National League For Democracy Research Articles

Malaysia 2020: Democratic backsliding amid the covid-19 pandemic

The year 2020 in Myanmar was not substantively different from that of so many other countries. The year was dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic, its socio-economic impact and the government’s attempt to cushion its effect and fight against it. The authorities sought to seal off the country from the spread of the Coronavirus from March onwards and managed to contain the first wave quite successfully. After the summer, though, the country experienced a surge in cases and deaths, also among migrant workers abroad. In their efforts to provide relief and support to households and businesses, the authorities were assisted by donors, international financial institutions and key allies such as China. Yet, the impact was severe. Two other issues were also of great significance. Parliamentary elections were held on 8 November. The National League for Democracy (NLD) secured another landslide victory again, just like in 2015. Aung San Suu Kyi’s star status domestically remains unchanged and was boosted by her appearance at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) hearings in 2019 and during the pandemic. At the same time, more than a vote for the NLD per se, the vote appeared to be the reflection of what the party stood against: the military. The Tatmadaw’s protests during the campaign and after the elections lay the ground for an escalation of the tensions between the two. The clashes in Rakhine state between the Arakan Army and the Myanmar army intensified up to the point that the parliamentary and local elections had to be cancelled in some townships. A Japan-brokered ceasefire later in the year opened the way for negotiations and gives some cause for optimism for reducing hostilities and violence.

Saffron Shadows and Salvaged Scripts: Literary Life in Myanmar under Censorship and in Transition by Ellen Wiles

Reviewed by: Saffron Shadows and Salvaged Scripts: Literary Life in Myanmar under Censorship and in Transition by Ellen Wiles Kenneth Wong Ellen Wiles. 2015. Saffron Shadows and Salvaged Scripts: Literary Life in Myanmar under Censorship and in Transition. New York: Columbia University Press. 288 pages. ISBN 9780231173285 The Ghosts of Censor in the Land of Saffron Robes Five years after Ellen Wiles' Saffron Shadows and Salvage Scripts, the specters in her book continue to haunt Myanmar's literary scene Arriving in Myanmar (Burma) to work for a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in 2013, Ellen Wiles, a human rights lawyer, got the rare chance to witness a shuttered literary community in its moment of rebirth. What was unfolding around her at a public performance—a poet burning a keyboard and a man recounting the brutal conditions of the government-run Coco Island prison—seemed unthinkable two or three years ago. Throughout much of the 1970s and the 1980s, Burmese artists, writers, and poets were in the chokehold of the [End Page 154] military regime's censor board, notorious for its paranoiac overreaction to anything that seemed antigovernment. Materials destined for printing and broadcasting had to be submitted in advance to the Say Pay See Zit Yay (literally translates to Press Scrutiny) authorities. As outlined by Wiles, the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law defined the scope with a long list of dos and don'ts (mostly don'ts). Types of content deemed unfit for print include • anything detrimental to the Burmese socialist program; • anything detrimental to the ideology of the state; • anything detrimental to the socialist economy; • anything that might be harmful to national solidity and unity . . . (Wiles, 24) The doctrine was eleven items long, each item casting the net of ambiguity wider than the last, to catch virtually anything anyone might conceivably write, thus giving the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB) the justification to reject any material. Soon after Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party defeated the former military man Thein Sein's Union Solidarity and Development Party in the 2012 election, the country's literary community experienced a disorienting shift. Seemingly overnight, the PSB was no more. "Burmese writers marveled at the announcement in August 2012 that the most onerous publishing rules would be lifted and that prepublication scrutiny would no longer be required," recorded Wiles (Wiles, 27). Used to having every single line in their manuscripts scrutinized, accustomed to having whole manuscripts rejected for frivolous reasons, Burmese writers welcomed the new openness with a mix of hope and doubt, much in the same way a long-time political prisoner might find his sudden and unexplained release difficult to believe. In this rare moment, Wiles conceived her book project: "an ethnographic investigation of literary culture in Myanmar (Burma) under censorship, and the new directions it is taking now" (Wiles, 1). This was the genesis of Saffron Shadows and Salvage Scripts. [End Page 155] Written in Captivity Wiles gives a brief sociopolitical history of Myanmar, highlighting the swift erosion of the freedom of expression during former strongman General Ne Win's Socialist Era (socialist in name but authoritarian in character). Under the PSB's tight ironclad reign, the country's literary figures, ranging from timid to defiant, employed ingenuity to get their points across without getting arrested; to slip their words of conscience through the censorship loopholes; and, in some cases, to physically smuggle their heartfelt words out of prison at considerable risk to themselves and their collaborators. Inevitably, the exchanges between the authors striving to express their discontent and the authorities charged with silencing their dissident voices evolved into a sophisticated cat-and-mouse game. "In prison, I wasn't allowed pen and paper, but I wanted to write, so I would grind bricks on the floor and make a paste with water, and then I would use that to make chalk, and then I would write poems on the wall to memorize them," recounted the late U Win Tin (1930-2004), a former political prisoner and respected NLD elder (Wiles, 57). Along with the authors' backgrounds, Wiles has also included a robust selection of short stories, excerpts, and poems that were once banned or illegal...

Authors' Response: Is There No Resolution in Myanmar's Rohingya Conflict?

Authors' Response:Is There No Resolution in Myanmar's Rohingya Conflict? Anthony Ware (bio) and Costas Laoutides (bio) We are deeply grateful to the reviewers of our book Myanmar's 'Rohingya' Conflict for their kind words as well as their in-depth engagement with the material. We are gratified that the reviewers all endorse our central argument, namely that identity politics—in particular, the taing yin tha mythology—is the primary roadblock to peace. Myanmar must move beyond these toxic conceptions of ethnicity and indigeneity and develop a truly Myanmar identity before any lasting and equitable resolution is possible, not only of this conflict but of the many conflicts across the country. That is, however, a very unlikely outcome in the foreseeable future. We appreciate that the reviewers all concur about the complexity and deeply historical nature of this conflict. Gaining an understanding of this complexity and the causes of intractability is an essential first step in any pathway toward effective international engagement. As Katherine Southwick reminds us, in situations like this the "apparent moral clarity tempt[s] us to minimize their political and practical complexity. Yet we know that sustainable solutions cannot gloss over the Gordian knot of history, structural factors, and opportunism that bring about intractable conflict and mass atrocities." These complexities, of course, are the central messages throughout the book. David Steinberg is concerned that in our pursuit of recommendations from our analysis, we err toward offering "unrealistic possibilities, if not optimism." We accept this critique in part as we agree about the improbability of solutions—or even any real progress—being found quickly. We, nonetheless, do find a need to stand with the practitioners, advocates, and engaged locals who work tirelessly for some way forward. The nature of intractability means virtually everything appears irresolvable and any recommendations implausible. As Bruce Matthews noted, "the authors understandably appear to be actually quite skeptical" about whether these recommendations are in any way realistic. Yet, continue to try we must. [End Page 197] We are pleased to see Steinberg expand on the international relations turmoil this conflict is causing for Myanmar and the extent to which Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy are complicit—castigating her for an "egregiously simplistic and even ingenious" defense of the Tatmadaw, "misstating conditions" and making statements that "must rank among the gross understatements of the year." This posture continues, unfortunately, with her and her party's maneuvering regarding repatriation of the Rohingya from Bangladesh, for example, and ingenious misstatements about the degree of implementation of the Kofi Annan–led Advisory Commission on Rakhine State recommendations. Steinberg articulates the view that the charge of genocide against the Rohingya is questionable, while the charge of ethnic cleansing seems apt. Although we took this line of argument in our book, the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) report released in August 2018 significantly changes our minds. The report found evidence that the crimes in Rakhine State, and the manner in which they were perpetrated, "were similar in nature, gravity and scope to those that have allowed genocidal intent to be established in other contexts."1 It thus recommended investigations and prosecutions for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Despite Myanmar not being a signatory to the Rome Statute, in September 2018 the International Criminal Court claimed jurisdiction at least over the deportation of the Rohingya,2 and it has commenced a full-fledged preliminary examination against the Myanmar commander-in-chief and other senior officials. These are very significant findings, which, as Southwick notes, suggest that it is now time to accept "genocidal intent." Indeed, since the release of this report, we have accepted this terminology in several subsequent publications. The evidence is now compelling. Southwick comments that some of our writing seems to imply moral equivalence of the different actors' grievances. This is perhaps unsurprising given our extensive efforts to convey the perspectives of Rakhine and (as much as possible) Tatmadaw/Burman leaders, particularly about some of the deeper fears motivating them. Although Southwick acknowledges that we have clearly and repeatedly stated that the Rohingya have suffered [End Page 198] disproportionately and that the conflict is deeply asymmetric, she highlights a few...

Narrative and elucidating the concept of democracy: the case of Myanmar’s activists and democratic leaders

ABSTRACTNarrative analysis has been widely employed in the social sciences. Yet there has been no systematic application of narrative theory to the study of how the word “democracy” is given meaning by political actors. Using the empirical example of the Burmese democracy movement in the lead up to the historic 2015 election victory of the National League for Democracy, this article argues that narrative analysis can contribute in unique ways to the interpretive task of “elucidating” the concept of democracy. Tracing plot and character construction within activist and aid worker stories about democracy in Myanmar, this study reveals three prominent and diverging narratives of democracy within and around the movement; a liberal narrative, centring on liberal democratic institutions and values, a benevolence narrative, focussing on the value of moral leadership and selflessness, and an equality narrative, highlighting the importance of cultural reform towards greater relational equality. Attention to these narratives has implications for donor “democracy promotion” strategies raising new questions about the role of formal institutions of democracy, the perceived source of “solutions”, and the impact on internal struggles within democracy movements.

Set the Torturers Free: Transitional Justice and Peace vs Justice Dilemma in Burma/Myanmar

Burma/Myanmar seems to be a perfect ground for transitional justice with both long-failed transitions to democracy that seemed to succeed in 2015 finally and smouldering civil war taking place there since 1948 (since the 1990s limited to Borderlands). Unfortunately, the political realities in Burma/Myanmar make it unlikely, if not impossible, for transitional justice to be applicable in Burma/Myanmar. The victorious in 2015 elections democratic opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power thanks to the political deal with the former military government and is consequently being forced to cohabitate politically with the army that still holds critical political checks over the government. It made NLD’s leader, Aung San Suu Kyi to conduct moderate domestic policy without trying to charge the generals for their former crimes. In this circumstances, transitional justice is unwanted by mainstream political actors (NLD, the army) and seen as threatening to peace by many in the Myanmar society. This approach firmly places Burma/Myanmar on one side of the ‘peace vs justice’ dilemma. It answers the “torturer problem”, one of the central problems of transitional justice – how to deal with members of the previous regime which violated human rights – in ‘old fashion’ way, by granting them full amnesty. As such Burma/Myanmar case also falsifies an optimistic claim that transitional justice is necessary for political reforms.

Appraisal of Burma/Myanmar’s Roundabout Roadmaps

The peace process Burma/Myanmar has got a momentum since 2011, and both government and non-State actors including Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), political parties, and civil society groups put endeavor to make the process move on. This article is a comparative study of the seven-step Roadmap of National League for Democracy (NLD) and the seven-step Roadmap of previous military junta State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). While the military junta tactfully reached six out of its seven-step Roadmap and strictly holds on to the 2008 Constitution. It guaranteed the Tatmadaw (Army) a fixed position both in politics and defense. In contrast, the civilian government and ethnic groups are struggling to sign a union agreement— the 21st century Panglong Conference Agreement. This article argues that amending the constitution in accordance with the union agreement and the subsequent approval of the amended constitution may cause tension and pressure to be dealt with by the government, the Tatmadaw and ethnic groups. If the stakeholders are capable to get the union agreement to amend the constitution, there will be a wider chance to build a democratic federal union as planned in the NLD’s seven-step road map.

Burma: Suu Kyi's Missteps

Following the victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in November 2015 elections, many vested their hopes in the NLD's leader, Nobel Peace Prize–laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, whom they saw as a force that would propel Burma toward democratic transition. Constitutional constraints have severely limited Suu Kyi's power to transform Burma's political life, with the military continuing to be the most politically influential institution. Even given these limitations, however, Suu Kyi has thus far disappointed her supporters at home and especially abroad. Economic reforms have come slowly, democratic standards have slipped, and Suu Kyi and her government have faced international condemnation for their treatment of the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Heading Toward Peaceful Coexistence: The Effects of the Improvement in Sino-Burmese Relations from 1953 to 1955

Since coming to power in Myanmar, the National League for Democracy (NLD) has unambiguously indicated that it will carry out Burma’s foreign policy as it was established during the country’s foundation (i.e., an “independent, active and non-aligned foreign policy”). Retrospectively, we can trace the historical precedents of the NLD’s foreign policy to Burma’s foreign policy in the period of the Korean War in 1953. Using Burmese, Chinese, Indian, and US official documentation, and following an international history approach, I explore the background, process, and effects of Sino-Burmese relations in the period of 1953 to 1955 as an entirety. Thus, in this article I offer important historical insights to contemporary Burmese foreign relations.

Forced Evictions as Urban Planning? Traces of Colonial Land Control Practices in Yangon, Myanmar

From 1852 to 1948, the British colonial government developed and relied heavily upon particular land control practices to enact forms of urban planning and population control designed to advance the economic development of Rangoon and maximize revenue for the colonial state. There are three main colonial land control policies with long-standing legacies: the annihilation of pre-conquest property rights, the intentional under-equipping and underservicing of Burman majority or outlying areas, and the use of forced evictions in urban development and city expansion. While these forms of state crime linked to the state organizational goal of land control began in the colonial period, their legacies continue in contemporary Yangon. However, the current social and structural issues in Yangon are not the fault of the British colonial government alone. Subsequent Burmese governments largely continued, borrowed from, or reverted to these state criminal practices at critical junctures to open further space for development, to change the demographic composition of particular areas or simply to control the population. Despite purported ideological differences, successive Burmese regimes have adopted urban planning and housing policies, especially with respect to the urban poor, that vary only slightly from the precedents set by the British colonial administration. Recent actions and pronouncements by the current government suggest that further forced evictions will occur and the National League for Democracy (NLD) will continue to follow colonial precedents in state policies towards forced evictions and the urban poor.

Perilous presidentialism or precarious power-sharing? Hybrid regime dynamics in Myanmar

ABSTRACTAlthough Myanmar's transition from military rule has been thoroughly studied, research into the evolving presidential system is lacking. This article maps Myanmar's unique hybrid form of presidentialism and characterises executive-legislative relations between 2012 and 2017. It not only examines institutions themselves but also explores how actors within them have acted and shifted strategically. It is argued that elite-behaviour determines how institutions work. Myanmar's 2008 constitution imposed by the military established a hybrid presidential system with a formally powerful president. The first phase under President Thein Sein saw competitive yet cooperative executive-legislative relations between President Thein Sein and the ambitious House Speaker Shwe Mann, both members of the former military regime. However, this power-sharing arrangement of former members of the military regime became increasingly fragile with the rise of Aung San Suu Kyi and her attempt to change the 2008 constitution. After the election victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the passage of the state counsellor law, a de facto semi-presidential system was established – Burmese style. Since then, the frontline has been between the civilian and military parts of the administration.

Failure of authoritarian learning: explaining Burma/Myanmar’s electoral system

ABSTRACTWhat explains why some authoritarian governments fail to take all the steps they can to preserve their positions of power during democratic transitions? This article examines this question using the example of the leading pro-military party in Myanmar, which lost badly to the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the transitioning elections of 2015. This article argues that a key to understanding how the military failed to perpetuate its power in the electoral sphere resides in its choice of electoral system. In 2010, the military junta chose an electoral system, first-past-the-post, that was distinctly ill-suited to preserve its power. We explore several hypotheses for why this occurred and ultimately conclude that the military and its allies did not understand electoral systems well enough to act strategically and that they overestimated their support relative to the NLD. This failure of authoritarian learning has important implications for understanding authoritarian politics, democratic transitions, and the challenges faced by authoritarian governments seeking to make such transitions.

Caretaking Democratization: The Military and Political Change in Myanmar

Caretaking Democratization: The Military and Political Change in Myanmar. By Renaud Egreteau. London: Hurst & Co, 2016. Hardcover: 193pp. In Caretaking Democratization French scholar Renaud Egreteau adds his voice to growing body of literature on Myanmar's recent political transition. Egreteau already has a considerable number of publications on Myanmar under his belt, not least on role of military in country's politics and role of national-level parliament since reforms were introduced in 2011. As such, it is not surprising that, like other academics, Egreteau sees endogenous rather than external factors as key to pacted transition he says we have witnessed in Myanmar (p. 15). The title of book clearly conveys thrust of Egreteau's argument: namely, that when compared to period of direct military rule that preceded it, period between and early 2016 is one in which military limited its interventionism in Myanmar politics to that of guardian army. The Tatmadaw, official name for armed forces, remains last resort decision-maker in post-SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) hybrid system. For Egreteau, Myanmar's transition from military rule is a sui generis case (p. 3). The book consists of six substantive chapters. In opening chapter, Egreteau contextualizes recent transition with reference to Myanmar's political history. His discussion shows that pacted transition, which is also described as a settlement (p. 32), was sought by military leadership, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and National League for Democracy as well as ethnic leaders who were willing to compromise to move politics forward. As Egreteau explains, transition was long planned by military and can be re-traced at very least to 2003 political roadmap to a discipline-flourishing democracy on which then military regime embarked in aftermath of renewed detention of Suu Kyi if not to early days of State Law and Order Restoration Council. The importance of role of wider social elites and political entrepreneurs as drivers of political transition has arguably been focus of more detailed work published elsewhere. Nevertheless, Egreteau similarly maintains that the 'Third Force' has participated in shaping of 'environmental conditions' necessary to bargaining of a loose 'pact' once SPDC was disbanded in 2011 (p. 36). Chapter two describes broadening of socio-political space under President U Thein Sein. Attention is given to 2010, 2012 and 2015 elections and expansion of civil society. However, Egreteau concentrates not only on positives, and hence does not fail to mention either disenfranchisement experienced by several groups or issue of religious extremism. Drawing strongly on his previous work, Egreteau then examines role of legislators in a revived parliamentary setting. Chapter three contains very interesting data and analysis on political parties and even key legislators. Egreteau notes that there has been some reliance on foreign funds for urgent parliamentary capacity building. Beyond noting external influences, he also outlines problem of internal divisions and splits experienced by political parties. Setting out current pattern of military intervention in Myanmar politics, Egreteau looks at political violence, political fragmentation and ethnic and communal conflicts. He also devotes particular attention to role of military in legislative affairs. …

Myanmar: Surveillance and the Turn from Authoritarianism?

In Myanmar, one of the longest ruling military regimes in the world (1962—2011) exerting unrestrained coercion and relying on a pervasive security apparatus, has accepted a constitution and competitive elections. The military directed concatenation of developments but especially the Constitution that legalizes a unique power-sharing arrangement between the military and the elected government, contribute to the exceptionalism but also continuing coercion of Myanmar’s military, even under the democratically elected popular government of former democracy icons Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. Holding that a key step in a democratic transition must involve the scaling down of state coercive apparatus, the article demonstrates how this has not been the case in Myanmar. The size, expenditure and revenues of the armed forces have been maintained, the surveillance for political and social control continues, while the spread of mobile communication devices, and particularly social media, has opened up more extensive and easier opportunities for monitoring. Subjugating the practices of surveillance to laws is not prioritized in the complex political context of multiple pressing issues.

Signs of life in Myanmar’s nationwide ceasefire agreement? Finding a way forward

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on peace-building efforts in Myanmar implemented under the Nation Wide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2013. It assesses the ways in which the recently elected government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) has dealt with the NCA, and highlights opportunities and challenges. I argue that while the NLD government and Myanmar military remain crucial to the success of peace efforts, implementation of the NCA is impossible without the support of the eight current NCA signatories, in particularly the Karen National Union (KNU). Neglecting the importance of these actors not only provides an incomplete picture of ongoing peace-building efforts, but could also undermine efforts to promote national reconciliation that have thus far focused exclusively on the Myanmar government and the military. These signs of life emanating from the NCA signatories, however, have increasingly been undermined by an official failure to implement the agreement and to adhere to the agreed process and by ongoing hostilities between the military and four of the country’s ethnic armed groups.

Health as a bridge to peace and trust in Myanmar: The 21st Century Panglong Conference

The twenty-first Century Panglong Conference, proposed by Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, has concluded with unsatisfactory results. This five-day conference attracted global attention and wide endorsements from the United Nations and many other key stakeholders. The broad framework of the peace dialogue included various social and economic issues. However, the implication of the conference on the health system strengthening efforts in ethnic areas was largely unknown. Although a “convergence model” was proposed by organizations in Thai-Myanmar borders as a roadmap for integrations of the national and ethnic health systems years ago, the genuine bottlenecks beneath have not been addressed. This commentary discussed the Panglong Conference and its implication for the health systems in ethnic regions, as well as the bottlenecks of a “peace process” in health sector. It outlined a few key steps to achieve health system convergence between national and ethnic health systems, the outcome of which will not only improve the health status of the ethnic regions, but also help strengthen mutual trust and understanding among peoples, as a powerful bridge for peace.

Drenched in Victory, Facing Drought: Staging Transitions in Myanmar's Performing Arts

Since 2011, Myanmar's military government has been shifting toward civilian leadership, and in the 2015 elections the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi won a decisive victory, though she was not able to assume the role of prime minister. This indicates that there are still many steps in the process toward guaranteeing civil liberties for all Myanmar citizens. Theatre, music, dance, and performance art during the past four years reveal both the eager hopefulness for more freedoms and the fears of sectarian violence as the impoverished country emerges from more than fifty years of exploitative misrule. Relaxation of laws governing public assembly and expression has encouraged cross-cultural collaboration, productions by minority religions, deeper probing of social injustices, new interest in Shakespearean plays, greater outreach to remote populations, and the establishment of new international festivals. Myanmar is undergoing an artistic as well as sociopolitical transition, and performing artists are challenged to be both reflective and guiding forces to meet the needs of the great diversity of its peoples.

Myanmar’s way to democracy and the limits of the 2015 elections

ABSTRACTThe general election held on 8 November 2015 marked a significant turning point in Myanmar’s ongoing regime transition. Under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD) overwhelmingly dominated the polls. Although the huge electoral mandate for the NLD suggests that further political liberalization in Myanmar is likely, the country is not yet undergoing a genuine democratization. Under the current constitutional framework, the military will remain a key actor within the government, thus a new power-sharing arrangement between the NLD and the military is inevitable. This article examines how Myanmar has transformed from a military regime into the military’s version of a ‘disciplined democracy’ and argues that the 2015 general election was not a precursor to a democratic government per se, but rather a re-affirmation of the military’s version of democracy, in which popularly elected civilian political parties are allowed to co-govern the country with the military.

Militarization of Politics in Myanmar and Thailand

Consolidation of democracy is one common problem found in majority of Southeast Asian countries. Lack of stable democratic institutions often leads a country to hybrid regime or some form of authoritarianism, such as military dictatorship or one-party rule. Myanmar and Thailand, the two immediate neighbours, are two such examples of weak democratic institutions where the role of military has been dominant in politics. Since its independence from Great Britain in 1948, there have been two military coups in Myanmar: 1962 and 1988. The military has played an important role in politics by successfully ruling the country for over four decades until the general election in 2010, which formally ended direct military rule. Despite the democratic transition and political reforms since 2011, the military continues to play a significant role in the country’s politics. Whereas in Thailand, there have been as many as 12 successful coups since the removal of absolute monarchy in 1932, with the latest coup in 2014. The article discusses the militarization of politics by examining the role of military in Myanmar, particularly under the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led civilian government which assumed power in 2016, and the entrenchment of military role in politics in Thailand, especially since the 2014 military coup. The article attempts to understand the conditions under which military intervenes and then holds on to power.

MYANMAR’S TRYST WITH DEMOCRACY: LESSONS FROM INDIA

Although nascent and pre-matured, there is no doubt that, whatever ‘attention’ and ‘spotlight’ Myanmar is enjoying today is all because of ‘democracy’ and attempts at ‘democratic transition’ undertaken by President Thein Sein’s government in power since 2010. In the political front, the President released most political prisoners from exile; freed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest; amended the electoral laws to enable her and the National League for Democracy (NLD) to contest the parliamentary by-elections (Suu Kyi has joined the parliament now as the main opposition party); freed the media and allowed civil society groups to function more freely in the country. In the critical domain of ethnic relations, the President promised that, his government would seek to solve the root causes of ethnic problems through political means and even organize a nation-wide ceasefire agreement to enable lasting peace among its ethnic communities. In other social and economic sectors, the President has undertaken commendable changes aimed at boosting economic growth and sustainable development at the grassroots level. But beneath the facade of seeming progresses, critics fear the motives behind democratization in Myanmar, given the present administration’s stubbornness in amending/rewriting the 2008 constitution, it’s slackened pace in arresting corruption and ensuring people-centric development in the poverty-stricken/ethnically deprived areas of the country. The present paper is an attempt to compare and contrast Myanmar’s experiment with democratization vis-a-vis India whose tryst with democracy, pluralism and capacity building has made it a model for discussion at home and abroad. India’s electoral process, experiment with federalism, an independent judiciary and a vibrant media has lessons that can not only make Myanmar’s democratic transition irreversible, but enable the two neighbours to jointly address their common problems of insurgency, corruption, unemployment and all inclusive governance.

Myanmar: the challenges of power

Despite the National League for Democracy's resounding victory in Myanmar's November 2015 general election, the country's political future is far from clear. There remain major obstacles to a peaceful transfer of power from the military-supported government to one led by Aung San Suu Kyi.