National Revolution Research Articles

Under the Red-and-White Flag: elective Chineseness and socialist realism in Hei Ying's Jakarta

ABSTRACT Hei Ying’s 1950 novella Under the Red-and-White Flag concerns the Chinese-speaking institutions and community in Jakarta as they respond to the establishment of the People's Republic of China. Far from the sultry exoticism of his earlier Nanyang (South Seas) texts, this work turned towards a socialist realism broadly in line with the policies of the Chinese Communist Party and prepared Hei Ying for his subsequent career as a “returned Overseas Chinese” (guiqiao) man of letters. Hei Ying's political and literary shift emblematises a larger dynamic: the subordination of some Sinophone Southeast Asian subjects, often voluntarily, to new and starker dichotomies of Chinese political identity, as the foundation of new states in the emerging Cold War foreclosed on flexible Sinophone Southeast Asian cultural and political identities. Sinophone groups like those represented by Hei Ying could and did support Indonesia's National Revolution and striving for prosperity in the name of global solidarity; however, the individual's belonging was for them ethnically defined, and ethnic and political identity were irreducibly linked in works such as this novella. Due to the hardening of political boundaries in the early Cold War, decolonising Asia rendered cultural hybridity increasingly politically suspect as new states defined themselves by autochthony. If the place of ethnic Chinese was to build New China, political duties granted no licence to cultural hybridity, much as they also restricted experimental and effusive veins of literary modernism.

The Contribution of Fanaticism, Isthiqomah and Radicalism to Maslahah through the Management of Religious Conflict in the Riau Island

Radicalism in some societies can arise for many reasons. One of them is because of the need for more understanding of religion. This radicalism is the right target for people who aim to distort religious teachings or teach misguided religious ideas. People who are weak in performance are usually easily tempted by material inducements to do things that deviate from spiritual teachings. This study used Mix Method with Analysis Tool using AMOS version 24. Respondents and sample using the census method consisted of Members of the Riau Island Religious Harmony Forum (FKUB), totaling 135 Respondents. The results: The determination of the Ithiqomah on the Management of Religious Conflict is significantly positive, the Fanatics m resolution on the Management of Religious Conflict is highly positive, the Radicalism determination on the Management of Religious Conflict is very positive, the Management of Religious Conflict determination on Maslahah is a positive sign, the decision of the fanaticism on the Maslahah is positive important, the determination Radicalism on the Maslahah is positive but not significant, the determination isthiqomah on the Maslahah is positively influential. Square Multiple Correlation for Management of Religious Conflict =89.5%, Maslahah = 99.0%. It is suggested that there is no bias in understanding Radical and Radicalism. It is necessary to enlighten the people in the Riau Island Province. Fanatical is to hold strong, unwavering convictions in the face of evidence to the contrary, whether those convictions are positive or bad. Istiqomah is like having constancy, victory, courage, and glory in the conflict between obedience. When religious texts are understood superficially, they can birth to radical ideas and movements. Radicalism was used by national revolutionaries in the Western world to seize political power, as well as the flow used by anti-colonial nationalists and later used by social activists to achieve social goals.

DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN RESEARCHERS’ CONTRIBUTION TO CLARIFYING THE PROBLEM OF THE SPIRITUAL AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIETY IN THE POLICY OF UKRAINIAN GOVERNMENTS 1917-1920

The article deals with an unbiased critical analysis of the contribution made by domestic and foreign researchers in clarifying the problems of the spiritual and cultural development of society in the policy of Ukrainian governments (the Ukrainian Central Council, the Ukrainian State of Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi, the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the West Ukrainian People's Republic) 1917-1920. The author revealed certain aspects of the role and significance of state administration, material and spiritual culture in the formation of the nation state. The analyzed materials of domestic and foreign researchers in clarifying the problems of the spiritual and cultural development of society in the policy of the Ukrainian governments of 1917-1920 provide an opportunity to get acquainted with the peculiarities of the development of Ukrainian public education, to identify the main problems that existed at that time in the field of state education management and cultures A number of issues of humanitarian transformations in the field of education are covered, in particular book publishing, the development of librarianship, as well as separate problems of spiritual and cultural construction during the years of the Ukrainian national revolution, such as the formation and development of the Ukrainian school, printing, fine arts, theater. It is concluded that the diaspora itself became the center for the study of national humanitarian science during the period of liberation struggles, and the works published at that time abroad became a valuable source of studying the history of the spiritual and cultural development of society in the policy of the Ukrainian governments of 1917-1920. The importance of the content goals, tasks, directions, principles and priorities of state social and cultural policy are emphasized, , as well as features of state policy regarding the development of spiritual values, the formation of a single humanitarian space in Ukraine.The main directions and ways of forming and implementing cultural policy are analyzed, attention is focused on the need to creatively use the experience of that time in today's practice.

Conflict and Perspectives: The Social Construction of Chinese Ethnic Citizens against Natives in Surakarta, Indonesia after the May 1998 Riots

With over 1300 ethnic groups and 700 languages, Indonesia is one of the most varied countries in the world. One of those ethic is the Chinese, who have lived in Indonesia for almost 500 years due to international trade, which encourages mixed marriages. Since the 1700s, the Chinese and natives are working together to chase away the European colonial, and that relationship is developed into a deeper and more formal relation in this modern day. Although, the national revolution caused by the economic crisis occurred in 1998, the locals are targeting Chinese ethics, and many of the killing and rape victims are Chinese ethic. This research analyzes the changes in the social construction from the perspective of Chinese ethic after the 1998 riots by using the qualitative framework, with the deep interview method. The sample is 11 indormants which came from two different generations OF THE CHINESE ETHNIC GROUPS with the purpose to have a more comprehensive analysis, from different perspectives. In general, there are differences in construction between the older and younger generations. As a result, the older generation views natives as an out-group, whilst the younger generation views natives as friends and family, implying that there are no disparities in identity and group between Chinese and indigenous. Differences in access to law enforcement and economic disparities are two of the most influential factors in the social construction of Chinese ethic perspectives among natives.

Development of Ukrainian political and legal thought in Galicia in the interwar period (1918-1939)

The article provides a historical and legal analysis of the formation and development of Ukrainian political and legal thought in Galicia in the interwar period. The methodology includes the analysis of the narrative base, as well as the intellectual heritage of Western Ukrainian politicians and thinkers, followed by generalization and formulation of relevant conclusions and recommendations. For the objectivity of the research, a complex of general scientific, special-legal, special-historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematicity and comprehensiveness, were used. The results. The state of the research was established and the degree of development of the topic was clarified. The socio-economic, political and legal factors and peculiarities of the formation of the national-state ideology in the western Ukrainian lands are characterized. In the interwar period (1918-1939), the political and legal ideas of restoring Ukrainian statehood in Galicia differed significantly from the political concepts of the pre-war period. This was caused both by the consequences of the national revolution of 1918-1923 and by changes in the intellectual environment of Ukrainian politics. This period became one of the most productive for the Ukrainian political and legal thought of Galicia, because the works written at this time reflected the possibilities of combining theoretical analysis with the experience of state building in 1918-1920. Their authors thought not only about what ways to win independence, but also tried to substantiate the principles of self-organization of the Ukrainian community, outline the principles of the future Ukrainian independent cathedral state.
 The scientific novelty of the obtained results lies in the fact that for the first time in the article a historical and legal analysis of the development of political and legal thought in Galicia is carried out, the stages and directions of its formation in the interwar period are determined. Practical significance. The results of the research can be used in further historical and legal investigations, preparation of special courses.

Architectures of Extraction: Labor and Industrial Ruination in Highland Bolivia

ABSTRACT What happens when the architectures of extraction, once intimately constituted by capitalist and racial forms of exclusion, begin to rot? Focusing on a Bolivian tin mine, this paper examines the social effects of deteriorating “architectures of extraction,” a category that includes both aboveground infrastructures and belowground networks of tunnels and scaffolding. First, I argue that when Llallagua’s extractive architecture was built, it helped shore up a connection between tin mining, working-class identity, and revolutionary nationalism – which in turn became bound up with mestizaje, an ideology of racial and cultural whitening. Second, I argue that the ruination of this extractive architecture has had ambivalent implications for the racial politics of contemporary small-scale mining operations that continue to operate inside the mountain. On the one hand, the rotting structures reinforce regional racial hierarchies in a variety of ways, but on the other hand, the slow degradation of the physical structures has made the corresponding social structures more porous, if not fully permeable, to members of regional Indigenous ayllus. While access to the financial benefits of mining is far from unambiguously liberatory, this paper nevertheless suggests that the political possibilities contained within the ruins of extractive architectures are not uniformly adverse.

Formation of Czechoslovakia: an artificial state?

The study focuses on the dynamics of the formation of the inde- pendent Czechoslovak Republic in the context of the Great War and the immediately following post-war period. Emphasis is placed on identifying the concepts on which Czechoslova- kia’s territorial claims to the territory of the former Austro-Hungarian and German empire were based and their formative influence on the subsequent political and economic orientation of the new state formation in the web of newly constructed rela- tions in the Versailles-era geographic and geopolitical config- uration of the wider Central European area. An important context for this paper is that the period under study represents a paradigmatic shift for Central Europe with the dramatic disintegration of integrated state entities into a number of independent states in accordance with the right to self-determination of nations advocated by American president Woodrow Wilson. In connection with the right to self-determination, the author of the article mentions that the Czechoslovak state was granted this right in full, despite some fabrications concerning the concept of a Czechoslovak nation of two “branches” speaking the Czechoslovak language and Edvard Beneš’s “inaccuracies” about the number and other socio-geographical character- istics of the German population in the territory claimed by Czechoslovakia at the Paris Peace Conference. Moreover, it was rather peculiar that the new state with a republican order insisted on the historical raison d’etre, i.e. on the full consid- eration of the historical rights of the Crown of the Kingdom of Bohemia in the Czech lands, and conversely, on the break- ing of the millennial union of Slovakia with the Crown of St. Stephen’s lands on the basis of the natural right of the “imagined” Czechoslovak nation to its state. Last but not least, the paper addresses the question of whether this fragmentation, or Balkanisation in the contemporary sense of the term, helped to stabilize the overall post-war situation in Central Europe, or whether it created a rather undesirable and dangerous power vacuum in this vital area for European security. In this context, the paper elucidates the genesis of the idea of state independence from the declaration of loyalty to Emperor Charles I by the domestic political representation during the war to the leaning towards the position of the Czech emigre and the disintegration of the century-old union of territories of the Habsburg monarchy after the final reversal of the war events in the summer of 1918. The author of the study also raises the question of whether this programme was implemented with the consent of the Diets of particular crown lands or German popula- tion prior to the proclamation or after the proclamation of inde- pendent Czechoslovakia on 28 October 1918, or only through the unelected Czechoslovak National Committee or the Revolutionary National Assembly from Prague. The question of the role of the emperor, or his dethronement, as well as Czechoslovakia’s attitude to the continuity of Austro-Hungarian statehood in contrast to the reception of the Austro-Hungarian legal order, is also considered. The author of the study also emphasizes the fact that Czechoslovakia, like other successor states, was emerging in a completely new reality and that Czechoslovakia in particular lacked the essential element of statehood, sovereignty, in much of the territory it claimed, especially in the German-speaking border areas and Slovakia; therefore, trade and political relations played a key role in this situation as one of the main surrogate instruments of state sovereignty. The article also deals with the use of the more robust resource and industrial base and the privileged position of a member of the Entente to promote Czechoslovak political interests with neighbouring states, especially Austria, particularly in the context of the recognition of Czechoslovak control over the parts of Czech lands inhabited by the German-speaking population that had come under Czechoslovak administration before the signing of the Treaty of Saint-Germain. Some attention is also paid to the complicated issue of Teschen (Cieszyn) in the context of relations with Poland.

Revolution, Race and Citizenship in Press Representations of Indonesians of the Dutch Colonial Army (KNIL) Interned in Australia, 1945–47

This article examines Australian press attention to the violence that erupted when Indonesian soldiers from the Dutch colonial army (KNIL) were interned in Australia during the Indonesian National Revolution (1945–49). Dutch authorities used their extra-territorial rights in Australia to confine mutinous soldiers in camps as colonial subjects. Australian authorities sought to expel these men as ‘aliens’ while also supporting their citizenship of a nascent Republic. Our research refines historical understanding of the impetus behind the 1947 repatriation of these soldiers. Regional press reports and photographs from the mid-1940s accommodated two emerging, complementary notions of citizenship in their mediation of this situation. One was growing support for Australia’s recognition of the citizenship claims of Indonesians wanting an independent Republic, particularly where those claims were violently denied by Dutch authorities in Australia. The other was a steadfast commitment to national sovereignty and citizenship premised on upholding a ‘white Australia’.

일송 김동삼의 역사인식과 독립투쟁

Born in Andong in Gyeonsangbuk-do in Korea, Kim Dong-sam (pen name: Ilsong) participated in Hyeoksin Yurim (referring to the innovative Confucians in Korean) with Yi Sang-ryong and Yu Insik among others. He also established the Hyepdong School and struggled against the tyranny of Japanese rule by serving as a member of the Andong Branch of Daehan Association, and the Daedong Young Man Group. After the fall of the Korean Empire, he sought asylum in Manchuria for the Korean armed independence movement. He engaged in many of the resolving struggles between Koreans who migrated earlier than 1910 and those who did so after 1910 in the organizations, including Gyeonghaksa, Gongrihoe, Bumindan, and Hanjokhoe, and made every effort to support their settlement and education.
 He also devoted himself to solving and settling conflicts with the Chinese. As the person recognized for his the military authority in the military organizations, including the Military School of the New Rising, Baekseo Nongjang, Sero Gunjeongseo, Daehan Tonguibu, he is highly thought of as an independent activist, who integrated and coordinated independence movement associations throughout Manchuria.
 It can be deemed that his consistent and tireless struggle was based on his strong will for liberation and was highly influenced by Daejongism.
 Yi Sang-ryong, Yu Insik, Shin Chae-ho, Yun Se-bok, who interacted with Kim Dong-sam, were closely related to Daejongism. Yun Se-bok recorded that Kim was the most important person in Daejongism and it can be also ascertained in the report written by the Empire of Japan.
 Before moving to Manchuria, Kim Dong-san was already aware of the historic view of Shin Chae-ho and of Dangunist (with Dangun referring to “the divine progenitor”) nationalism, which had transcended to attaining independence by armed independence struggles after entering asylum in the region.
 His belief in the armed independence movement had a great influence on the Korean National Party led by Kim Gu, which engaged in the independence movement inside of China and the Korean National Revolutionary Party by Kim Won-bong, which can be demonstrated by the memorial ceremony held by the two parties on a large scale after his death.

Боливийская Фаланга. История краха правой утопии

Since the 30s of the XX-th century. in Bolivia, there has been the formation of political forces that will become dominant in Bolivian politics throughout the XX-th century. we are talking about revolutionary nationalism, Indeanism, Marxism and right-wing radicalism of the Spanish type, represented by the Bolivian Socialist Falange party. This article is devoted to the study of the ideology and political practice of the Falange. A feature of the Bolivian phalanx was an attempt to apply right-wing radical views of the philo-fascist type in a country where the Indian population predominated, opposing hispanism and clericalism to Indian nationalism, painted in nationalist and anti-imperialist tones. In addition to putschist political practices, violence and anti-communism, the Bolivian phalanx was distinguished by anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist aspirations, building its own right-wing radical social utopia. This party played an important role in Bolivian politics in the 40-60s of the twentieth century, and then became the basis of both ultra-right marginal groups and part of the «new left» that arose in Bolivia in the 70-80s.

Witnesses to the Living God: Three Paradigms for Approaching the Politics of Nouvelle Théologie*

Witnesses to the Living God: Three Paradigms for Approaching the Politics of <i>Nouvelle Théologie</i>*

“Quantity Itself Generates Quality”: Family Conceptions Between Catholicism, Nationalism, and Eugenics in Slovakia in the Late 1930s and Early 1940s

This study deals with the intersections but also the unrelenting tension between the Catholic Church und politics and efforts to regulate society through eugenics in order to heal it in the context of the establishment of the Slovak state between 1938 and 1941, which was based on a specific conception of traditional family. In the first step, the discourse of the national revolution in the period of Slovak autonomy at the turn of 1938 and 1939 is analyzed, with emphasis on the requirement of “national health” through measures of so-called positive eugenics. Subsequently, the article examines the efforts to institutionalize this discourse in the context of the establishment of a museum of hygiene according to the German model. Finally, it outlines the impact of this context on the preparation and implementation of the anti-interruption law on “fetal protection” of 1941.

권오설의 민족혁명운동론 수용과정과 민족해방운동 전술

Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.

Польща і Поляки в політичній стратегії ОУН (1929–1942)

In the 1930s, the political strategy implemented by the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) contained various projects for solving the ‘Polish question’ during the future national revolution: from the forced repatriation of colonists resettled in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia in the 1920s and 1930s to the ‘final solution’ of the question by exterminating some of the Poles and expelling the rest to their ethnic lands. The last concept, proposed by Mykhailo Kolodzins’kyi, was supported by the most radical group of OUN activists. At first, they had no decisive influence on decision-making. After the outbreak of World War II, a series of events led to the strengthening of the OUN’s radical wing. The turning point was the proposal by the military referents of the OUN(b) at the end of 1942 to carry out the forced eviction of Poles during future general mobilisation. At the beginning of 1943, the concept of ‘cleansing the territory’ of the Polish population finally prevailed in the Volhynian leadership of the OUN(b).

Doctor in circulation; A study on the historical background of the establishment and expansion of the Health Corps in Iran

After September 1931 and the end of World War II, the Pahlavi government turned its attention to the villages and the implementation of the second development plan, followed by rural health programs. With the formation of the Health Corps in 1954, as the seventh principle of the Shah and the Nation Revolution, all physicians and pharmacists in the service of the conscription system were asked to take charge of medical-health services in rural areas of the country.&#x0D; The present article uses archival documents and library resources in a descriptive-analytical manner to answer the question: Was the Health Corps in Iran a result of indigenous action or the result of the second Pahlavi government's development plans with US recommendations in support of Third World countries? The results of the research indicate that the historical nature and examples confirming the patient's defiance and their treatment were rooted in the historical past of Iran. The creation of the Health Corps and its acceptance by the villagers, due to its indigenous and Iranian nature, was acceptable in the historical memory of Iranians. However, the process of international interactions and the development policies of the country and the government's reform, along with taking advantage of US support opportunities, expanded within the framework of the principles of the White Revolution in Iran and led to extensive activity. This, as the present article claims, explains the indigenous practice of this measure.

Confronting Bolivia's "Lack of Demographic Capacity": Protonatalism in Post-Revolutionary Bolivia, 1950s-1970s

Después de llegar al poder en abril de 1952, el Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) buscó abordar los problemas económicos de Bolivia, en parte, a través de iniciativas que alentaban el crecimiento demográfico. Un informe de 1953 señaló que la subpoblación era una causa particular del limitado potencial económico de Bolivia. La solución a la “falta de capacidad demográfica” de Bolivia eran medidas de salud pública que reducirían las tasas de morbilidad y mortalidad y alentarían la reproducción para impulsar el capital humano del país. En este artículo se analizan las tendencias pronatalistas prevalentes en el gobierno del MNR, incluyendo eugenesia positiva y críticas al control de la natalidad, para demostrar la centralidad del crecimiento demográfico en la agenda política y económica del MNR. En un momento en que otros países latinoamericanos comenzaron a implementar medidas de control de la población como un camino hacia el crecimiento económico y la estabilidad política, como recomendaron los Estados Unidos y las organizaciones internacionales, Bolivia se desvió de los discursos mundiales sobre la sobrepoblación y abrazó el pronatalismo. Si bien el MNR adoptó algunas ideologías de desarrollo global asociadas con la modernización, rechazó el control de la población y refrenaba los debates hacia el crecimiento demográfico y la reorganización demográfica. Se casaron el pronatalismo con una agenda modernizadora y nacionalismo revolucionario, demostrando que las políticas del MNR eran fundamentalmente conservadoras en materia de reproducción y roles de género.

The Precinct of the Dead and Saints for the Nation: The Bolivian National Revolution and Gualberto Villarroel, 1943-1956

This article focuses on Major Gualberto Villarroel’s dictatorship in Bolivia (1943-1946), his murder, and the reanimation of his memory as a Bolivian national hero by the MNR party or Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (Nationalist Revolutionary Movement). This nationalist party forged out of the crucible of the Chaco War, between Bolivia and Paraguay during 1932-1935, was an important factor in Bolivian politics throughout the twentieth century and initially came to power through an urban insurrection in April 1952. The article specifically uses the case of Gualberto Villarroel to explore why some national heroes are missing from the La Paz cemetery, how the MNR chose to commemorate the Revolution of 1952 and Villarroel’s martyrdom for the MNR in 1946, and how the MNR used those events to colonize urban space, to shape collective memory, and to silence popular historical actors. The MNR’s choice in making Villarroel a martyr required a revision of historical reality.

Hollywood in Havana: US Cinema and Revolutionary Nationalism in Cuba before 1959 by Megan Feeney (review)

Hollywood in Havana: US Cinema and Revolutionary Nationalism in Cuba before 1959 by Megan Feeney (review)

THE ROLE OF DMYTRO MYRON («ORLYK») IN THE UKRAINIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT DURING WORLD WAR II

The main aspects of the activities of one of the leaders of the Ukrainian liberation movement Dmytro Myron in 1939–1942 are analyzed. The beginning of his political way and participation in the interwar struggle for the independence of Ukraine is reflected. The position of D. Myron in the nationalist environment on the eve of the Second World War has been clarified. The main aspects of the book «Idea and Activity of Ukraine» are analyzed. Myron’s theoretical views on the problem of the state system in independent Ukraine are revealed. The vision of democracy by the figure is illuminated. The critical attitude of the OUN ideologist to the blind imitation of Nazi Germany is researched. The point of view of D. Myron on the differences between Ukrainian nationalism, German nazism, and Italian fascism is revealed. His ideas on uniting the enslaved nation are characterized. The view of the theoretician of nationalism on the place of Ukraine in the international arena as an independent entity is analyzed. The role of D. Myron in the formation of the revolutionary OUN in 1940–1941 is researched. The main aspects of his activity as a conductor of the OUN(r) in the sub-Soviet lands of Ukraine are characterized. D. Myron’s measures to prepare a national revolution by expanding the nationalist network, consolidating patriotic forces, and preparing a liberation rebellion are analyzed. The participation of D. Myron in an attempt to create the state of the OUN(r) in 1941 is revealed. The underground work of D. Myron as the first conductor of the OUN(r) in the middleeastern lands is characterized. The features of the activist’s approach to the development of the nationalist network in the Dnieper Ukraine are researched. Based on the memoirs of subordinates, leadership and personal aspects of activity of D. Myron are characterized. The participation of the figure in the first and second conferences of the OUN (r) 1941–1942 is highlighted. The circumstances of the death of D. Myron are revealed. The values of the ideological legacy of the figure for the nationalist underground are analyzed. D. Myron’s important contribution to the development of the Ukrainian liberation movement was stated. Keywords Dmytro Myron, ukrainian nationalist movement, OUN ideology, II World War, revolutionary OUN, national revolution.

Sociálne a národné premeny Uhorska v revolučnom dvojročí 1848–1849

This brief comparative Hungarian-Slovak historiographical survey examines the content and impact of the unresolved issues of the two revolutionary years of 1848-1849 in Hungary, which are discussed primarily from national perspectives as a unified revolutionary process. Accepting the scenario of a “lawful revolution”, underpinned by the laws passed at the last meeting of the Diet of Hungary, it compares interpretations of the civil transformation of the country, the abolition of most of the feudal ties and aristocratic privileges, as well as the space for the application of constitutional monarchy. To this day, the Hungarian revolutions are still interpreted largely as national revolutions, although they were more successful in the social sphere than in the realization of national goals.