National Foreign Policy Research Articles

Brexit or Bremain: what future for the UK's European diplomatic strategy?

A major public debate on the costs and benefits of the United Kingdom's membership of the European Union is presently under way. The outcome of the referendum on 23 June 2016 will be a pivotal moment in determining whether the EU has a future as a component of the UK's European diplomatic strategy or whether there is a major recalibration of how the UK relates to Europe and more widely of its role within international relations. Since accession to the European Economic Community the UK has evolved an uncodified, multipronged European diplomatic strategy. This has involved the UK seeking to reinforce its approach of shaping the security of the continent, preserving a leading diplomatic role for the UK in managing the international relations of Europe, and to maximize British trade and investment opportunities through a broadening and deepening of Europe as an economically liberal part of the global political economy. Since accession the UK's European diplomatic strategy has also been to use membership of the EU to facilitate the enhancement of its international influence, primarily as a vehicle for leveraging and amplifying broader national foreign and security policy objectives. The strategy has been consistent irrespective of which party has formed the government in the UK. Increasing domestic political difficulties with the process of European integration have now directly impacted on this European strategy with a referendum commitment. Whether a vote for a Brexit or a Bremain, the UK will be confronted with challenges for its future European strategy.

The UK and EU Foreign and Security Policy: An Optional Extra

AbstractForeign and security policy were not areas in which Prime Minister Cameron was seeking to renegotiate the relationship between the UK and the European Union (EU), but security may be a key issue in the EU referendum. The untangling of Britain's foreign and security policy from the EU following a Brexit vote would be relatively uncomplicated. The EU's arrangements for collective foreign and security policy, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), are conducted on an intergovernmental basis which allows the UK to preserve independence in its diplomacy while allowing for the coordination of policy where interests are held in common with other member states. The UK retains substantial diplomatic and military capabilities which would allow it to continue to pursue a separate national foreign, security and defence policy in the case of either a ‘Leave’ or ‘Remain’ outcome.

The Surrounding Regions of Iran and the Regionalism in Foreign Policy of Islamic Republic of Iran

In addition to internal conditions, surrounding environment of any country provide opportunities as well as limitations within the process of policy making particularly in terms of foreign policy. It seems axiomatic that overlooking the surrounding regions within the process of policy making can lead to irrecoverable damages on the country’s interests. In the present study it has been attempted to examine the features and abilities of surrounding regions of Iran as well as answering the question that which regions have advantage and priority to provide national goals and foreign policy of Iran has been presented at the conclusion of the hypothesis that Northern and Eastern regions surrounding the country (ECO zone) because of the presence cultural, language and religious similarities hold higher rate of capacity in order to provide foreign policy goals.

Building national cyber resilience and protecting critical information infrastructure

ABSTRACTThe digital transformation poses a challenge to all societies and economies, with Information and Communication Technologies forming a substrate for critical services and economic growth. National cyber policy-makers are faced with many priorities, including protecting critical infrastructure, reducing cybercrime, raising awareness, and following national security and foreign policy interests. The protection of critical services and infrastructure, fight against cybercrime, cyber incident response and recovery form a basis of nations’ cyber resilience in the digital era. In the light of recent cyber security regulations passed in the US and the European Union, the article offers an overview of how to organise and provide leadership for an efficient national cyber effort. It also discusses several methods from a public policy perspective of how to provide better cyber security for critical services and infrastructures.

In re People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran

723Terrorism — Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act 1996 — Designation as a foreign terrorist organization — Request for revocation of designation as foreign terrorist organization — 180-day deadline for deciding requests for revocation — National security and foreign policy concernsRelationship of international law and municipal law — United States domestic law — Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act 1996 — Writ of mandamus — Mandamus an extraordinary remedy — Duty to act — Unreasonable delay — Principles for determining whether agency delay unreasonable — Judicial review — Duty to comply with Court remand mandate — The law of the United States

Issues Regarding EAEU Memberss Participation in the WTO Activity

Issues related to the use of the WTO instruments and mechanisms by CIS member states including the EAEU members remain one of the least studied problems regarding a comprehensive analysis not in Russia alone but also in other countries of the post-Soviet space. Activity in the WTO needs to be studied in two aspects: first – as an impact factor on the implementation of the national foreign economic policy and second – as a legal basis for creation of integration processes including within the CIS and EAEU.

Malaysian and Nigerian Foreign Policy in Comparative Perspective

This study explores the nexus between Malaysian and Nigerian Foreign Policy by examining the personality traits of Mahathir, 1981-2003 and Obasanjo, 1999-2007 respectively. The overriding consideration of national interest and foreign policy of a country reflect keen perception of, and determined by, national leaders. The study examines the divergence and convergence in foreign policy making of the two personalities. Historical-descriptive approach was used as a method of data collection and analysis. Utilizing secondary data in testing their influence, the findings reveal that Obasanjo’s idiosyncrasy has approximate similarity with Mahathir’s on high level of understanding internal, regional, and international dynamics, and aligned strategic survival of their states with broader regional and global trends. While MFP consolidates the ideal principles of Mahathir, NFP experiences policy somersault. Given this scenario, the paper argues for a significant shift from Afro-centric to institutionalized Nigerian-centric policy thrust, if development must be genuinely experienced and sustained in Nigeria. Territorial defense, and security of live and property are the hallmarks for national survival cum development of any nation. In the circumstance, we consider periodic evaluation of national interests and specific bilateral security treaty in all ramifications as a highly useful and pivotal option. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s4p125

Proces kształtowania się polityki zagranicznej Indonezji po 1998 roku

Indonesia has become one of the most internationally “compelling” entities nowadays. Its economic development, large and mobile society, political reforms as well as the impressive combination of Islam and democracy attract world’s attention. Indonesia has every right to be regarded as one of the regional powers, or even the emerging leader in Southeast Asia. The breakthrough came along with the overthrow of president Suharto in 1998. The new authorities started to implement variety of reforms in the entire country that are still in process. The transposition of Indonesia’s role and image in the world created also a need for adopting a new, completely fresh approach towards its foreign policy. This paper focuses on foreign policy of Indonesia since 1998 till current days. It examines its main goals and relations with its neighbors, world’s great powers, as well as the involvement of Indonesia within the international organizations. Indonesia is without a doubt primus inter pares in the Association of Southeast Asia Nations and in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Indonesia recognizes its participation within ASEAN as the cornerstone of national foreign policy. Since ASEAN’s establishment in 1967, Indonesia has lead that organization from behind. Nowadays, Indonesia tries to overhaul the whole ASEAN system by pushing for the promotion of democracy and human rights as one of the key agendas for the organization. Within last few years, there was also a deeper Indonesian involvement in G20. Indonesian experience of financial crisis in late 90s and years of economic recession during New Order helps to understand the challenges in today’s world. Sharing that experience within G20, Indonesia initiated different action related to safeguard the international financial institutions and world banking system. The last years brought also a great change in the foreign policy of Indonesia in terms of its relations with the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America. China is no longer regarded as a threat for Indonesia’s elites, but as a prospective economic partner. The diplomatic relations with the United States have been strengthened in recent years as well. Last but not least, the paper focuses on the relations of Indonesia with its closest neighbors. After years of diplomatic discourse and antagonism with the government in Kula Lumpur, Singapore, or Canberra, Indonesia initiates a new phase of cooperation. The years of Konfrontasi are over and Indonesian government opened a new chapter and enjoys the cooperation with Australia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. Indonesia may be, without a doubt, considered as both regional and middle power, as well as the emerging economic power.

The Foreign Policy of the Baltic States and the Ukrainian Crisis: A Case of Europeanization?

Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have established themselves as ardent supporters of the EU's Eastern Partnership, and have also combined this with robust national policies. The crisis in Ukraine, with the annexation of Crimea and Russian military aggression precipitating confrontation in EU-Russia relations, presented the Baltic countries with the most formidable political challenge since restoring independence. Combining Europeanization literature with Larsen's (2005) approach to the foreign policy of small states, the article focuses on the relationship between national foreign policies of EU member states and the European Union as a foreign policy platform. The analysis synthesizes the results of a content analysis of official press releases with interviews with the Baltic states’ diplomats. The empirical results show that in responding to the Ukraine crisis, the Baltic states have regularly pursued their policy aims through the EU, contesting the conventional notion that Europeanization rarely extends to foreign and security affairs. More specifically, the Baltic states’ handling of the Ukraine crisis suggests that Europeanization can affect even dossiers with heavy bearing on member states’ security and national sovereignty where – according to the extant consensus in the literature – it should be least likely.

China’s Rebalancing towards Europe

Chinese leaders tend to think strategically about Europe. By following the process of European integration closely in the last decades, they have succeeded in identifying at different historical junctures those European integration initiatives that would serve China’s national security and foreign policy objectives. EU policymakers, instead, appear unable to think strategically about China as EU member states tend to focus on bilateral relations with Beijing, thus undermining Brussels’ capacity to fashion a clear and coherent China policy. There is thus a glaring disparity between Beijing and Brussels when it comes to strategic thinking. With China’s economic and political rebalancing towards Europe underway, there has never been more need for an adequate response from the Union.

Interacting with Compatriots in Russian Regions: the Experience of Tatarstan

Work with compatriots promoting the cultural presence of Russia in the world becomes an important element of "soft power" Supporting the preservation and development among compatriots the cultural traditions of the Tatar people as components of ethnic and cultural diversity of Russia, Tatarstan participates in the implementation of the national foreign policy. The Republic of Tatarstan interacts constructively with the Russian Foreign Ministry, Rossotrudnichestvo, takes part in the activities of the Government Commission on Compatriots Abroad. Work with compatriots is carried out by the executive authorities of the republic within a number of regional government programs. The Coordination Council for the Affairs of Compatriots is created in Tatarstan .The sessions of the World Congress of Tatars (WCT) are held every five years. The Executive Committee of the WCT is in contact with one and a half hundreds of Tatar organizations in about 40 countries. The most important event in the in the cultural life of Tatar diaspora is celebration of Sabantui. The Days of the Republic of Tatarstan are also held abroad with great success,and they are aimed at strengthening bilateral cooperation together with the promotion of Tatar culture in the world.A special place in the activities of all the Tatar communities takes the honoring and support of the WWII and labor veterans. Work with the young people is the part of interaction with compatriots: youth forums and camps with the study of the Tatar language are organized. Attracting of compatriots to Tatarstan universities is carried out within Russian government programs.The work of strengthening business ties in the framework of the Tatar diaspora is conducted systematically. The interaction with various target groups of compatriots (women, scientists, cultural figures) is organized.The authors propose measures of uniting overseas communities of compatriots and exploiting their potential to promote the interests of the country and its regions.

On the formulation of TCM foreign exchange policy after the reform and opening-up

The foreign exchange activities of traditional Chinese medicine are conducted under the guidance of the policy of the CPC and Chinese government. After the carrying out of the reform and opening-up policy, foreign exchange policy of TCM has experienced the process of growing up from nothing, from less to more, and from coarse to fine, which is closely related to our country's foreign policy, the cause of Chinese medicine development, and urgent need of international communication. In the three decades after the reform and opening-up policy, the formulation of foreign exchange policy of TCM can be divided into three stages: viz., inclusion in the framework of national foreign policy (1978-1985), embodiment in the policy of developing TCM cause (1986-1996), and appearance in the special policy of foreign exchange of Chinese medicine (since 1997). From the development process of these policies, the development of each policy gradually complies with the process of the development of the times, with its contents basically in line with the requirements of the times. The implementation of some policies promotes the foreign exchanges and cooperation of Chinese medicine.

West oriented in the East-oriented Donbas: a political stratigraphy of geopolitical identity in Luhansk, Ukraine

Building on data from a survey (n = 4000) conducted in the eastern Ukrainian city of Luhansk in late 2013, this article explores the link between national identity and foreign policy preferences in the Donbas, suggesting that they are increasingly conflated in distinct geopolitical identities. Descriptive statistics and multinomial logistic regression are used to compare the characteristics of pro-West and uncertain individuals with those of the pro-Russian/Soviet individuals, with preferences on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and European Union (EU) accession underlying this distinction. The results show that geopolitical identities in Luhansk have a complex political stratigraphy that includes demographic, socioeconomic, cultural, and attitudinal components. The pro-West constituency is younger, not Russian but often including members of other ethnic groups, well educated, more tolerant toward sexual minorities, generally more satisfied with life, and it also speaks better English. Conversely, those with pro-Russia/Soviet geopolitical identities are older, Russian, low educated, less fluent in English, intolerant, and unsatisfied with their lives. Uncertainty is more randomly distributed among social groups, indicating different underlying causes related to the source of the respondents’ uncertainty.

Эрозия “шведской модели” и девальвация политики неприсоединения

The erosion of the socio-economic “Swedish model” and the reduction of non-alignment in the national foreign policy have been and is taking place in history and politics simultaneously, exerting a fatal mutual interaction. The derived deviations are leading to a radical alteration of Sweden’s image, of its previous national and international specificity. The degradation of the “Swedish model” has been taking place as a result of activity of intrinsic forces and factors closely connected with structural social problems, matters of national economy efficiency and adaptation to world economy requirements, to processes of globalization. The general destructive transformation, a big number of qualitative doctrinal and institutional changes taking place since 1990s till now in the framework of the “Swedish model” is also linked with the condition of internal strife and alignment of political party forces in the country, aiming at finding an adequate answer to new challenges of the 21st century. The events of Ukrainian crisis (particularly concerning Crimea and Donetsk Basin) apparently influenced Sweden, politically resounding with a known painful historical “Poltava syndrome”. Although the incorporation of Sweden (as well as that of other small Nordic states) in European regional and Nordic sub-regional integration processes reflects the principal objective economic trend to internationalization of the world economy, the forms, rates and prospects of political integration into the EU sometimes generate objections, resistance and even disapproval of state institutions by a part of society in connection with external as well as internal socioeconomic reasons (particularly in terms of the “Swedish model” acute agenda). The loss of the famous features of Sweden’s international policy, especially after its accession to the European Community/European Union, as well as its leveling led to the loss of the original political role of the country in the Northern sub-region and in Europe at large. Immanent undermining, washing out of fundamental guarantees in the Swedish policy of neutrality pushes Stockholm forward to shameless convergence with Euro-Atlantic partners and their alliances – the EU and NATO. To all appearances, a complicated search is going on in the country – the search of a new socioeconomic model, of the foreign policy and the national security policy modification.

Renaissance of realism, a new stage of Europeanization, or both? Estonia, Finland and EU foreign policy

The relationship between EU foreign policy and national foreign policies of the member states is changing due to various factors: the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 and subsequent creation of the European External Action Service (EEAS); the economic crisis in Europe; and shifts in the global balance of power. The article explores these new dynamics in light of two cases, Estonia and Finland. It examines why the two countries support further integration in the area of foreign policy and what determines the limits of their support, applying rationalist and constructivist approaches. From a rationalist perspective, Finland and Estonia view the EU and the EEAS as a means to pursue national interests and make diplomacy more cost-effective; these aspects have become more important due to the economic crisis and changes in the international context. At the same time both countries value the EU as a security community and a source of solidarity, which points to the importance of socialization, as conceptualized by constructivists. However, the predominance of national foreign policy identity and an instrumental approach to the EU leaves limited space for deeper socialization, in spite of the new mechanisms of socialization introduced by the EEAS.

The Spatio-Temporal Distribution and Development Modes of Border Ports in China

Border ports play a substantial role in socio-economic exchanges, which reflect the diplomatic relations between neighboring countries. This paper maps and analyzes the evolution process of border ports in China since the 1930s, in terms of the spatial distribution, transport modes, cargo and flows of people. Four development modes of border ports and cities are summarized based on the functions and development level of border ports and their proximity to urban core areas. The four modes include: (1) Port-Port mode; (2) City-Port-Port-City mode; (3) City (Port)-Port-City mode; (4) City (Port)-City (Port) mode, which also reflect the spatio-temporal evolution process of certain border ports and cities. The results show that the development of border ports is closely related to the bilateral relations with neighboring countries and their complementarities of natural resources and economic development, national foreign policies, as well as the physical, historical and cultural context. The findings of this study are helpful to promote the sustainable development of the border port system which is crucial for win-win reciprocity between China and its neighboring countries.

Global health diplomacy: Barriers to inserting health into Canadian foreign policy

Health opportunities and risks have become increasingly global in both cause and consequence. Governments have been slow to recognise the global dimensions of health, although this is beginning to change. A new concept – global health diplomacy (GHD) – has evolved to describe how health is now being positioned within national foreign policies and entering into regional or multilateral negotiations. Traditionally, health negotiations have been seen as ‘low politics’ in international affairs: however, attention is now being given to understanding better how health can increase its prominence in foreign policy priorities and multilateral forums. We sought to identify how these efforts were manifested in Canada, with a focus on current barriers to inserting health in foreign policy. We conducted individual interviews with Canadian informants who were well placed through their diplomatic experience and knowledge to address this issue. Barriers identified by the respondents included a lack of content expertise (scientific and technical understanding of health and its practice), insufficient diplomatic expertise (the practice and art of diplomacy, including legal and technical expertise), the limited ways in which health has become framed as a foreign policy issue, funding limitations and cuts for global health, and lack of cross-sectoral policy coordination and coherence, given the important role that non-health foreign policy interests (notably in trade and investment liberalisation) can play in shaping global health outcomes. We conclude with some reflections on how regime change and domestic government ideology can also function as a barrier to GHD, and what this implies for retaining or expanding the placement of health in foreign policy.

Elite Perceptions and Nigeria's Foreign Policy Process

The study examined the perception of Nigerian elites on the role of the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) in foreign policy formulation and implementation. It investigated how the nature and structure of the Nigerian State shaped the nation's foreign policy bureaucracy as represented by the MFA. The study employed primary and secondary data. Primary data were collected through unstructured interview. Respondents were purposively selected from the academia as well as from among the senior officers of the MFA, the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) and the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) totaling 25 altogether. The eligibility criteria included knowledge of and contribution to the subject matter, as well as expertise and active participation in Nigeria's foreign policy process. Secondary data were sourced from official documents, books, journals, newspapers, news magazines, and Internet-based materials. Data were analyzed using thematic content analysis. From the result, 75% of respondents perceived the MFA as simply a rubber-stamp for the desires and preferences of the President and their kitchen cabinet. 65% of respondents held the view that the Federal Cabinet, National Assembly, think-tanks, and research-based institutions that should be decision units alongside the MFA, appeared to be for the most part, sidelined in foreign policy making. About 60% of respondents submitted that the political, socio-economic, religious, linguistic and ethnical configuration of the Nigerian state and its characteristic differences, impinged on foreign policy decisions and pursuits. The study concluded that the role of Nigeria's Ministry of Foreign Affairs in many cases was undermined. It was seen to be more visible in foreign policy implementation than in decision-making; allowed only marginal roles in decision making or simply used as mere administrative machinery to implement the desires and preferences of the political head and their kitchen cabinet.

African immigrants in Hungary: Connection with the new national foreign policy

The paper seeks to introduce the history, motivations, background and present situation of the marginal but growing African population in Hungary. It will show an East-Central European country with no record of being a colonial power in the African continent, but with significant ties to the continent through explorers and travelers, which aims to finally formulate a government policy on Africa and African development co-operation. In this effort, it considers Africans who either had obtained a university degree before 1989 at a Hungarian university, or came to the country during the democratic rule as true bridges: they can foster newly defined relations. The place, role and potentials of these African migrants in the unique Hungarian migration environment, together with attitudes towards their different groups on behalf of younger generations (high school and university students) of society will also be discussed.

Usages of Europe in Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Middle East

Europeanization of foreign policy is often studied from the perspective of the impact of European Union (EU) membership on national foreign policies. What go largely unnoticed are the numerous usages of the EU in presenting, justifying and implementing foreign policy at home and abroad. This paper addresses this lacuna in the literature by exploring how Turkish foreign policy actors have construed and used the EU to justify and explain Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East in the domestic and the Middle Eastern context. We draw upon a sociological approach to Europeanization and argue that the usages of the EU in the construction of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East vary according to the context.