National Foreign Policy Research Articles

Decoding the Duterte Doctrine: Understanding Strategic Changes in Philippine Foreign Policy during Duterte Administration

This article employs a sophisticated neoclassical realist framework to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the intricate landscape of Philippine foreign policy under the administration of former Philippine President Rodrigo Roa Duterte, elucidating the contours of the so-called “The Duterte Doctrine”. This encompasses a nuanced exploration of the nation's role as a middle power, focusing on the pillars of national security, economic diplomacy, and the safeguarding of overseas Filipinos. Employing an analytical lens that intricately weaves systemic pressures and domestic imperatives, the study meticulously unravels the historical trajectory of Philippines-USA relations and the evolving dynamics in the Philippines-China relationship. Methodologically, a discerning review of historical events, policy decisions, and diplomatic maneuvers is undertaken to unveil discernible patterns and strategic recalibrations within the nation's foreign policy landscape. The main findings underscore a diplomatic chess game in the Philippines-China relationship, marked by a strategic departure in defense posture with the cessation of joint military exercises with the U.S. Economic diplomacy, encapsulated in the Duterte Doctrine, manifests as a fervent pursuit of diversified economic partnerships, concurrently raising cogent concerns about potential economic dependence. The analysis accentuates the adaptive resilience of Philippine foreign policy in response to the evolving global landscape, thereby substantively contributing to regional stability. As a middle power, the Philippines astutely leverages its agency amid great power competition while assiduously upholding principles of international law and justice, necessitating nuanced and context-specific approaches to maintain a delicate balance between traditional alliances and emerging economic partnerships.

Navigating the Data Stream: The Intersection of Digital Politics and Indonesian Foreign Policy in the Era of Big Data

In the contemporary landscape of international relations, the fusion of digital politics and big data analytics has emerged as a pivotal force reshaping diplomatic strategies and national foreign policy. This paper delves into the intricate interplay between digital politics and Indonesian foreign policy within the expansive realm of big data. Indonesia is a dynamic archipelago boasting a burgeoning digital ecosystem that serves as an illuminating case study to unravel the multifaceted dynamics of this intersection. In this era of information overload (Wood et al., 1998), big data analytics revolutionized the traditional diplomacy paradigm, offering unprecedented insight into global trends, public sentiment, and policy preferences. Traditionally grounded in diplomatic norms and statecraft, Indonesian foreign policy is now navigating the data stream, leveraging digital technologies to enhance strategic decision-making. The convergence of digital politics and big data has democratized access to information and posed novel challenges, including privacy, misinformation, and algorithmic biases (Boyd, 2008). Against this backdrop, Indonesian policymakers are tasked with crafting nuanced approaches to harness the potential of big data while safeguarding national interest and democratic values. Through a comprehensive analysis of Internet research methods through case studies, policy initiatives, and theoretical frameworks, this paper illuminates the transformative potential of big data in shaping the contours of Indonesian foreign policy. By exploring the synergies between digital politics and diplomatic endeavors, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the evolving landscape of international relations in the digital age.

Small states and the dilemma of geopolitics: role change in Finland and Sweden

Abstract This article focuses on foreign policy role change in small liberal states caused by a weakening rules-based order illustrated by the decisions of Finland and Sweden to apply for membership of NATO, thereby abandoning longstanding policies of military non-alignment. Although both countries sought alignment with NATO in the context of intense security threats in northern Europe, the domestic processes of foreign policy role change proceeded along different trajectories. In Finland, the domestic process of role change was characterized by strong elite and public consensus on membership of NATO, whereas in Sweden there was more hesitation regarding giving up military non-alignment and losing freedom of action. In this article, we address a gap in the literature on role theory and domestic role change by conceptualizing the dilemma of small liberal states being compelled to reassess national role conceptions in their domestic settings in the face of external challenges outside their control, without jeopardizing national autonomy and deep-seated social identities. To this end, we construct a model for national action strategies based on scope conditions of domestic role change, varying according to the level of congruence in national identity and the degree of domestic elite consensus concerning national foreign policy.

Culture and Identity in International Relations: Re-Thinking Javanese Value In Contemporary Indonesian Multilateralism Strategy

<p>The emergence of culture currently being acknowledged in political science. It has played an important role in policy making to the development of a region or country. This paper will focus on how far culture, especially local values, has been interpreted in the decision-making process of foreign policy. Culture and its values and interpretation exists in formal organizations whose members develop a form of shared belief, shared values, and shared knowledge to interpret the reality. Indonesia is famous for its identity to remain neutral as one of the nation's foreign policy blueprint. The long-standing foreign policy of <em>mendayung antara dua karang</em> is challenged several times, especially during the shift of the unipolar through multipolar system in world order. This research will highlight the role of culture in foreign policy by interpreting local values, especially Javanese values conducted by President Joko Widodo’s cabinet in foreign policy approaches related to G20 chairmanship by Indonesia. By using constructivism approach in foreign policy and non-western approach in international relations, this research found that under President Jokowi’s administration there are attempts to re-interpreting Javanese values such as <em>rukun</em>, which emphasize on harmonious values in conducting foreign policy.</p>

US Congress and Policy of Sanctions

U.S. Congress plays an increasing role in the American policy of economic sanctions. Although the President and the Administration retain a significant power in national foreign policy, including the use of sanctions, Congress affects political agenda, promotes its own design of sanctions and keeps an eye on their implementation and further upgrade. Emergence of sanctions in the pubic laws, initiated and passed by Congress, usually makes their revocation hardly possible and keeps them for a long term. Such an institutional role of Congress raises a number of research questions. What are the key target priorities for Congress in terms of sanctions policy? Do these priorities overlap with the ones of the Administration? Are there any partisan splits on sanctions or sanctions policy is rather a matter of bipartisan consensus? What instruments of sanctions does Congress prefer? What share of bills finally turns into public laws and what is a connection of bills success to partisan affiliation or priorities concerned? To deal with these questions, the article reflects an analysis of 539 Congressional bills on sanctions, introduced in the House of Representatives and the Senate in 2019-2023. The database of bills includes such variables as targets of sanctions, political triggers of proposed restrictions, list of measures proposed, partisan affiliation of sponsors and cosponsors, etc. Results demonstrate the overlapping of priorities of Congress and Administration, though Congress attempts to constrain Administration on a number of issues, such as Iranian Nuclear Deal. There are specific partisan priorities. Republicans are proactive on sanctioning China, Iran and Afghanistan. Democrats are exploring new areas of sanctions use, such as climate, ecology, minorities’ rights, etc. Still, most of the bills have a bipartisan composition of sponsors and cosponsors. Most of successful bills, which turned into laws, are of bipartisan nature. Congressional bills imply the use of universal instruments of targeted sanctions such as asset blocking, visa bans or trade restrictions. However, country-specific measures, like suspension of particular military cooperation programs, are also on the radars of Congress. China and Russia a key priorities for Congress in terms of sanctions.

Post-Ottoman Legacy in the Middle East: A Compendium of 100 Years of Turkish Foreign Policy

The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire set the stage for Türkiye’s evolving foreign policy in the Middle East, a region deeply intertwined with its historical legacy. From the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 to the rise of the AK Party in the early 2000s, Türkiye’s approach has been marked by pragmatism, adaptability, and a keen understanding of regional dynamics. The nation's foreign policy has oscillated between neutrality, revisionism, proactivity, reactivity, assertiveness, autonomy, and diplomacy, reflecting both its historical ties and strategic imperatives. As Türkiye continues to navigate the complexities of the Middle East, its foreign policy remains a testament to its enduring resilience and strategic acumen. By tracing its roots and evolution, the article sheds light on the myriad factors that have shaped its course, offering insights into the evolving nature of Türkiye’s multifaceted and adaptive foreign policy and role in the Middle East over the last 100 years (1923-2023).

Evolution of the US’ Strategic Ambiguity in the Cross-Strait Relations

Purpose: This paper analyzes how the US policy on Taiwan is gradually evolving from strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity. First, I would like to analyze China's Taiwan policy in terms of the core interests of the Communist Party of China. Second, I would like to specify why the US policy on Taiwan is evolving from strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity. Third, in the event of the Taiwan contingency, the security threat to the Korean Peninsula is identified and policy alternatives are proposed.
 Method: This paper delves into the US policy on Taiwan with the Balance of Interest theory of Randall Schweller. A neoclassical realist suggests that national foreign policy is indirect and complex and must be reinterpreted through a parameter unit of domestic factors. According to Neo-Classic realists, the parameters that affect a country's foreign policy are such as domestic interest groups and the political leader’s ideology and identity.
 Results: The main parameters of the US policy shift towards Taiwan from the perspectives of Neo-classical Realism are as follows. First, it is Biden’s identity of value diplomacy which prioritizes democracy and human rights. Second, Xi Jinping's military threats to annex Taiwan, and the pursuit of a gray zone strategy are driving factors for the US Policy shift from strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity. Third, the US policy shift to Taiwan was initiated by curbing China's rise through the control of the Indo-Pacific maritime control and global supply chain.
 Conclusion: The contingency in the Taiwan Strait is closely linked to security on the Korean Peninsula due to the US’ strategic flexibility. Currently, tensions between the US and China are rising in the Indo-Pacific region as the US military support for Taiwan's self-defense. The ROK should be wary of being involved in the unintended Taiwan crisis. To build a free and prosperous Indo-Pacific, strategic communication between the US and China should be strengthened while respecting the “one China” principle.

The reaction to the war which came: an examination of a cold war shelter from the 1960s and the Swedish response to the war in Ukraine

ABSTRACT This paper presents an analysis of the relationship between civilians and politicians towards cold war air-raid shelters in Sweden, and how the encounter between Russia and Ukraine might affect how individuals perceive what was previously considered obsolete relics of the cold war. The study makes use of the air-raid shelter at Halvtumsgatan 3 in Gothenburg and interviews are conducted with its tenants, the landlord of the apartment building, as well as a local politician currently part of the municipality council. The text applies a theoretical framework based on post-colonial theories such as Homi Bhabha’s Encounter and Third-Space theories, and it is stressed that a change in the relationship between civilians, the shelter and Sweden’s national foreign policy is the result of the encounter between both Ukraine and Russia. This result is attained by focusing on the case study Halvtumsgatan 3, through interviews, and observing policy changes from the Swedish government.

Кримінальна відповідальність за використання малолітнього мігранта для заняття жебрацтвом: національне та міжнародне законодавство

One of the key principles of the national foreign policy is to ensure Ukraine’s integration into the European political, economic and legal space with the aim of gaining membership in the European Union. This integration is of great importance for the development of the country, improving its economy, strengthening democracy and ensuring human rights. Ratification of international treaties and adoption of laws contribute to creating a legal basis for reforms and solving problems, in particular in the field of human trafficking. Conflict and war often lead to a significant increase in the risk of human trafficking, as they create a complex situation in which people can become vulnerable to trafficking and exploitation, which takes many forms. Therefore, the possibility of access to the labour market in European countries can really reduce the risk of their potential participation in human trafficking, while it is important to ensure adequate protection and support for refugees and migrants. According to a recent analysis by UNICEF and the United Nations Coordination Group of Agencies Against Trafficking in Persons (ICAT), 28% of identified victims of human trafficking worldwide are children. With regard to Ukraine, UNICEF’s child protection experts believe that children are likely to constitute an even greater proportion of potential victims of trafficking, 34% that they represent more than half of all refugees who have left the country to date. In the conditions of the formation of Ukraine as a legal state, the problems of child vagrancy and begging, as well as the involvement of children in anti-social and criminal activities, are particularly relevant. At the same time, the will, honour and dignity of the child, as well as his health, suffer the most. Modern society should pay more attention to the issue of protecting the child from the negative influence not only of others, but also of adults. State institutions and the public are obliged to actively develop preventive measures in order to prevent this negative phenomenon. As mentioned above, the field of crime prevention related to the use of a minor child for begging requires scientists to study not only the domestic experience of preventing such crimes, but also the analysis of effective foreign practices to overcome such a negative phenomenon as begging and the use of children for begging. According to the Office of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) – the UN Agency for Migration in Ukraine, over 30 years, about 300,000 people have suffered from human trafficking in Ukraine. The key aspects related to the use of a minor child for begging in conditions of mass forced displacement of the population are outlined in this study, as well as the basic principles of solving this problem in both national and international legislation can become directions of scientific research aimed at the formation of effective strategies. Key words: war; migration; migrant; refugees; human trafficking; criminal responsibility; minors; begging

International Cooperation and Infrastructure Development in Bangladesh: An Analysis of Financial and Technical Support System

This study plays an important role by providing information about the actual scenario of infrastructural development of Bangladesh after taking foreign assistance from different foreign aid partners. Because of Bangladesh’s precarious economic conditions, our major foreign aid partners have provided the country with a substantial amount of public foreign assistance. This paper displays how Bangladesh depends on foreign aid to boost its economy by investing in different infrastructural mega projects. It also discusses the aid scenario of the country that has been changing not only in terms of sources and volume of aid but also in terms of sectoral allocation and utilization. This paper focuses on three points. First, the paper demonstrates the trends of foreign aid flows to Bangladesh since its independence. Second, it emphasizes national foreign policy to get incessant foreign assistance in terms of grants and loans to continue different development projects and to analyze the aid strategy of different aid partners. And third, to find out the major problems faced by foreign partners and plausible reformation made by the Bangladesh government to overcome these impediments.

Homeland, magnet, and refuge: Mecca in the travels and imaginaries of Chinese Muslims

AbstractMecca is often conceptualized as a destination for the ḥajj or a source of leverage for both western and Ottoman imperial states, and in the twentieth century, for Saudi national foreign policy and Islamist movements. While building on such transnational angles, this article views the city as a convergence point for diaspora populations, an intermediary site that has received and redirected the mobilities of sojourners, refugees, and exiles from different parts of Asia throughout the manifold turnovers of the twentieth century. The article focuses on a community of first- to third-generation settlers in the Hejaz who trace their other homes to different places in China proper. Using archival documents, travelogues, and ethnographic interviews, the article argues that the routes to Mecca, coupled with imaginaries of the city as a home place for Muslims worldwide, served as a rare constant orienting force that sustained two-directional mobilities of Chinese Muslim diasporas through the wars and revolutions of modern times.

Эволюция внешнеполитической концепции Ирана в 1920-1930-е гг

The article highlights issues aimed at solving the problems of political and economic independence facing Iran, which affect the foreign policy concept of Iran. The development of Iranian society after the establishment of the Pahlavi monarchy took place in a complex and controversial international situation. The existence of the Soviet state near the northern borders of Iran, on the one hand, and the attempt to maintain and strengthen its control by Britain and other Western powers, on the other hand, influenced the features of economic and political development. Reflecting directly the interests of a certain circle of people, however, Iran’s foreign policy was subordinated to the tasks of restricting the economic and political positions of foreign capital in the country. Iranian diplomacy was called upon to provide favorable external conditions for ongoing internal measures to weaken economic dependence on the leading powers and strengthen the country’s international position. Solving the problem of overcoming economic backwardness, the monarchy in the process of changing the structure of the economy had to take into account three aspects: sectoral, territorial and socio-economic. As history has shown, the most difficult thing for Iran was to change the socio-economic structure due to the fact that the interests of the Shah and his inner circle were in the first place, and only then the interests of the country. The article did not set the task to consider the foreign policy of Iran in relation to all the leading powers of the West and the countries of the Persian Gulf. In view of these considerations, the main attention is focused on highlighting the key issues of Iran’s relations with the USSR and England. Accordingly, the main purpose of the work was to identify the most important moments in the evolution of the foreign policy of the Shah’s state in the 20-30s. XX century, and the reasons that influenced this process. The study of Iran in the system of international relations in the years under review is of considerable interest for understanding the evolution of the foreign policy concept, methods and techniques of Iranian diplomacy, which, despite changes in the socio-economic and political structure of Iran and the systems of international relations, maintained internal continuity. A significant role in the foreign policy of Reza Shah was played by dynastic interests, however, in matters relating to political relations with Germany, he tried to follow an independent national foreign policy

Small EU member states and Brexit: introduction

ABSTRACT This Special Issue seeks to provide a better understanding of the strategic responses to Brexit from small EU member states. To this end, it links different streams of research and presents innovative inquiries into how ten states positioned themselves in the face of the British exit and with what foreign policy ramifications. More specifically, the collection examines the different countries’ coping strategies vis-à-vis Brexit, the underlying drivers of these responses, as well as their implications for patterns of national foreign policy Europeanization. After presenting the rationale and aims of the collection, this introductory article outlines the comparative framework used by the different contributors in their country studies. It then offers an overview of the main research findings derived from the individual articles. Subsequently, it summarises the comparative findings, with all contributions pointing to significant ‘sheltering’ within the EU, while ‘hedging’ strategies receive greater visibility for the countries most directly affected by Brexit. The overall results also evince a limited Brexit impact upon the foreign policy Europeanization of the countries examined. Finally, this introduction offers a reflection on the main conceptual and empirical ‘pay-offs’ of this Special Issue, closing with some avenues for future research.

Analysis of the Effectiveness of Countries' Participation in Global Value Chains

Based on a system of indicators for assessing value added in exports, intermediate and final demand, an analysis was made of the effectiveness of the participation of the world's leading economies, including the United States, China, Germany, Russia, the Republic of Korea, Japan in global value chains, the role and place of these economies in the system of international division were determined. labor. The change in the degree of integration of countries' economies into global value chains was estimated based on the calculation of the average annual growth rates of indicators of countries' participation in global value chains using the data contained in the TiVA - Trade in Value Added international trade accounting system. Such an assessment makes it possible to identify trends in the change in the involvement of countries in global production systems and creates the prerequisites for the formation of a national foreign trade policy in the context of the economies of the trading partner countries that meets both domestic and foreign interests.

Diplomacy of Ukrainian statehood from the establishment to the present (the late 1910s - 2020s): Major international partners, dynamics, and specific features

Throughout its history, Ukrainian diplomacy has gone through different periods; the legacy of the events of the 20th century is of practical importance for modern Ukraine, the establishment of its statehood, and recognition as an equal subject in the global international arena. Using the achievements of predecessors in this area, considering past mistakes and miscalculations, it is now possible to strengthen the state's diplomatic activity on a democratic basis with specific national characteristics. The purpose of the study is to provide practical recommendations for the development and strengthening of Ukrainian diplomacy at the present stage by identifying theoretical and conceptual approaches to the ways, methods, and means of developing the diplomatic service of the state in different historical periods of the 20th and 21st centuries. The comparative historical method was used to prepare this work, which, through comparison and analysis, identified the key points, features, nature of the interaction, and specifics of the process of diplomatic activity of the Ukrainian state in the 20th – early 21st centuries. The originality and identity of the diplomatic service of the Ukrainian state and the strengths and weaknesses of foreign policy at different stages of the country's historical development were identified. The author outlines the most significant international achievements of the first independent Ukrainian Republic and identifies the key features and basic features that determined the future development of the country's domestic diplomatic corps. The most optimal mechanisms, instruments, and means of Ukraine's international activity to implement them in the modern practice of international relations were indicated. Considering the priority areas for bilateral and multilateral diplomatic cooperation, the author proposes variant solutions and possible scenarios for further transformation of the country's foreign policy course regarding specific vectors of cooperation. The results and conclusions of the work can be used as a framework for future practical research, in particular, in the development and implementation of new systems and mechanisms of the best international practices in the field of diplomatic service in the national foreign policy

Արտատարածաշրջանային «ուժային կենտրոնների» քաղաքականությունը Հարավային Կովկասի անվտանգային միջավայրի կերպափոխման պայմաններում / The policy of extra-regional “power centers” in the process of transformation of the security environment in the South Caucasus

After the 2020 war (the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War), the South Caucasus region entered a period of the collapse of the fragile regional security system architecture shaped while maintaining the status quo, and the serious transformation of the security environment in the region. This is stipulated by several factors ensuing, among other things, from the geopolitical and geostrategic processes taking place in other regions, in particular, the Russia – Ukraine conflict and the aggravation of relations between Russia and the West. Because of these processes, the West’s urge to weaken Russia has increased both in political (limiting Russia’s zone of influence, including in traditionally “pro–Russian” regions, such as the South Caucasus and Central Asia) and economical aspects, limiting Russia’s role as a supplier of hydrocarbon energy carriers and the East-West transit corridor. This has led to a significant decrease in the level of Russia’s limiting influence in the South Caucasus, and the emergence of serious opportunities to reinvigorate their policy in this region both for Turkey, and extra-regional global actors, such as the United States, the European Union, China and India. Each of those pursues its own geo­strategic and geo-economic interests here, and throughout the process is acting in their own traditional manner, which has been developed in the system of implementing their national foreign policy. According to the analysis carried out, if the activity of the United States’ and the European Union’s policies in the South Caucasus depends on the factors of geopolitical rivalry between the West and Russia, then the activation of China’s and India’s policies largely comes from the activation of the processes of unblocking regional communications, resulting in the occurrence of an alternative to the northern (Russian) corridor, the use of which in greatly restricted due to the Russia – Ukraine conflict. In addition, it becomes imperative for Armenia, in the process of transforming the security environment in the South Caucasus, to indemnify for the decrease in the efficiency of deterrents conditioned solely by the geopolitical presence of the Russian Federation, without changing the foreign policy.

The Transition of Israel’s Foreign Strategy in 1948-1977: An Analytical Framework of National Interest

Since the end of World War II, Israel has shifted its diplomatic strategy among several key partnerships. The initial Soviet-Israeli cooperation (1948-1954) gave way to the Franco-Israeli alliance (1956-1967), which eventually transitioned to the US-Israeli special relationship (1968-1977). This article uses multiple case studies to examine theoretical assumptions and intermediate mechanisms, drawing on existing international relations theories and national foreign policy decision-making processes. At the core of diplomatic strategy selection is national interest, and Israel's approach has oscillated between survival interests and political interests from 1948 to 1977. When Israel's survival is threatened, political interests and other considerations become secondary in diplomatic strategy. After ensuring survival interests, political interests become the primary focus of Israel's diplomatic strategy.

Rus’ — The New Israel: the Medium and the Message of the Medieval Russian Political Philosophy

The article explores the influence of the religious and political concept of “Rus’ — the New Israel” on the public consciousness of Russia and its foreign policy culture. Over several centuries of Russian history, this concept played a leading role for understanding and conceptualizing the major political events in Russian chronicles and religious literature. The Russian land was identified with ancient Israel, affecting the perception and interpretation of the events of the time and the way people thought, helping to establish a national foreign policy culture. The influence of the idea of “Rus’ — New Israel” is dominant as a way of transmitting the message (medium) and thus becomes a message as such. This suggests that it was this religious-political construct that, in the early stages of the evolution of the Russian state, became the most fundamental way in which it identified itself in the surrounding world.

The Evolution of Relations Between Turkmenistan and Russia in the Post-Soviet Period

In the article, the author examines the evolution of relations between Turkmenistan and Russia in the post-Soviet period. He analyses the key factors behind the Russian interest in the former Soviet republic after it gained independence: energy resources and the geopolitical situation, especially its status as a Caspian Sea country. The struggle for oil and gas, control over natural resources and important transit corridors have shaped Russia's interests and priorities vis-à-vis the former Soviet republic. For the Turkmen leadership and elite, who proclaimed the country's neutral status, the pursuit of economic gains and regime security have become major factors in the development of foreign policy strategy. An analysis of Turkmenistan's foreign policy in the post-Soviet era demonstrates the continuity of political culture and the stability of the national foreign policy priority system. Between 1991 and 2023, despite all the challenges, disagreements and temporary “cooling-offs”, the Russian vector of foreign policy remained a priority for Turkmenistan. With the election of new President Serdar Berdimuhamedow in 2022, the relationship between the two countries has strengthened and has taken on a strategic character. With the current geopolitical division of the world, the Turkmen government is oriented much more towards the East than the West.

Міграція та торгівля людьми в умовах збройного конфлікту: взаємозв’язок і наслідки

One of the key principles of the national foreign policy is to ensure Ukraine's integration into the European political, economic, and legal space with the aim of gaining membership in the European Union. For this purpose, the authorities in our country ratified international treaties and adopted a number of laws, which, both in the pre-war period and during martial law, significantly reduced the level of offenses in the field of human trafficking, since millions of Ukrainians have been abroad since the beginning of the war, and together with the temporary protection, refugees gained access to the labor market in European countries. At the current stage of state formation, migration has become an element of the movement of people in many countries of the world, since migration policy in European countries is an important factor in ensuring the national security of the states of the European Union and migration processes require constant and proper control by state authorities. In the context of the strengthening of civil society institutions in Ukraine as a democratic, social, legal state, the study of the issues of legislative protection of human and citizen rights and freedoms in Ukraine, among which the right to freedom of movement occupies a special place. And the number one issue is irregular migration, which is a choice between security and ghostly earnings. Labor migration is a quick and popular way to earn a significant amount of money, but this easy availability of earnings has another side – fraud, which is a very widespread phenomenon in the labor migration market and it starts with offers of illegal employment abroad, and sometimes ends with real labor slavery. There are problematic situations of silencing cases of discrimination abroad, because it is connected with insufficient awareness of our compatriots about their rights and the mechanisms for their protection, because when they find themselves in such situations, people do not know where to turn for help or are afraid of losing their jobs, because most of them are labor-related by migrants and spreading negative information about them by employers can lead to job loss. It is possible to outline several groups of risks regarding persons who are potentially more prone to falling into fraudulent schemes. First, people who agree to leave illegally to work abroad because the promise of a higher salary works, because the employer does not pay taxes for the employee. Key words: migration; fraud; criminal liability; deception; breach of trust; employment fraud schemes