King Sukjong Research Articles

18세기 제주의 진상제(進上制)와 상품유통

As the political basis of the Joseon government was changed since the days of King Sukjong and it tried to bring Jeju into the range of its rule, the central government made efforts to the burden of the donation upon Jeju. In the first half of the 18th century, tangerines were less burdened. And it wanted to facilitate the supply of grain to Jeju by running a state-run commerce. However, due to the upsetting nature of state-run commerce, the results were not achievable. In the late 18th century, the governments policies changed. The government wanted to facilitate the supply of Jejus grain through private trade. It allowed partial freedom in commerce between Jeju and land. It also gave Jeju preferential treatment for its competitive products. Through these measures, Jejus commodity economy developed and profits derived from it increased. It was some of Jejus scents that were quick to cope with this situation. They made a large part of the commercial profits by organization of the petty officials of Jeju, called Sangchangye(相贊契). The king and the government wanted to return some of the surplus products of the royal family to the people as part of the paternal love policy, but they ended up belonging to the a local influential person and the petty officials of Jeju. This socio-economic situation is thought to have been behind the plotting treason accident of Jehae Yangp in 1812 and the peasant uprising in 1862.

숙종의 강화도 축성과 御眞의 奉安

도성에 인접한 강화도는 바다와 강으로 둘러싸인 특유의 환경과 원․후금의 침입에 대항했던 역사로 인해 주요 보장처로서 주목받았다. 효종대를 이어 숙종 역시 치세 기간 내내 강화도에 인력과 물력을 집중하여 집약적으로 수비 체계를 강화해 나갔다. 이런 숙종대 강화도의 방어 정책은 다음과 같은 네 가지 특징으로 정리된다. 첫째, 숙종의 강화도 정책은 청의 정세 변화와 밀접하게 연결되어 수비체제가 개편되고, 내성․외성․문수산성․돈대․진보 등 다양한 군사시설이 구축되었다. 둘째, 대외적 위기의 양상에 따라 강화도 방어정책의 기획이 미묘하게 변화하는데, 북방의 위기가 도래할 경우 강화도와 도성의 경로를 확보하면서 강화도 동쪽의 수비가 집중되는 반면, 바다로부터 위기가 도래할 경우 강화도 전체는 물론 서북쪽 혹은 서남쪽의 수비가 강화되었다. 셋째, 강도의 자연적 환경 변화로 배가 정박하기 쉬워졌고, 서해안으로부터 해상 세력이 출몰하면서부터 강화도의 보장처로서의 가치판단이 변동하기 시작했다. 넷째, 숙종은 대외적 위기에 대한 대응차원에서 강화도의 長寧殿에 御眞을 봉안함으로써 강화도 도민들로 하여금 요충지로서 인정받았다는 자부심을 부여함과 동시에 국왕에 대한 충성심과 헌신을 유도하고자 했다. 숙종대 강화도는 때로 자연적 환경 변화와 바다로부터의 위기의식이 고조되면서 과거보다 보장지역으로서의 위상이 약화되었다. 그러나 강화도는 점차 도성을 중심으로 하는 방어체계로 전환되는 상황 속에서 수도를 보좌하는 역할과 동시에 급변이 생겼을 때 여전히 최후의 보루로서의 역할도 계속해서 유지하였다.

王世子 冊封으로 본 淸·朝 관계 (康熙 35년 乾隆 2년)

This paper examines the negotiations between Qing and Joseon on the petitions for the investiture of Joseon crown prince, made four times from the 35th year of Kangxi until the second year of Qianlong, so as to understand the significance that investiture had in the tribute-investiture relations and to paint a true picture of the bilateral relationship. In the 35th year of Kangxi, Joseon petitioned Qing for the investiture of Yi Yun, the eldest of the illegitimate sons of King Sukjong, as crown prince, but Qing refused. It was only after another petition made in the following year that Qing agreed to confer. Qing’s rejection in the 35th year of Kangxi was only after another petition made in the following year that Qing agreed to confer. Qing’s rejection in the 35th year of Kangxi was the first and the last for the duration of the Qing - Joseon relationship. Because it was the only time it happened, it is generally believed that Qing’s investiture for Joseon was a normally formality implemented without a problem. However, Joseon made the petition three times until the second year of Qianlong and ultimately received the answer it wanted, but the process in which the Joseon’s envoys were sent to Qing to get the formal acknowledgement was not without challenge. It was because Qing did not regard the crown prince of Joseon to be up to its investiture rites and also because Qing had reinforced its “rule by rites” (禮治). To address this issue, Joseon drafted a separate document to elaborate on the reason for investiture and justify the cause, and endeavored to get the conferment by negotiating Via unofficial channels. The process for investiture of crown prince, which consists of a contradiction between two countries, moderating the conflicts, seeking exits, and reaching a state of stability, mirrors the aspect of change that affected the Joseon - Qing relations.

송주석의 〈북관곡(北關曲)〉 연구

〈Bukgwangok〉, the words of exile, is the work of Song Jooseok who accompanied Uam Song Siyeol on his way to exile about that of Song Siyeol’s exile. 〈Bukgwangok〉 records the full account of the disputes on proprieties in the year Gihae and Gabin, which became the reason for the exile of Uam Song Jooseok defends Uam and exposes the disputers on the opposite side of Uam by describing the dispute on proprieties in the year Gihae. Also, he expresses his gratitude to King Hyeonjong for not imposing punishment and describes how Uam underwent ordeals after King Sukjong changed his heart while giving an account of the dispute in the year Gabin. This study analyzed what Song Jooseok said by describing the path of exile and the exile to a gasket at the severity of the reality.

고려 숙종의 즉위에 대한 재검토

고려 숙종의 즉위에 대한 재검토

숙종-정조대 문과의 은사(恩賜) 사용 규정 변화 연구

숙종-정조대 문과의 은사(恩賜) 사용 규정 변화 연구

肅宗의 왕실 여성 한시 연구

肅宗의 왕실 여성 한시 연구

金昌翕의 丹丘 유람과 문학적 형상화

Samyun(三淵) Kim Chang－heup(金昌翕, 1653－1722) laid the foundations for the formation and the enhancement of the true literature with realistic elements through sightseeing tours. It is presumed that the unique poetic style and the material shown in the poetic world of Kim Chang－heup would have been done in the process of effectively writing poems with the impressions inspired by the sightseeing tour. This paper examines the journey and classical Chinese poetry recording the progress and expression of when Kim Changheup at the age of 36 traveled to the Danyang(丹陽) area. Kim Chang－heup traveled to four districts such as Danyang, Jecheon, and Youngwol(寧越) to accompany Kim Chang－hyup who served as a prefecture governor of Chungpung when he went up to Seoul and returned to the place of his appointment in 1688 (King Sukjong 14 years). On this journey, Kim Changheup created the journey of “Dangu Diary” and 220 classical Chinese poems. In particular, the classical poems were organized and distributed with Dangulok. Through these works, you can confirm the reality of the excursion.BR Kim Chang－Heup impressively watched the journey going up the Han River by boat, detailing and recording the difficulties of the inspiration and the water way which had not been experienced before. Kim Chang－Heup accompanied 10 delegates including Chungju governor to the Dangu excursion. Kim Chang－Heup shared his fascination with the other people, by blowing the flute directly and getting a flavor of the journey, as an example. On the other hand, on the Yungwol excursion that he took alone, he becomes drenched in loneliness and sorrow. For this reason, he had mainly created works that revealed a pleasure from meditation in Jungbangsssa, where he visited at the end of his itinerary. Kim Chang－Heup also created many poems in his way back. This is the reason why he was filled with emotion again, even though he had already seen the landscape, or he encountered scenery that he had never seen.BR Thus, Kim Chang－Heup left a lot of prose records and creations of classical Chinese poems during one－month long tour to the four districts. It contains everything he saw, heard, and felt through the excursion, such as the various aspects of cruising on the ship, the pleasure of the accompanying people, and the sorrow and meditation that he felt alone. In the case of classical Chinese poems, they were organized and distributed as Dangurok and became the mediator of memory to the accompanying people taking the journey together. In addition, the surrounding characters and later writers became enthusiastic about the excursion to the four districts and created momentum to trigger the future journey to the four districts.

The Studies of Literary of Ha Gye(霞溪) Gwon Yu(權愈) －With Reference to Geungi Namin Gwan-gak literati in the Reign of King Sukjong

The Studies of Literary of Ha Gye(霞溪) Gwon Yu(權愈) －With Reference to Geungi Namin Gwan-gak literati in the Reign of King Sukjong

Costumes for the Royal Sword Dance in the Royal Court of the Late Joseon Dynasty

조선후기 이후 대한제국기까지 궁중 검기무가 기록되어 있는 12종의 『의궤』를 중심으로, 도병과 회화자료, 문헌자료 등을 참고하여 궁중 검기무 복식의 종류와 변화양상, 특징 등을 살펴보았다. 궁중 검기무는 17세기 숙종대 이후 민간에서 성행하던 춤이 궁중의 정재로 편입된 춤이다. 1795년 『원행을묘정리의궤』에 ‘검무’라는 기록으로 궁중에 첫선을 보인 검기무는 1829년 『기축진찬의궤』부터 ‘검기무’로 기록되기 시작하여 대한제국 마지막 진연 기록인 1902년 임인 『진연의궤』까지 지속되었다. 의궤에 따라 약간의 차이는 있으나 대체로 「권수」의 <정재도>·<복식도>, 「악장」, 「의주」, 「품목」 또는 「악기풍물」, 「공령」, 「상전」 등에서 검기무와 관련된 기록이 확인되었다. 검기무의 설행순서는 연향의 후반부나 마지막 부분에 행해지고 무신년 진찬 이후부터는 일정하게 무녕지곡(武寧之曲)이 연주되었으며 검기무 정재여령의 인원은 많게는 동기와 집사를 포함하여 8∼9명인 경우도 있었고, 그 외 6명, 4명, 2명 등으로 확인되었다. 1902년 4월 임인년 진연에는 여령 8명이 참가한 쌍검기무가 확인되었다. ≪도병≫에서는 2명 혹은 4명 정도로 묘사되어 기록과는 차이가 있었다. 19세기 중엽 궁중 검기무 정재복식은 전립(戰笠), 협수(挾袖), 괘자(掛子), 대(帶), 홍초상(紅&#32131;裳), 초록혜(草綠鞋)로 정착되었다. 1848년 무신년부터 협수와 둥근 모정의 산홍모(散紅毛) 전립을 사용하기 시작하였다. 전립은 남색비단으로 안을 올렸고 정수리 부분에 정자·공작우·상모를 달았다. 또한 모자와 테가 연결되는 부위에 홍전 징두리를 두르고 전립 좌우에 조밀화(造蜜花) 귓돈을 장식하였으며 은영자(銀纓子)에 패영(貝纓) 없이 궁초(宮&#32131;) 끈만 달았다. 무신년 이후부터는 견마기와 남치마 위에 홍초상을 덧입고 그 위에 금향색(錦香色) 협수와 자적색·아청색 괘자를 입었다. 협수 소매의 홍수(紅袖) 길이가 후대로 갈수로 길어지는 것을 홍수 감 분량을 통해 확인할 수 있었고 괘자는 전복으로도 기록되어 있어 두 용어가 혼용되었음을 확인하였다. 그리고 괘자 위에 원삼 대대처럼 등 뒤에 묶는 방식으로 남색 전대를 두르고 초록혜를 신었다.This paper examines the types, changes, and characteristics of the costumes for the royal sword dance, geomgi-mu (劍器舞), in the late Joseon Dynasty, through a study of historical sources, including folding screens, paintings, and literature from the era, with a special focus on the 12 uigwe that recorded this dance. The Royal Sword Dance was a popular dance among people in the 17th century after King Sukjong adopted it as a royal dance. Initially, it was introduced to the court simply as gum-mu (literally “sword dance”) and recorded using that name in the Wonhaeng eulmyo jeongri uigwe, but, from the Gichuk jinchan uigwe on, the name was officially changed to gumgi-mu and practiced as part of royal ceremonies. Although there are some differences among the uigwe, most of the records concerning gumgi-mu have been found and confirmed in the Jeongjaedo and Boksikdo in Gwonsu, Akjang, Euiju, Pummok or Akgipungmul, Gongryeong, and Sangjeon. As for the execution of the dance, it was usually performed in the latter or last part of the banquets and, after the Musin jinchan banquet, it was performed to the music Munyeongjigok (武 寧之曲 or, lit., “Military pacification piece”). The number of royal dancers performing the sword dance varied from a maximum of eight or nine down to six, four, or sometimes even two. In April 1902, the Imin-jinyeon recorded eight pairs of dancers performing the gumgi-mu, differing from Dobyeong’s record which described only two or four dancers. The costumes for geomgi-mu consisted of jeollip (戰笠, a war hat), hyeopsu (挾袖, a narrow sleeved upper garment), gweja (掛子, a kind of over vest), dae (帶, sash), hongchosang (紅&#32131;裳 red silk apron-like skirt), and chorokhye (草綠鞋 grass green leather shoes). For the sanhongmo (散紅毛) a red feather or fur decoration hanging at the top of a helmet or military hat, jeollip (戰笠) was used after 1848 and the pointed top part of the hat was rounded. Accessories, such as jeongja, gongjak u, and sangmo, were attached to the crown of the hat. The line where the hat’s body and brim met was decorated with jingduri. Each side of the “war hat” had artificial amber ornaments hung over the ears with silver hooks, eunyeoungja (銀纓子 silver tassles), and gungcho (宮&#32131;) silk string ties. The red silk skirt was worn outside of the gyeonmagi (upper garment now known as jeogeori) and a brocade indigo blue skirt, and the narrow sleeved hyeopsu and gweja vest was layered on top as extra. Gweja were recorded as a combat uniform in some records, which indicates the two words were interchanged. Dancers wore an indigo blue combat sash around the gweja vest and wore green leather shoes, as well. It has been confirmed through the sources that the red sleeves of the hyeopsu became longer as time went on.

King Jeongjo(正祖) s understanding of the Great Learning(大學) and idea of the Master king (君師) - An analysis of the interrelationship with financial policies

본 논문은 正祖의 사상적 특질로 지적되는 君師의식의 경학적 기반인 『大學』 이해의 구체적인 내용을 재정정책과의 상관성을 통해 분석한 것이다. 정조는 朱子의 『大學』 이해에 대한 절대화를 벗어나 독자적인 이해체계를 확보하였다. 格物致知를 통해 현상을 정확히 파악하고 平天下의 수단인 &#32092;矩之道에 주목하였다. 혈구지도에서는 재정정책을 강조하였는데 정조는 이를 매개로 효종대 이래 세수가 증가하였음에도 재정이 부족한 현상에 대한 정확한 진단을 요구하였다. 이어 균역법의 폐단에도 불구하고 상업이익을 국가적으로 흡수하겠다는 원론을 확고히 하였다. 이를 토대로 적극적인 富國安民 정책을 실현하여 백성의 생활을 안정시키고, 이를 기반으로 그들의 본성을 제대로 발현될 수 있도록 하겠다는 입장에 섰다. 이를 위하여 산림천택의 공적인 관리를 강조하였다. 이러한 정조의 지향은 『大學』의 내용을 전면화하여 백성의 교화를 책임지는 君師로서 국왕의 모습을 구체화한 것이다.This dissertation analyzes the specific contents of understanding of <the Great Learning> which is the peculiar base on the Confucianism(經學) of Master king consciousness, pointed out as ideological characteristics of King Jeongjo through the interrelationship with the financial policies. King Jeongjo(正祖) secured the independent understanding system of <the Great Learning>, getting out of the absolutization of Zhuxi(朱子) s understanding of <the Great Learning>. He grasped the current situation through the investigation of things(格物致知) and took notice of The Way of Xieju(&#32092;矩之道), which was the means to world stabilizing(平天下). As The Way of Xieju emphasizes on the financial policies, King Jeongjo demanded a precise diagnosis of the phenomenon that even though tax revenue increased in the reign of King Hyojong(孝宗), King Hynjong(顯宗), King Sukjong(肅宗), and King Yeongjo(英祖), the country was short of money. In succession, in spite of the negative effect of the Equalized Tax Law(均役法), he firmed up the principles that commercial profit would be nationally absorbed. Based on it, King Jeongjo stood on the position that realizing active National Wealth (富國安民) policy, the country stabilizes the life of subjects and makes them reveal their human nature properly. This gives shape to an image of Master king , who takes responsibility for edification of subjects in the name of <the Great Learning>.

肅宗의 昭顯世子嬪 姜嬪 伸寃과 그 의미

肅宗의 昭顯世子嬪 姜嬪 伸寃과 그 의미

Deungga and Jeonsangak of the Joseon Dynasty

본 논문은 기존에 동일한 것으로 간주되어온 등가와 전상악의 정체와 양자 간의 차이점을 밝히는 것을 목표로 하였다. 이를 위해 중국 경서(經書)와 사서(史書)를 통해 등가와 전상악의 연원을 살펴보고, 조선 전기 및 후기 문헌을 통해 조선조 두 악대의 운용에 대해 고찰하였다. 등가는 중국 상고시대 경서로부터 연원을 찾을 수 있으며 본래 노래와 금·슬을 중심으로 편성되었으나 수대 이후로 계단 아래에 포(匏)·죽(竹)을 배치하기 시작하여 현악기와 관악기가 모두 포함되었다. 이러한 등가 제도는 고려조에 유입되었고 조선 초기 심도 있는 논의 과정을 거쳐 궁중의례의 악제로 제정되었다. 반면 전상악은 중국 문헌에서는 찾아볼 수 없는 조선조에 고안된 악대이다. 조선조 제례에 있어 『世宗實錄』 五禮 吉禮의 등가는 상고시대 제도를 본받아 금슬과 가자(歌者)가 중심을 이루며 포죽의 악기는 없었다. 성종대부터는 아부 제례 등가에 포죽이 포함되었고 속부 제례 등가가 마련되어 조선 후기까지 지속되었다. 전상악은 사직·종묘와 같은 국가적 제례보다 격이 낮은 원묘 제례의 당상 악대이며 의례의 격을 높이는 종경 등의 악기가 배제되었고 당악기 위주로 구성되어 속악만을 연주하였다. 조선조 연례에 있어 등가는 『世宗實錄』 五禮 嘉禮에서 처음 확인되는데 길례의 등가에 포죽이 추가된 형태이며 이는 수나라 제도를 참조한 결과이다. 이때 등가는 아악기로만 구성되어 아악을 연주하고, 가자가 악장을 부르며, 일무를 반주하였다. 이러한 등가는 예연에 아악이 사용된 세종·영조·정조 연간에만 설치되었다. 이 외의 시기에는 예연에 전상악이 설치되어 속악을 연주하였다. 조선 전기와 후기 문헌을 종합적으로 살펴본 결과, 아악기가 아닌 속악기로 구성된 점, 일무가 아닌 정재를 반주한 점, 무(舞)의 뒤에 배치되어 등가에 비해 어좌에서 멀리 떨어진 점에서 전상악은 등가와 분명히 구분된다. 이러한 구분은 정조대까지 이어져왔으나, 숙종 이후에는 전상악을 등가라고도 지칭하여서 악대명이 혼용되었다. 비록 숙종 이후 전상악과 등가의 구분이 모호해졌으나, 조선 전기 음악의 집대성이라 여겨지는 『樂學軌範』을 비롯하여 영·정조대에 전상악과 등가를 명확히 구분하고 있으므로 양자를 구분하여 파악해야 조선조 악대 운용에 대한 보다 정확한 설명이 가능할 것이다.This paper aims to clarify the differences between deungga and Jeonsangak, which have been regarded as the same orchestras in the past. To this end, it examined the origin of both deungga and jeonsangak through the Chinese classics and historical documents of Chinese. Also it scrutinized the operation of the two orchestras in Joseon dynasty by investigating historical documents. The first written reference to the deungga appears in the Confucian classics such as S&#335;gy&#335;ng and jurye. It mainly consisted of only singer, geum and seul. Since Sui Dynasty, it had started to include of Po and Juk, which were placed below stairs. As a result, deungga had included both wind instruments and string instruments after that period. Deungga was brought into Korean peninsula during the period of Kory&#335; dynasty. Deungga was designated as a court orchestra after depth discussions in the early period of Joseon. On the other hand, jeonsangak is a orchestra designed in the Joseon Dynasty which can not be found in the Chinese historical documents. In the ancestral rites of Joseon dynasty, the earliest deungga was modeled on the deungga of the ancients Chinese, and geum, seul, and singer were centered and po and juk was excluded. Since the reign of King Sungjong, deungga of Abujerye had included po and juk, and deungga of Sogbujerye had been established and operated for court rituals until the late period of Joseon. Jeonsangak was a orchestra for Wonmyojerye (Royal’s private ancestral shrine), which was lower in position than national rites such as Chongmyojerye or Sajikjerye. It was excluded of jong and gyeong and mainly consisted of instruments of dangak and played sogak, not aak. When it comes to court banquet music of Joseon dynasty, the early type of deungga was recorded at Sejongsillok Orye Karye. It is a form po and juk added to the deungga of gillye, which was the result of referring to the deungga of Sui Dynasty. Deungga consisted of only instruments of aak, played music of aak, sang akjang by singers, and accompanied ilmu. This deungga was set at the period of only King Sejong, King Yeongjo, and King Jeongjo when aak was used as banquet music. In the banquets of the other period, jeonsangak was set and played sogak. A comprehensive view of the documents during the early and the late period of Joseon, jeonsangak is clearly distinguished from deungga by several facts. First of all, jeonsangak is composed of instruments of sogak, not aak. Secondly, jeonsangak accompanies jeongjae not ilmu. Thirdly, jeonsangak is set up behind of dancers, so it is farther from royal seats than deungga. This distinction has continued until the reign of King Jeongjo, but after King Sukjong’s rule, jeonsangak was also called deungga and the name of the band was mixed. All in all, distinction between jeonsangak and deungga became ambiguous after the reign of Sukjong, but these two orchestras were clearly distinguished by the reign of King Jeongjo. According to Akhakkwebeom, which is the most representative of music treatises published in the early Joseon, euigwe of Yeongjo period and Chungwantonggo, deungga and jeonsangak were clearly distinct. Therefore, it make more explicit understanding about Joseon court orchestras to distinguish deungga from jeonsangak.

A Study on the Operation of the Seonggyungwan-Guasi during King Sukjong's Reign(1674-1720)

A Study on the Operation of the Seonggyungwan-Guasi during King Sukjong's Reign(1674-1720)

17~18세기 도감의 고가(雇價) 마련과 군문재원(軍門財源)의 활용

Examined in this article is the fact that newly established “Gun’yeong” Military headquarters in the 17th and 18th centuries were utilized not only as military entities but also as financial resources. There are evidences which show us that some of the military headquarters’ budget were diverted to the Dogam offices (temporarily established ones for specific projects like dynastic rituals or large scale constructions by the government), allowing in the process the headquarters’ own budget to be utilized by several Dogam offices, which had nothing to do with the headquarters’ functions. BR Until 1674 Dogam offices were financially supported by other governmental offices or even local districts as well, but never by military headquarters. But later, although the size of the Dogam budget varied by its mission and its functions, they began to be funded by military headquarters and at times the overall size of (headquarters’) funding rose to almost 50% of the Dogam office’s entire budget.BR This was probably because the Gun’yeong military headquarters had many resources to tap into in the first place, and the “Northern campaign” was turning into a lost cause coming into king Sukjong’s reign. And the changing climate (literally) was accommodating such change in the government’s practice of funding some of its own offices, as severe draughts hit Joseon at the time and made it imperative for the government to divert military budgets to other purposes such as lifting heavy stresses off of the population. We can say that the Gun’yeong Amun military headquarters after king Sukjong’s days were no longer expanding their budgets in preparation for the upcoming Northern campaign, and were beginning to use their reserve resources to aid dynastic relief projects or constructions, serving as de facto financial offices.

Record of the Virtue of Queen Inhyeon, Lady Min

Record of the Virtue of Queen Inhyeon, Lady Min Translated by Minsoo Kang (bio) Queen Inhyeon, Lady Min, the second wife of King Sukjong the Great1 of Joseon,2 came from a noble lineage with its ancestral home in Yeoheung.3 Her father was Min Yujung, who served in the government as the minister of military affairs,4 and her maternal grandfather was Song Jungil, who was the chief state councilor.5 She was born on the twenty-third day of the fourth lunar month in the Year of the Red Sheep,6 after her mother Lady [End Page 275] Song had a strange dream. Auspicious marvels appeared above the house, and a sweet fragrance filled her birth room and lingered there for a long time. Her parents, seeing the signs as portents of momentous events to come, ordered everyone in the household to make no mention of them to outsiders. She grew up quickly, sprouting up in an extraordinary manner. Her appearance was so fair that flowers and the moon hid themselves in embarrassment in her presence, and her visage was so radiant that even the sun lost its brilliance before her. Her beauty was incomparable in old times and new. Her abilities in the womanly tasks of weaving and sewing were so efficient and so skillful that it appeared as if she were aided by a hundred supernatural spirits. Yet she never displayed pride in her talents, always appearing pristine, calm, and solemn so that none could discern her thoughts. She also had a gentle and guileless personality with laudable generosity, and always seemed content with everything and undisturbed by worry. She was particularly notable for her righteous conduct, impeccable manners, and filial piety, all of which she practiced with modesty and politeness. A person of an upright mindset, dignified mien, considerable magnanimity, as well as faultless actions in all things, when she sat still throughout the day in a decorous manner, she became enveloped by a tranquil wind and a fair cloud. The grace and solemnity of her appearance were such that people dared not look at her in an impudent manner. The purity and freshness of her form evoked the fragrant waters of autumn, while her lofty and steadfast honor was as precious as gold and jade, and as sturdy as a pine tree. From an early age she did not care for frivolous jokes or unnecessary extravagance, and she did not often open her fair lips to speak. She dressed modestly but her extraordinary form made [End Page 276] her stand out, while her words and actions were always proper. She was outstanding in every way. She excelled in writing and knew everything about history, but she did not pick up a brush without careful thought. For all those reasons, she was greatly beloved by her parents, uncles, and siblings, and admired by her neighbors and relatives. So even at a young age, the future queen was revered by all and her beauteous name became renowned in the land. The water she cleaned herself with in the morning always became filled with a reddish rainbow, so her father gathered that she was destined to become an exalted personage and resolved to raise her and teach her with great care. Her second uncle, Min Jeongjung, was a celebrated Confucian scholar and a man of serious disposition who loved her the most of all his nephews and nieces. He repeatedly commented that, "It has been said that when a body of water is too fresh, it invites the visitation of ghosts.7 So I worry that a child of such brilliance will not live a long life." Her mother passed away early, which became a source of great sorrow to her and made her sickly. She grieved for such a long time that it surpassed the requirements of proper mourning. She also demonstrated ardent devotion to her stepmother, Lady Jo. Her maternal grandfather Master Dongchun8 loved her greatly and often summoned her. In private, he said of her, "She possesses the virtues of Tae Im and Tae Sa."9 He taught her the manners befitting a woman from a great lineage of Confucian scholars whose...

A research on Panegyrical Poems of Many Generations about Yaeun Gil Jae(Ⅲ) - Focused on Poems by King Sukjong and Other Responding Poems -

A research on Panegyrical Poems of Many Generations about Yaeun Gil Jae(Ⅲ) - Focused on Poems by King Sukjong and Other Responding Poems -

Commemoration of the Martyred Vassals Who Remained Loyal to the Late King Danjong, during King Cheoljongs Reign: Examination of Baekchon Yugo

본고는 김문기에 대한 사적 정비를 매개로 19세기 ‘단종제신’ 사적 정비가 문중을 매개로 확장되는 양상을 확인하는 한편, 그에 연동된 후손들의 활동을 조망하기 위하여 작성된 것이다. 영조 7년 관작이 복구된 김문기의 후손들은 철종 4년 선조·후손의 글을 모은 『白村遺稿』를 편찬하였다. 김문기 등이 사망한 지 400여년 만에 遺稿가 출현한 것이다. 선조의 시는 고려 왕조에 대한 충의로서 은거한 사적을 드러내고 있으며, 김문기와 아들의 시는 莊陵 配食壇에 배향된 인물들과 교유한 것이다. 이와 함께 김문기 부자가 피화된 후 그 자손이 通川으로 흘러 들어가게 된 전말과 충의와 은거를 지속하는 후손들의 움직임을 시를 통해 드러냈다. 이러한 양상은 숙종대 단종복위 후 18세기 지속된 단종 충신에 대한 현창움직임과 궤를 같이 한다. 이에 당시 부각된 사적에 맞추어 교유 시를 구성했을 가능성을 시사하는 것이다. 『백촌유고』는 가문의 忠節 전통을 부각시킴으로써 단종에 충의를 다하다 죽은 김문기 가문의 위상을 높이고 사회적 기반을 확고히 하려는 후손들의 지향을 드러내는 것이다.Examined in this article is, how administration and management of vestiges and remnants that belonged to vassals who had remained loyal and also died fighting for the expelled king Danjong(Danjong Jeshin, 端宗諸臣) were expanded in the 19th century, by the efforts of their descendants. Commemoration of the history of a person named Kim Mun-gi seems like an occasion that jump-started the process, so it is more closely examined here. In the meantime, also examined is what kind of activities the descendants actually involved themselves in. Descendants of Kim Mun-gi, whose title and honor was reinstated in the 7th year of King Yeongjos reign, compiled articles and pieces that had been authored by the Kim house ancestors (which of course included Kim Mun-gi) and published an anthology entitled Baekchon Yugo(白村遺稿), in the 4th year of King Cheoljongs reign which actually was after over 4 centuries since Kim Mun-gis own death. Articles authored by the highest ancestors of the house reveal a notion of loyalty that did not allow them to enlist in the Joseon governments payroll and instead had them remain as loyal vassals of Goryeo. Poems from Kim Mun-gi and his son portray their relationship with the people whose tablets were later enshrined at the Baeshik-dan(配食壇) altar of Jangreung(莊陵) mausoleum. How their descendants moved to Tongcheon(通川) area after Kim and his son were killed, and in what kind of manner they lived there ever since, as in solitude which was imposed upon their lives by no one but themselves, are displayed through various poems listed here as well. Their efforts were part of a bigger social trend which was witnessing more and more efforts embarking upon commemorating the selfless deeds of Danjongs Loyal Vassals, since the reign of King Sukjong in the 18th century. New historical information was being discovered, and devised were new ways of commemorating them, including displays of poems that were also evidences of their internal friendship. Baekchon Yugo was the result of such endeavor from the descendants that was to emphasize the familys old tradition of loyalty and integrity(忠節), in order to enhance the houses image and reinforce its social platform.

A Preliminary Study on the Yang-cheon-cheok (量天尺) in the Late Joseon Dynasty

We investigated the six remaining Yang-cheon-cheoks (量天尺), which were first described in the Veritable Record of King Sukjong (肅宗實錄). These woodblock sundials from Korea are structurally very similar to a Gyupyo (圭表, gnomon) or an altitude sundial and are light, compact, and portable. The front side of a Yang-cheon-cheok has two holes for styluses and several hour-lines. We compared the intervals of the hour-lines from the originating point of the stylus placement on all Yang-cheon-cheoks and found that two of the relics had the same hour-lines using the standard of the unit of 1 chon (寸). These two were actually the same sundial although the physical size was different. In spite of the lack of time accuracy, we hypothesize that various-sized Yang-cheon-cheoks were made and widely distributed throughout the public in the late Joseon Dynasty.

숙종(肅宗)의 중완혈(中脘穴) 수구사(受灸事) 연구 - 『승정원일기』 약방기록을 중심으로 -

Korea Institute of Oriental MedicineObjectives : To investigate the progress, characteristics, and reasons of CV12 moxibustion that King Sukjong of Joseon Dynasty had experienced 31 years since 1684. Methods : This study mainly extracted the records and related records about CV12 moxibustion of King Sukjong and relevant records from Seungjeongwon Ilgi, and analyzed them. Aside from that, medical books wrote at that time and relevant records were additionally investigated.Results : King Sukjong cauterized CV12 or other CV12 related acupoints with moxa 21 years out of his 31 years from 1684 to 1714. The cautery period was usually between late January and mid February. He had 100 pieces of moxa for cautery. On the last day of his moxibustion, he cauterized ST36 with moxa. The moxibustion process consisted of the following steps: suggestion or requirement of moxibustion, decision of date and time, and moxa cautery. In 1684, the reason why King Sukjong cauterized CV12 with moxa was to treat his joint pain and nauseous symptoms. The effect can be found in Donguibogam, many other Korean medical books, and other general books at that time. In 1685, he began to cauterize CV12 with moxa to prevent diseases. Since then, most moxa cautery on CV12 had been performed in the same context.