denial of rights to movement, religious practice, food and freedom from discrimination. The famine of the 1990s was one of the worst man-made disasters of the twentieth century. It did not directly threaten the regime, but it changed the country's rights environment. The right to food is widely accepted internationally, and famine is often blamed on overpopulation and geographic or climate issues. Actually, famine in most countries results from lack of access to food, especially if it is poorly allocated due to power relations within a society, or ‘deliberate acts of commission’ (p. 47). Because famines only gradually develop, people usually do not see a clear link to the government and often do not blame officials. The North Korean official narrative that all people were joined not in famine, but in an ‘arduous march’, made it easy to blame foreign pressure on the country. The problem for the DPRK was that the famine caused ordinary people to violate laws in order to survive. Most notably, they had to seek resources from China, South Korea and beyond. The regime's failure to take action for food security meant that famine-like conditions have since reccured every few years.

O programa nuclear iraniano e o regime de não-proliferação: dilemas para o futuro

O programa nuclear iraniano causa receios e inquietações há tempos, existindo suspeitas de que o país almeje a utilização da energia nuclear para fins militares, tornando-se uma potência nuclear ilegítima. Décadas de sanções e iniciativas de negociação não têm alcançado resultados satisfatórios. O presente artigo visa analisar o atual quadro da questão nuclear iraniana, argumentando que reflete controvérsias e dificuldades intrínsecas do regime de não proliferação nuclear.

A peaceful solution to the nuclear tension in the Korean peninsula

In spite of the efforts of the international community to solve the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) nuclear crisis, this issue remains unsolved. The relevance of this matter lies in the need to find a permanent solution to the crisis that leads to a total denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the aim of this article is to demonstrate the need of a peaceful solution to the DPRK nuclear issue in which the security concerns of North Korea are addressed by signing a peace treaty with Pyongyang that ensures that the United States will not attack the regime, will remove its troops from South Korea and will finish its military drills with this ally. This article will discuss what elements will be necessary to achieve a peaceful solution to this nuclear conundrum.

Violence, identity and culture. Perspectives and topics in the global scenarios

ABSTRACT The essay addresses some perspectives of analysis, elaborated and established over the past 30 years, highlighting both the cultural complexity and the multidimensionality of violence in contemporary society. In the age of globalization, the focus of the reflections is found within the relationship between violence and identity and its transformation. Concerning the relationship between violence and identity, the essay addresses the nuclear issue of the similarity between logics and practices of identity construction and logics and practices of violent action against diversity and otherness. Particular attention is given to bodily violence and social realities that are still defined as violent today due to the cultural differences between societies, individuals and groups of individuals. The main references are G. Balandier, P. Bourdieu, J. Galtung, P. Former, M. Wieviorka, R. Collins and A. Appadurai. The different conceptual definitions of violence that is direct or cultural violence, institutional or subjective, structural or symbolic, genocidal or civicidarian violence are therefore addressed in an attempt to use them to re-read phenomena and the socio-cultural dimension of violence.

The Iranian nuclear challenge as reflected in the Russian media

ABSTRACT The Middle East is one of the ‘unreliable links’ in the international security system. This became apparent once Iran began developing its nuclear program decades ago, and in recent years, the program has reinforced the challenges to international security. The steps taken by the UN and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as well as US sanctions have not yet achieved positive results. Although Russia formally supported these sanctions, its political interests and attitude to Iran differ significantly from that of the United States and its allies. Russia seeks to consolidate its position in the region, challenging American policies. This article investigates political contradictions regarding the implementation of Iran’s nuclear strategy and observes the position of the Russian print media as a source of information. Despite the active development of online news in Russia, print media continue serving as a popular information source in the country. This holds especially true for local officials, who are responsible for making government decisions, thus determining our increased interest in these forms of media. The Russian press, when covering the ‘Iranian nuclear issue,’ do not serve as unbiased sources of information, but suggest propaganda influence, albeit flavored with thorough knowledge of the political situation.

Китайско-российские отношения по северокорейской ядерной проблеме

As the second summit between United States and North Korea in Hanoi ended without any significant results on February 2019, the negotiating process to resolve the nuclear issue has come to a deadlock. In this situation, Russia and China continue to cooper-ate with each other regarding the policy toward North Korea and at the same time maintain bilateral relations with the DPRK. Russia and China have consolidated their strategic partnership in solving North Korean nuclear issue, opposing not only harsh sanctions, imposed by the UN Security Coun-cil on DPRK, but also against the denuclearization decision proposed by the United States, putting forward an alternative method. It is widely believed, not only in the Republic of Korea, but also in the international community, that Russia and China have the same, or at least a similar position on the North Korean nuclear issue. The article discusses the shared views of both states in the aspect of co-inciding interests and political orientation. The au-thor has made an attempt to analyze and summarize the policies and strategies, which the two countries adhere to.

Not a blood alliance anymore: China’s evolving policy toward UN sanctions on North Korea

ABSTRACT What has driven China’s policy toward United Nations (UN) sanctions on North Korea? While insisting on a peaceful settlement of North Korean nuclear issues via diplomatic dialogues, China has gradually loosened its protective stance regarding UN sanctions on North Korea. This article examines the factors that have pushed China to take a tougher position toward North Korea: North Korea’s increasingly aggressive nuclear policy, the influence of the United States on Chinese foreign policy, and the changing perception of North Korea in China. Through close examination of China’s domestic discussions on North Korea, this article concludes that, besides the external factors, a growing negative perception of North Korea has played an increasingly important role in changing China’s official stance. The findings suggest that closer attention should be paid to the changes in the domestic political environment of China to understand its current and future approach toward North Korea.

Why Germany won’t build its own nuclear weapons and remains skeptical of a Eurodeterrent

ABSTRACT Aggressive Russian policies and the Trump administration’s transactional approach to alliances have put nuclear issues back on the agenda for European governments. Arguments for German acquisition of nuclear weapons have gained no traction among German decision makers, as this would require multiple costly and radical shifts of Berlin’s foreign and security policies. German-French convergence on the role of nuclear weapons in European security is a necessary – though not necessarily sufficient – precondition for a strengthened nuclear dimension to the EU’s security and defense policies. However, the different nuclear cultures in France and Germany, French aversion to nuclear consultations, and inter-European divisions on the role of nuclear weapons make it unlikely that Germany will support a Eurodeterrent anytime soon. In the short term, the German debate on NATO’s response to the end of the INF treaty and Berlin’s decision on new dual-capable aircraft to support NATO’s nuclear sharing arrangements will be indicators of changing nuclear attitudes and policies.

Japan's Energy Policy and Nuclear Power Issues

Japan's Energy Policy and Nuclear Power Issues

Asia in 2019

Among the major events that occurred in Asia in 2019 were four that received global attention: the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the US-China trade war, the North Korean nuclear issue, and protests in Hong Kong. These events have significant policy implications for the world as well as for Asia.