Iran's Nuclear Program Research Articles

Japan-Iran relations in the post-war era: The Middle Eastern dilemma for Japan

After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran did not change its policy towards Japan, which was not only perceived separately from the West, but was also a major customer of its raw resources and a potential economic donor. In turn, Japan had to pursue the policy of unstable balancing towards Iran, by coordinating its Middle Eastern policy with its strategic ally, the United States, and simultaneously trying to preserve close ties with Iran, which were important from the point of view of maintaining energy security. The article shows how Japan tried to maneuver between these two countries: it took steps to realize large-scale economic projects in Iran’s energy sector, to limit sanctions, which were minimal on its side, etc., and simultaneously participated in the anti-Iran campaign pursued by Western countries under the pressure of the US, or under the influence of major crises in the region (for example, the Iran-Iraq War). Japan continues to face this “Middle Eastern dilemma” in present times as well. It could partly have been solved by the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on the Iranian nuclear program in 2015, were it not for the fact that, two years later, under the US administration of Donald Trump, the US-Iran relations worsened significantly. Nevertheless, in this period, Japan successfully tried its mediatory potential, making use of its good relations with both parties of the conflict: on the one hand, it refused to participate in the US operation in the Strait of Hormuz, on the other, it halted the unfreezing of Iran’s funds in its banks, which had been blocked after the introduction of sanctions by the US administration of Donald Trump. Recently, the activization of China in the region has become a factor of risk for Japan’s Middle Eastern policy, as China tries to use the weaking positions of the US and to occupy the vacuum that was left in its wake, which is illustrated by the signing of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership agreement between Beijing and Tehran in March 2021. This forces Japan to deliberately strengthen its positions and expand its presence in Iran. It appears that Japan’s approaches to solving the “Middle Eastern dilemma” deserve special attention in the future as well.

French Nuclear Policy Towards Iran: From the Shah to the Islamic Republic

ABSTRACT Since 2005, European and French foreign policy towards Iran have been caught between the change of Iran policy under Republican and Democrat administrations, on the one hand, and the Islamic Republic nuclear diplomacy on the other hand. To illustrate this argument, the article will provide a detailed history of Iranian-French relations, particularly pertaining to nuclear technology. The French discourse on a future nuclear Iranian threat reflects the dominant discourse within Western nuclear-weapon states on the nuclear ‘other’. Therefore, this article aims to shed light on the growing gap between France’s official nuclear ideology and the reality of internal and diplomatic developments of the Iranian nuclear program. I will deconstruct the official discourse produced in France on the Iranian quest for nuclear power to explore the complexity of the factors determining Iran’s nuclear choices and the conclusion of the 2015 Nuclear Deal.

Non-proliferation precedents: conflict between the US and Iran in the context of deterring the iranian nuclear program

American efforts to prevent the creation of nuclear weapons by Iran from the 1950s to the present are analyzed. The development of the Iranian nuclear weapons crisis is assessed in its historical context: from the concept of Iran's nuclear program under the Shah to the achievement of a threshold level in the creation of nuclear weapons today. It is emphasized that during the years of allied relations with the Shah's Iran, Washington downplayed the role of non-proliferation. It is substantiated that after the victory of the 1979 Revolution, American policy was mainly focused not on the legal and technical aspects of the nonproliferation process, but on the desire to use criticism of the Iranian nuclear program to isolate Iran and achieve a change in the country's ruling religious leadership. It is substantiated that the sanctions did not force Tehran to abandon nuclear research, but only slowed down the pace of development of the Iranian nuclear weapons program. It is shown that President Trump's decision to withdraw the US from the JCPOA in 2018 is a sabotage of nuclear non-proliferation, by early 2023 Iran has become much closer to creating nuclear weapons. It is assumed that Tehran could develop nuclear weapons in just a few months if it chooses to do so.

Enhancing Cybersecurity against Stuxnet in the Future of Cyberwarfare: A Combined Approach Using Firewalls and Intrusion Detection Systems

Stuxnet is a highly customized malware developed to destroy centrifuges used in the Iranian nuclear program through SCADA systems. It infects a computer through a USB drive, making it effective for targeting air-gapped networks. Stuxnet is larger and more complex than an equivalent worm; it is created in several different programming languages, and some components are encrypted. The malware utilizes four unprecedented zero-day vulnerability attacks that exploit application security vulnerabilities before developers become aware of the vulnerability. Additionally, it employs advanced rootkit technology to conceal itself from users and antimalware software on both Windows and the control computer it targets. To strengthen cybersecurity, this study implemented and configured a combination of firewalls and intrusion detection systems (IDS) to enhance security against the Stuxnet malware. By integrating these security measures, the aim was to establish a robust defense against the sophisticated attack methods employed by Stuxnet. It is essential to continuously update and adapt these security measures as the threat landscape evolves. By remaining vigilant and proactive, organizations can effectively safeguard their systems from sophisticated threats like Stuxnet, bolstering their cybersecurity defenses.

Iranian nuclear program

Iranian nuclear program

Should the JCPOA be Revived? An Analysis of the Iran Nuclear Deal

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is referred to as one the peaceful settlement of the international dispute in the form of a multilateral agreement restricting Iran's nuclear development in exchange for the lifting of economic sanctions. However, some issues have emerged since the agreement entered into effect. The United States withdrew from the agreement and reimposed the economic sanctions against Iran, consequently affecting Iran’s commitment to its nuclear obligations. State Parties' initiative to reinstate the agreement in its original form is invalid under international law since the issue is Iran and the United States' actions. In this research, the authors examined the termination and establishment of a new agreement as a strategy to overcome existing issues. The research methodology combines qualitative research with normative legal research. The results showed that the JCPOA is a "treaty of contract" agreement that binds only the State Parties and must be terminated because the unilateral United States withdrawal and Iran's loosening of compliance obligations effected the agreement to run out of control, preventing it from achieving its targeted purpose. After the agreement is terminated, a new agreement on Iran's nuclear program should establish in accordance with international law.

The state and prospects of Russian-Israeli relations

Relations between our country and Israel have generally developed in a positive way throughout the modern history of Russia: both parties got used to take into consideration each other's positions, observe so-called “red lines” and the interests of the partner. Today, against the background of the events in the Ukraine and the anti-Russian campaign launched by the West, to which the Israeli leaders have partly joined, the Russian-Israeli relations have entered a period of crisis, which threatens the future of multi-format bilateral cooperation. Several factors aff ect the state of the Russian-Israeli relations: the Iranian nuclear program and the situation in Syria, the Middle East settlement, as well as issues of Russian property in Israel, above all the status of the Alexander Compound. Washington's desire to draw Israel into the confrontation with Russia by all means including the problems that have arisen due to the events in the Ukraine, has become a catalyst for the process of degradation of bilateral relations. This situation can be reversed if Israel shows greater political fl exibility and will in resisting the pressure by American administration, which is interested in undermining the established ties between Tel Aviv and Moscow, and trust between the leaders of the countries. The Israeli establishment should make a revision of the current policy towards Russia, work out in advance all the consequences of the deterioration of bilateral relations, as it will cause a negative effect for the whole Middle East considering the weight of Russia in the region as also in a global dimension. If maintained, the current course of the Israeli authorities will inevitably lead to a complication of the internal political situation in Israel itself in view of almost 2 million of so-called "Russian Israelis" referred to immigrants from our country and other former Soviet republics, who appreciate the decisive role of the USSR and the Red Army in the Victory over Nazism as well as the common memory of the Holocaust tragedy.

A Rare Successful Nonproliferation Policy: The JCPOA

AbstractIn July 2015, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) addressed the international community's concerns about Iran's nuclear program. The United States and the other P5+1 countries (the permanent members of the UN Security Council, plus Germany) agreed to lift the nuclear‐related economic and financial sanctions they had imposed. This article discusses how the US administration successfully formulated a nonproliferation policy to convince Iran to engage in nuclear negotiations in the period before the 2015 agreement and how diplomacy and sanctions were used as integrated tools to achieve the goal of nonproliferation. The article also focuses on the administration's agitating for more sanctions and isolation of Tehran from the international community while employing the two diplomatic methods. In implementing the strategy, it faced major domestic and foreign challenges. Nevertheless, the US nonproliferation strategy toward Iran achieved its primary purpose.

US Foreign Policy towards Iran During Joe Biden Administration

US foreign policy is the important driver of many events and policies at the regional and international levels. Perhaps the importance of US foreign policy towards Iran comes from the great importance of both countries. Many other regional and international policies, as well as Iran, which is an important and influential player in a large number of issues, especially at the regional level, in addition to the most prominent issue through which it interacts with a large number of major powers, led by the United States of America, as is the case with the Iranian nuclear program. And the US foreign policy towards Iran came with the assumption of (Joe Biden) government different from that of his predecessor (Donald Trump).
 From toughness and imposing more sanctions and tightening the noose politically and economically on Iran to a new policy with a completely different view and awareness (which from the point of view of the new administration did not bring any real results about stopping the Iranian nuclear program and thus achieve the American interest), among the new directions that it adopted (Joe Biden) that more sanctions and tension in relations with Iran have not worked, or at least do not serve the American interest, as the existence of hostile or tense relations with Iran with all the elements that Iran possesses of geopolitical and political power and important natural resources may push it to be Companies and cooperation with other parties that represent a threat to American exclusivity, as is the case with Russia and China.

Iran’s Multilateral Diplomacy on The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Related to The Development of Nuclear Energy 2009-2015

Since the Islamic revolution of Iran in 1979, the United States and its allies don’t like Iran's nuclear program and aim to manufacture nuclear weapons and assumed that Iran’s nuclear has violated the NPT treaty. Over time Iran sanctions in the form of a resolution by the UN Security Council due to the allegations provided by the United States and its allies. To maintain and acquire nuclear development rights, the Iranian government conducts diplomacy with the IAEA as an international atomic agency. This research explains influential factors in multilateral diplomacy success by Iran on IAEA related to nuclear energy development during 2009-2015 using the concept of multilateral diplomacy by Ronald A. Walker. The method used is qualitative method with descriptive analysis and data collection techniques are the study of literature. Iran is considered successful multilateral diplomacy through the formation of a collective agreement in the form of a comprehensive Joint Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015 in Vienna. The Iranian government has been actively disseminating information related to nuclear development, as well as adhering to the multilateral treaty that has been ratified as the NPT safeguards agreement and additional protocol. the Iranian government actively negotiated since 2009 to send a delegation to the various meetings

Қазақстан Республикасының саяси үрдістеріндегі медиация: мәселелері және болашағы

This article discusses the problems and prospects for the development of the institution of mediation in the Republic of Kazakhstan. The authors of the article consider the features of the institution of mediation and the need for its use in Kazakhstan and identify the specifics of the implementation of mediation in Kazakhstan. The development of mediation in the political system of Kazakhstan at the national and international levels was studied, and the role of Kazakhstan as a moderator in resolving the problem of the Iranian nuclear program and the Astana process on Syria was considered.

Nuclear Program of Iran and its Repercussions on the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Countries

This study aims to analyze the Iranian nuclear program and its implications for the GCC countries, and in the framework of that, it was addressed three axes; the emergence and development of the Iranian nuclear program, and then the impact of it on the Gulf region, and finally the official positions and visions of the GULF Cooperation Council countries of the Iranian nuclear program. To achieve the objectives of the study, the historical approach has been used in order to track the historical roots of the Iranian nuclear file, and the descriptive analytical approach to analyze information. The study reached several conclusions, the most important of which is that the period of the 1950s was the actual beginning of the adoption of the Iranian nuclear program, and that the Iranian nuclear program negatively affects the Gulf states as it threatens regional stability in the Gulf region and leads to the destabilization of the economic security of the Gulf States of the Arab Gulf, and the official positions on Iran's nuclear program were fragmented, the most important of which was the recognition and affirmation of Iran's right to preserve its nuclear technology for peaceful uses and support a peaceful and diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear crisis. In light of these findings, some recommendations and proposals have been reached, the most important of which is to draw the attention of Arab diplomacy to play an important role against the Iranian nuclear issue.

The Future of Iran's Nuclear Dossier: Possible Options

AbstractFor more than two decades, the nuclear issue has overshadowed Iran's foreign policy, becoming a major crisis in international politics. On the one hand, great powers and some regional countries are concerned about the military dimension of Iran's nuclear program; on the other hand, Iran is pursuing its nuclear rights confirmed by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The challenge has encountered ups and downs in recent years, from the nuclear deal in 2015 to the verge of war between Iran and the United States during Donald Trump's presidency. This background has obscured the future of nuclear Iran's dossier. Accordingly, this research aims to address possible scenarios facing the parties. Based on the current realities, it concludes that the best possible option is returning to the nuclear deal signed in 2015. If both sides fulfill their commitments, it will pave the way for resolving other disputes.

Understanding the changing health of the Iranian people

The Iranian people have suffered much. At the end of the 1980s, Iran emerged from a decade-long war with Saddam Hussein's Iraq, experiencing the loss of at least 200 000 lives and massive economic damage.1 In 2006, international sanctions, imposed in response to Iran's nuclear programme, had inevitable consequences for health.2 Yet, despite these challenges, successive Iranian governments have undertaken two major health-system reforms. A new analysis in The Lancet by the Global Burden of Disease (GBD) 2019 Iran Collaborators3 based on data from 1990 to 2019 from the GBD project investigated health trends during these complex times.

The Effects and Repercussions of the Iranian Nuclear Program on the Arab Gulf States' Security in Light of Varied Gulf Positions toward Iran

الأهداف: هدفت الدراسة إلى استعراض واقع البرنامج النووي الإيراني، من حيث نشأته وتطوره وتوجهاته المستقبلية، بالإضافة إلى الوقوف على بعض بنود الاتفاقيات والمعاهدات الدولية الخاصة بالأنشطة النووية، وكذلك بيان واقع العلاقات الخليجية الإيرانية، ومحاولة وضع تصورات مقترحة تجاه توحيد العمل الخليجي فيما يتعلق بالملف النووي الإيراني وتداعياته على أمن دول منطقة الخليج. المنهج: تبنت الدراسة المنهج التاريخي التحليلي، حيث تناول المنهج التاريخي سرداً توضيحياً للتطورات التي شهدتها منطقة الخليج العربي منذ بدايات نشوء الأنشطة النووية الإيرانية، في حين تناول المنهج التحليلي عرضاً تحليلياً لموقف المجتمع الدولي ومؤسساته تجاه البرنامج النووي الإيراني، والمعاهدات والاتفاقيات الدولية التي سعت إلى ضبط هذا البرنامج. النتائج: أظهرت نتائج الدراسة أن هناك تبايناً في مواقف دول الخليج العربي في علاقاتها مع الجمهورية الإسلامية الإيرانية، وانعكاسات هذا التباين في المواقف على التوصل لموقف موحد وقوي تجاه ملف إيران النووي وآثاره الأمنية على دول المنطقة، كما أظهرت النتائج تنوع السيناريوهات المحتملة أمام دول الخليج للتعامل مع الملف النووي الإيراني بهدف الحد من التداعيات الأمنية على منطقة الخليج العربي، كذلك أظهرت النتائج الآثار والتداعيات الأمنية للبرنامج النووي الإيراني على دول الخليج من حيث الأبعاد العسكرية والإستراتيجية والبيئية والاقتصادية. أوصت الدراسة بضرورة سعي دول الخليج الجاد والموحد نحو بناء إستراتيجية واحدة متزنة ومتوافقة في التعامل مع الطرف الإيراني، تكون مظلتها الرئيسة مجلس التعاون لدول الخليج العربية، كما أوصت الدراسة بأهمية الإبقاء على جميع الخيارات مفتوحة أمام دول الخليج العربي في التعامل مع الطرف الإيراني. الخاتمة: العامل المعزز الذي ساهم في استمرارية عجلة طهران في أطماعها التوسعية يعود إلى تشتت مواقف دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي وتباين مواقف دوله الفردية تجاه التعامل مع إيران.

To Be or Not to Be: Great Power Dilemmas and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

Mark Fitzpatrick, Michael Elleman and Paulina Izewicz. 2019. Uncertain Future: The JCPOA and Iran’s Nuclear and Missile Programmes. Routledge. 168 pp. ISBN: 9780367197056. Dennis C. Jett. 2018. The Iran Nuclear Deal: Bombs, Bureaucrats, and Billionaires. Palgrave Macmillan. 481 pp. ISBN: 9783319598222. Moritz. Pieper. 2018. Hegemony and Resistance around the Iranian Nuclear Programme. Routledge. 190 pp. ISBN: 9780367173807. Farhad Rezaei. 2017. Iran’s Nuclear Program: A Study in Proliferation and Rollback. Palgrave Macmillan. 272 pp. ISBN: 9783319441191. Trita Parsi. 2017. Losing an Enemy: Obama, Iran, and the Triumph of Diplomacy. Yale University Press. 472 pp. ISBN: 9780300218169. This article looks at the competing dilemmas faced by the great powers and the reasons for their eventual cooperation concerning Iran’s nuclear programme. The great powers were divided between those who wanted a total roll back and those who supported meaningful and verifiable limits. Using the levels of analysis framework, the article looks at individual actors, structural factors and the domestic interconnections that sustained the Iranian nuclear crisis and propelled its eventual resolution in the form of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.

Consequences of U.S Withdrawal from Iran Nuclear deal on Iraq: (A study to assess Political and Security Aspects)

The aim of this research is to make an overall assessment of American Withdrawal from Iranian Nuclear Program and its impacting on political and security aspects in Iraq; however this study took a year 2013, as launching point due to this year Iran retains of its a nuclear program. Besides Iran has also announced that it is working on a new Nuclear Power reactor. The findings of this research shows that the continuing of Iran's government to reject any intention regarding the developing of nuclear bombs. But stepping away from its obligations rather Iran seeks to increasing stockpiles of enriched uranium that may will bring the country nearer to possess the ability to do so.The findings of this research also explore that Iran's possession of nuclear weapons, that will create instability in the Arab Gulf region in particular Saudi Arabia, Emerita and other countries

IRAN AND THE WEST: A DISCOURSE ON SANCTION PRESSURE OVER NUCLEAR PROGRAMME

Iran relations with the west over a decade have been characterized by multiple sanctions over its nuclear program. This study focuses on the sanctions imposed on Iran to compel the state to discontinue with suspected weaponisation of its nuclear program. It interrogated some of the available literature on the subject and the historical method of analysis was deployed. The paper argues that although the current sanctions pressure have negatively impacted the Iranian economy, it is no longer a viable strategy in dealing with the Iranian nuclear program because it is most likely not to achieve the desired result of a complete abandonment of the nuclear program. It reveals that the US snapback of sanctions on Iran is not only threatening transatlantic solidarity but further creates a deep divide between the USon one hand and China and Russia on the other hand that is opposed to such unilateral actions of the US. The paper concluded that the west particularly the US must resolve differences withChina and Russia to achieve broad international cooperation needed to push Iran to the round table to negotiate in a multilateral format all the contentious issues bothering on its nuclear program including accepting restraints.KEYWORDS: Iran, the West, Analysis, Sanctions Pressure, Nuclear Programme

Проблемы и перспективы Договора о нераспространении ядерного оружия

Originally slated for spring 2020, the Tenth Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons took place from August 1 to 26, 2022. The Conference was meant to have an important symbolic significance due to it being initially scheduled to take place in the same year as the 50th anniversary of the entry into force of the NPT and the 25th anniversary of its indefinite extension. As expected, the Review Conference ended without an outcome document, but the states parties came rather close to achieving a consensus. The main obstacle was the wording of the outcome document related to the situation around the Zaporizhzhia NPP. The atmosphere at the Tenth NPT Review Conference was heavy. In addition to ‘chronic’ issues that have plagued the review process for decades, the states parties faced a severe European security crisis fomented by the events in and around Ukraine. The new 2023-2026 NPT review cycle will once again challenge the NPT member states and their resolve to cooperate and work together towards a common goal. Now, more than perhaps ever, it is important to preserve the NPT and the international non-proliferation regime and lay the groundwork for future cooperation that will take place after the current Ukrainian crisis reaches a settlement. It would be highly beneficial if states prepared certain deliverables in advance of the next NPT members meeting. That could include further negotiations on the US-Russia arms control and strategic stability, the restoration of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on Iranian nuclear program and talks on the establishment of a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear Weapons and other Weapons of Mass Destruction.

An Illusory Entente: The Myth of a Russia-China-Iran “Axis”

The Russian factor in Sino-Iranian relations has been an outgrowth of Moscow's relations with Beijing and Tehran which each occupy distinct, though at times overlapping, roles in Russian foreign policy. Whereas the economic ties between Beijing and Tehran have been crucial in the evolution of Sino-Iranian relations, Russia-Iran relations have been driven by converging security concerns with an emphasis on regional issues ranging from the Caspian Sea to Afghanistan. This article begins with an overview of the convergences in Russia, China, and Iran's view of international order, which has materialised in the nascent collective efforts to contest the basis of ostensibly ‘liberal' norms and practices. It proceeds to examine the Russian and Chinese role in the evolution of the Iranian nuclear programme and joint Sino-Russian collaboration during P5+1 negotiations. Next, it shifts its focus to regional and domestic security through Iran's engagement with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and through Beijing and Moscow's transmission of sovereignty-boosting practices to strengthen regime stability. Finally, it concludes with Iran's role in Russian efforts to link the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) with China’s Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) as well as the wider efforts at supporting de-dollarisation. Yet, despite ideational convergences and coordination on salient issues, it would be erroneous to suggest the existence of a formidable Russia-China-Iran axis. Rather, the tripartite relationship between Russia, China, and Iran remains an illusory entente – bereft of regularised, institutionalised relations outside of their respective bilateral ties which tend to allow only modest trilateral coordination.