Struggles Of Movements Research Articles

El enigma Brasil en las tramas del golpe de 2016: impasses y dilemas de la democracia en tiempos contemporáneos

<p>El artículo tiene por objetivo discutir las tramas y derivaciones del golpe de Estado de 2016 en Brasil. Es un esfuerzo de síntesis crítica del grave momento de la vida brasileña que pone en jaque a la democracia, en el marco de una crisis en la que confluyen la economía y la política. Presentamos aportes en el sentido de aprehender los caminos sinuosos de este momento singular de la lucha de clases en Brasil, ante una fuerte ofensiva de las fuerzas del capital y en medio de las protestas e intentos de resistencia de las fuerzas vinculadas al ámbito del trabajo. Nos adentramos en la pesada arquitectura del golpe, discutiendo las redefiniciones del Estado brasileño en medio de la radicalización de la ortodoxia neoliberal. Enfatizamos los ataques a la democracia que convive con un Estado de excepción. Se trata de un análisis del Brasil actual, buscando demarcar dilemas e <em>impasses</em> en la construcción de una contra-hegemonía. Nuestra pretensión es contribuir a la tarea histórica e inaplazable de desentrañar el enigma Brasil en su versión contemporánea, teniendo como horizonte la reconstrucción de la democracia.</p>

Affectedness alliances: affected people at the centre of transnational advocacy

ABSTRACTTransnational civil society has risen to decrease the gap between citizens’ concerns and global policy-making. Yet, in many governance areas international NGOs (INGOs) have played preponderant roles. According to a common critique, these INGOs have often been too distant from affected populations. In global food security governance, however, we observe that members of affected populations themselves have been at the centre of transnational advocacy networks. This follows in large part from the struggle of agrarian movements, foremost La Vía Campesina, who have promoted the affectedness principle. This principle holds that advocacy should be conducted by affected persons themselves, usually through affected persons’ organisations (APOs). We argue that APOs and INGOs who have internalised this principle have formed ‘affectedness alliances’. Within these coalitions, APOs represent the concerns of affected populations while INGOs act as supporters. We demonstrate these coalitions at the global level with a particular focus on the UN’s Committee on World Food Security (CFS), and in the transnationalisation of a ‘land grabbing’ case from Sierra Leone. This shows how APOs can overcome participation obstacles, take a central role in advocacy networks and make their voices heard, thereby fostering their agency.

Theology in Public Space and Social Movements: Notes from Alain Badiou’s Concept of Event

Abstract The debate over the public role of religion and of theology has become quite urgent. Not only by the evident religious presence in the party politics sphere, nor by its influence in the Brazilian social culture and life, but by the role that theology and, in this case, the churches can have to transform the social order. The present work reinforces the emancipatory potential of theology and the action of the church in the public space, pointing to a priority locus, from which both reflection and practice can be emancipatedly formulated, namely, social movements. Social movements, it will be argued, are the space in which the spark that gives rise to social and political change emerges in reality. In this sense, some notes will be made from the notion of Event of Alain Badiou, which recognizes, so to speak, the unique epiphanic character of the Events that can divide history between before and after, which effectively have a radically transforming character. In this sense, the heuristic potential for the church and theology will be emphasized to engage in the struggles of movements in the experience of the Badiousian Events that we could characterize as based on the paradigm of revelation.

O direito à cidade sob uma perspectiva jurídico-sociológica

Resumo O artigo propõe um conceito jurídico de direito à cidade sob uma perspectiva jurídico-sociológica. O conceito de cidade “justa e sustentável” é desenvolvido a partir da concepção do direito à cidade como utopia, proposta por Henri Lefebvre, e dos estudos sobre práticas urbanas de mobilização social, realizados por Manuel Castells. Com base no método do humanismo dialético apresentado por Roberto Lyra Filho, a legitimidade do Direito é construída dialeticamente a partir do processo de libertação do indivíduo à medida em que ele afirma histórica e socialmente novos direitos em contradição com as liberdades já estabelecidas. Assim, o conteúdo jurídico do direito à cidade é definido a partir das lutas dos movimentos sociais urbanos que buscam afirmar seus direitos em cada etapa histórica. O direito a uma cidade justa é concebido, neste momento histórico, como o direito político de interferir nas decisões acerca do uso do território e de participar da produção do espaço urbano no sistema capitalista de produção.

Review: Raza Sí, Migra No: Chicano Movement Struggles for Immigrant Rights in San Diego, by Jimmy Patiño

Review: Raza Sí, Migra No: Chicano Movement Struggles for Immigrant Rights in San Diego, by Jimmy Patiño

Media resistance and images of governmentality: activism and political communication in Manizales (Colombia)

El artículo es producto de una investigación sobre las prácticas de resistencia mediática de los colectivos sociales de la ciudad Manizales (Colombia). Se caracterizaron 27 colectivos, se realizaron entrevistas abiertas semiestructuradas y etnografías virtuales; utilizando conceptos inspirados en los estudios culturales, la reflexión se centró tanto en las prácticas de resistencia (subjetivación) como en la economía política de la verdad, que producen los medios de comunicación (sujeción). Concluyendo: que en el marco del Sistema/Mundo/Moderno/Colonial donde los medios masivos tienen gran importancia debido a las formas en que estos construyen la realidad: la memoria social, las formas del presente y el horizonte de lo posible; las luchas semióticas de los movimientos y colectivos sociales buscan transformar las relaciones de poder que constituyen la geopolítica de las imágenes, a partir de nuevos repertorios de resistencia mediática.

Educação e diversidades nas escolas do campo: a construção de práticas educativas interculturais

Os projetos educativos implementados nas escolas do campo fundamentam-se num pensamento pedagógico associado à racionalidade técnica, que privilegia um modelo de educação centrado na reprodução de conhecimentos e valores tidos como “verdades universais”, vinculados às matrizes culturais “eurocêntricas” e “norte-americanas”. As práticas educativas instituídas neste contexto trazem as marcas de uma pedagogia autoritária e colonizadora, na medida que, ignoram e/ou silenciam os saberes e as experiências culturais dos diversos povos que habitam este território e promovem a reprodução de conhecimentos deslocados daquele contexto sócio-histórico e cultural. Neste trabalho, buscamos refletir sobre as lutas dos movimentos sociais na defesa de um projeto de educação do campo, comprometido com a valorização das práticas sociais dos camponeses, à produção coletiva do conhecimento e a construção das alternativas de transformação social.

The Decolonial in Practice, Quilombismo, and Black Brazilian Politics in “Postneoliberal” Times

Through an examination of anti-racist and decolonial politics in education in the Brazilian and Latin American contexts, this paper outlines underlying features shaping black political-epistemological struggles and the difficulties of reform via the state in an anti-black society. The article first situates emerging anti-racist legislation and multicultural policy in the region within larger discussions of the progressive Left Turn among governments and the emergence of postneoliberalism. The paper then examines how racism and state violence against black people have persisted within this leftward postneoliberal turn, shaping the manner through which anti-racist and decolonial politics seek to both contest and mobilize within state discourses and institutions to improve the situation of black people. In the last section, the paper proposes to understand black movement struggles of decolonial orientation through Abdias do Nascimento’s black Brazilian praxis of quilombismo, a praxis that consciously reflects both the predicaments and future possibilities presented by working for political-epistemic and cultural transformation within and beyond an anti-black state. The paper demonstrates quilombismo as the decolonial in practice through an analysis of anti-racist education legislation focused on curriculum reforms.

Além da habitação, muito aquém da apropriação: produção de moradia e representação nos distritos centrais da cidade de São Paulo

Analisando o recorte temporal dos últimos 15 anos no que tange à questão da habitação nos distritos centrais da cidade de São Paulo, é necessário referir o papel dos movimentos populares, em especial aqueles que lutam por moradia numa área cujo significado para a presente discussão é fundamental quando se querem destacar os conceitos de propriedade privada, apropriação do espaço e função social da propriedade. As representações do espaço construídas, destruídas e reconstruídas na linha do tempo também são centrais nesta discussão. A contradição mostrada pelos números na produção de moradias nas áreas centrais da cidade de São Paulo nos últimos anos recoloca a questão da inviolabilidade da propriedade privada no Brasil. A luta desses movimentos populares é agora confrontada com as recentes mudanças políticas pelas quais o país vem passando e sugerem que a resistência deve continuar e ser ampliada.

Resisting, Claiming and Prefiguring: Movements for Dignified Housing in São Paulo

The struggle for the right to dignified housing in São Paulo, Brazil, waged by low-income black families organized in housing movements, is a political struggle that intertwines three dimensions: resisting, claiming and prefiguring the future. This article discusses ‘Occupation Mauá’, an occupied building in the city centre of São Paulo. More than 200 families that live in this occupation, for more than 10 years now, resist against gentrification processes, claim public policy from the state and imagine a new life for themselves—in that building, with those families, in that region of the city. These families have already obtained a major political achievement in resisting, claiming and imagining their future by connecting the struggle for a dignified present to the one for a dignified future. This achievement sees in the state an agent of both death and life. The state performs death when it evicts homeless families; yet, it is also the object of struggles as an agent of public policy. The struggle of urban housing movements in Brazil is thus a life-and-death struggle.

Wenn stadtpolitische Bewegungen das Terrain des Staats betreten

This article discusses the struggles of urban social movements for a de-neoliberalisation of housing policies in Poulantzian terms as a “condensation of the relationship of forces”. Drawing on an empirical analysis of the “Berliner Mietenvolksentscheid” (Berlin rent referendum), which was partially successful in forcing the city government of Berlin to adopt a more progressive housing policy, the article argues that urban social movements have the capacity to challenge neoliberal housing regimes. However, the specific materiality of the state apparatus and its strategic selectivity both limit the scope of intervention for social movements aiming at empowerment and non-hierarchical decision-making.

Luz à Solano Trindade: contribuições da universidade em um projeto de geração de energia para uma ocupação do Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia

O presente artigo descreve o desenvolvimento de um projeto de geração de energia como parte da parceria estabelecida entre a Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) e a Ocupação Solano Trindade, em Duque de Caxias, coordenada pelo Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia. A parceria com a UFRJ tem colaborado para estruturar as ações no território e para reforçar as bases de uma outra prática extensionista. O projeto propõe a instalação de um sistema fotovoltaico no Centro de Formação Politécnica da ocupação, como alternativa para sua sustentabilidade, uma vez que poderá cobrir o principal custo de funcionamento do prédio. Apresentamos as escolhas financeiras e estruturais envolvidas na construção do projeto, além de apontar sua contribuição à proposta pedagógica de formação pelo trabalho, por meio da realização de atividades que vinculem a formação teórica formal à formação prática, a partir da montagem, instalação e manutenção dos equipamentos necessários à utilização do sistema.

From Underground Terrorism to State Terrorism and Beyond: The Question of Terrorism in the Finnish Jäger Movement during and after the First World War

ABSTRACTPolitical terrorism has played an integral part in the independence struggle of several sovereign nations, and resistance and liberation movements have often had to resort to terrorism as a deliberate strategy. In the Finnish nationalist struggle for independence, a key role was played by the Jäger Movement, which combined the features of transnational war volunteerism and an underground organization. The military cooperation with Germany against the Russian Empire during the First World War, and the creation of the Finnish 27th Royal Prussian Jäger Battalion, also necessitated the establishment of a clandestine recruitment network in Finland, which effectively operated as an underground organization. During the war, the Jäger Movement was repeatedly faced with the question of resorting to reprisals and terror tactics. This process culminated in the autumn of 1916, and briefly showed signs of escalating to the level of an actual terror campaign, until it was cut short by the Russian February Revolution. Nonetheless, the accumulated propensity for political violence manifested itself during the subsequent Finnish Civil War, as well as during the far-right reaction of the early 1930s. The article approaches the question of terrorism in the Jäger Movement during this era, the issue of deploying “enforcement terror” during the independence struggle, and the subsequent distinctive participation of Jägers in state terror during the Civil War and the extreme right-wing political terror in the 1930s.

A ESPACIALIZAÇÃO E A TERRITORIALIZAÇÃO DAS ESCOLAS DE ENSINO MÉDIO DO CAMPO EM ASSENTAMENTOS DE REFORMA AGRÁRIA: CONSTRUÇÃO COLETIVA E EM MOVIMENTO NO CEARÁ

O presente trabalho é fruto de uma pesquisa de mestrado e tem como objetivo central analisar a educação do campo no estado do Ceará, tendo como objeto a escola de ensino médio do campo dos assentamentos de reforma agrária do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. Procuramos contribuir para o debate do tema a partir da luta dos movimentos sociais na construção da educação do campo, um novo conceito e uma nova proposta que se contrapõem ao modelo hegemônico de educação vigente. Portanto, um fenômeno recente, em construção coletiva e em movimento no País e no Ceará.

Exploring the Principles of Allodoxic Art (in dialogue with Baroness Elsa)

It is possible to bring socio-politically engaged practices into the realm of the commons. These practices I have grouped under the umbrella of allodoxic art, a term defined in the first section of this exposition. Allodoxic art provides a way of bringing into focus the social movement struggles that have shaped the discourse across social and environmental justice, embracing the total contribution of individuals’ artistic forms and active citizenship. French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) recuperates the concept of allodoxia that was first used by the Greek philosopher Plato (427–347 BC) to describe false beliefs arising from misrecognition. The word allodoxia derives from two Greek words allo referring to a mixture, and doxa meaning practices or teachings. An understanding of his use of allodoxia can equip artists with a tool to map pre-allodoxic tactical actions for unfolding allodoxic interventions that target and impact upon privileged space. Such interventions can maintain and expand the commons as embedded policy and programs, rights, and community-led initiatives. The commons are theorised here not merely as a passive legacy, but as a stake to be claimed, insistently and programmatically, as a matter of collective urgency. The commons also refer to lost or new territory claimed for the protection or expansion of rights, on the one hand, and the common good and activism in general on the other. I present several artwork examples that elucidate hegemonic social games, as well as others that demonstrating the connection between allodoxia and hegemony. These may act as access points for artists and intervention participants to understand how allodoxic interventions, as anti-hegemonic behaviour, contribute knowledge and skills to commoning processes. They may also, through the exploration and testing of tactics, help those processes gain traction and develop. These are drawn from the radical performative practice of German-born Baroness Elsa von Freytag Loringhoven (born Else Hildegard Plötz 1874–1927: henceforth Baroness Elsa) and my studio based works. The theorisation of allodoxic art also draws from German political thinker Hannah Arendt (1906–1975), specifically her theoretical work on revolutions, which provides greater understanding of how and why we should take political actions against privileged space. As principles for allodoxic art, this work develops an analytical armature for judging the success of these tactics and to further develop these types of interventions.

The support of the overseas Chinese in the South of Vietnam for the Chinese revolutionary movement led by Sun Yat-sen

Due to the objective and subjective conditions brought, the land of South Vietnam is not only a place with a large number of the overseas Chinese living concentrated, but most of them, especially in Saigon, Cholon areas are also originally from Guangdong - the homeland of Sun Yat-sen. Therefore, when coming to Vietnam to revolutionize, Sun Yat-sen paid special attention and came to the South many times. The activities that Sun Yat-sen conducted in the South of Vietnam have sparked a revolution in this community. So in the struggle movement to overthrow the Manchu feudalism and build a republic in China then, the overseas Chinese residing here had made great contributions. Their response took place for a long time and expressed in many fields, which contributed to the revolutionary career of Sun Yat-sen being in trouble, gradually developing.

Reflexões sobre a educação do campo: revisitando a história do Brasil

In this paper it proposes a discussion about the modality of education offered in rural areas for the peasants, taking as reference some aspects of the Brazil’s historical formation trajectory. The research is of bibliographic nature and qualitative-interpretative approach. Considering the provision on education in the Federal Constitutions and some authors’ researches related to education/schools in peasants areas, in this investigation it analyzes aspects of the educational policy in Brazilian State for the peasant population. It also discusses the process of struggles of the rural social movements in defense of a public policy for countryside education. The research results have revealed that, despite some advances, we are still far from making a proposal for an education previously planned, discussed and articulated with peasant participation.

Die Rezeption des kontinentaleuropäischen Zivilrechts in Taiwan und die Eigenständigkeit des taiwanischen Zivilrechts

Taiwan became a colony of Japan in 1895, and thus followed Japan in transplanting Continental European civil law. Early in the period of Japanese rule, Taiwanese civil matters were largely decided according to customs, which were informed by concepts and terminology of Continental European civil law. However, the ownership, pledge and mortgage of Continental European law had been partly introduced to Taiwan. Later in the period of Japanese rule, property law in the Japanese Civil Code, receiving Continental European law, took effect in Taiwan. In contrast, the status law relating to the Taiwanese was still applied to customary law and was shaped by terminology of Continental European civil law. Taiwan became a province of China during the period of four years after World War II, and it began to implement the civil law of China in the republican era. As a result, the Taiwanese status law was also modeled on Continental European law. Taiwan has been a de facto state since 1949, the year China began to be ruled by the communist party. Taiwan continues to enforce the civil law, which originated in Republican China, with its roots in Continental European law, and adds many elements from American law in the special civil law due to close political and economic ties with the United States. However, the theory and practice of civil law in Taiwan has been dominated by the jurisprudence and laws of Continental Europe, especially Germany. In post-war Taiwan, the majority of the first-generation legal scholars came from Republican China and were deeply influenced by Continental European law; the minority had been trained in pre-war Japanese law, which received Continental European law as well. Many Taiwanese legal scholars, from the second generation to today, directly borrowed from Germany or learned from Japan to introduce the civil law and its theories in post-war Europe to Taiwan. After the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, people in Taiwan have reformed their legal system for their own needs. With legal knowledge incorporating the ideas of Continental European civil law, a localized civil law has been shaped by the decisions of Taiwanese courts, the struggle of social movements in Taiwan and the reaction of Taiwan’s legislature. This law is unique among countries in East Asia because it is based on the social needs of Taiwan.

TÜRKİSTAN MUHTARİYETİNİN YIKILIŞININ 80. YIL DÖNÜMÜ MÜNASEBETİYLE SOVYET RUSYANIN 1937-1938 YILLARINDA TÜRKİSTANDA UYGULADIĞI KIZIL TERÖR VE SONUÇLARI

Due to its geopolitical and geostrategical location in the centre of the Great Silk Road and its underground and surface resources, Turkestan was a region that foreign states want to obtain throughout history. Thus, there have been many occupation wars along history, for centuries, and Turkestan Turks have always been able to protect their independence. Nevertheless, in the second half of the 19th century, Turkestan was occupied by Tsarist Russia. After the occupation of Turkestan, the Russian Empire declared Turkestan as its own colony, and exploited its wealth to a maximum extent. For decades, Russians have tried to Russianize and Christianize Turkestani people by sending scientists and missionary pastors. Turkestan Turks, unable to withstand this pressures, had rebelled against the tsarist government many times for the sake of their belief, language and freedom. But every time their uprisings had been/were repressed with heavy losses. This situation changed with the negative end of the I. World War and with the Bolshevik Revolution. Turkestanis, who were fooled by the leaders of Bolshevik movement Lenin and Stalin with the promise of giving "political independence" to Turkestan, played a key role in collapse of the Tsarist Empire. After the 1917 revolution, the Turkestani intellectuals founded a state called "Turkestan Autonomy" in the same year. The Soviets declared this as a betrayal to themselves and by shedding blood of many people destroyed "Turkestan Autonomy". When Turkistanis realized that political rights can not be obtained with political way, then they fought against the Soviet Union throughout the Turkestan by resorting to the armed struggle. These warriors called as "Basmachi", and their movement called as "Basmachi Movement" by the Soviets. The National Struggle Movement of Turkestan, which was deprived of material, military and political support, was liquidated by the Red Army in the mid-1930's. After the armed struggle of the Turkestanis was supressed by order of the chief of USSR Stalin, poets, writers, rich people, scientists, politicians, governors…etc. in short, the whole entellectual staff of Turkestan were liquidated by Russian espionage organization NKVD. The peak point of these liquidations has occured in 1937-1938 years. Hundreds of thousands Turkestanies were either executed or exiled to frosty Siberia labour camps with false accusations as: pan-Turkist, pan-Islamist, religionist, chauvinist, spy, traitor, enemy of the people. This policy that followed by the Soviet government was called by the historians as "Red Terror", "Katağanlık", "Repression" and "State Terror".

Human rights and neo-liberal education in post-apartheid South Africa

Internationally, human rights are considered innate, natural and inalienable. The article offers proffers a historical account of the natural law philosophy as the basis upon which human rights are ascribed to a supernatural force and human agency, on the one hand, and to the struggle for human existence, on the other hand. The author shows how the social contract that stems from human rationality underpins global, regional and domestic human rights frameworks. Based on a neo-liberal ideology, governance and policies, I argue that the education agenda in post-apartheid South Africa does not guarantee equal access to education. In light of this, the article maintains that, despite the anti-apartheid struggle movement’s achievements in human rights, the right to education is yet to be fully realised. In the end, I employ political philosophy to help us clarify fundamental problems of education within neo-liberalism that need to be addressed in post-apartheid South Africa.