National Ideology Research Articles

In Search of Public Support Toward Cultural Pluralism Enacted by Chinese “Potehi” Puppetry Acculturation

Indonesia is a country built from cultural pluralism and multi ethnicities. “Bhineka Tunggal Ika” is a paradigm propagated to build community’s mindset to build understanding among people from different traits, cultures, and religions. Diversities have potentials to increase social tensions, crises, and extremism that are all threatened the community resilience. At the same time, diversities continue to increase together with the increased number of migrations. As such, cultures embedded to migrated people and acculturate into the local people and cultures. One of the products of acculturation is Chinese Glove Puppetry, or Wayang Potehi. There have been so many studies investigating the acculturation process and the efforts of the enthusiasts to make this culture accepted by the local people. This is a good phenomenon as the understanding multiculturalism leading to strong resilience. However, there is a lack of data of how the commitment of public either from a group of local people and Chinese descendants in Indonesia accepting this acculturation and accepting this as a part of cultural pluralism. The present study surveyed 102 respondents revealing their commitment toward pluralism. The findings revealed driving and inhibiting factors. National ideology, the urge to unite, and external dangers are driving forces, while inadequate appreciation of pluralism, tolerance, and social disparity are inhibiting forces.

“Wholesome Utility”: Patriarchy and Black Nationalism in Paradise

Abstract: This essay examines the relationship between patriarchal culture and Black separatist politics in Toni Morrison’s Paradise . While these two themes are obviously central to the text, they are generally treated as merely contiguous elements of life in Ruby, Morrison’s fictional all-Black town. A close examination of classic Black nationalist discourse, however, reveals that the politics of Black separatism has, from the time of its origin, stemmed from efforts to establish a Black patriarchal order that could stand in opposition to racist institutions and practices that strip the Black man of the patriarchal status enjoyed by white men. I argue that Morrison’s novel exposes this causal relationship between patriarchal culture and Black separatism and the way that it generates within Black nationalist ideology a tendency to hijack, obscure, or even eliminate racial solidarity efforts that are more intersectional, inclusive, and democratic.

The role of Pancasila ideology in legitimizing public policies during the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia

The national ideology is often utilized as a tool to legitimize governmental actions. This study seeks to examine how government elites use the Pancasila ideology to legitimize public policies in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. Employing a grounded reflective interpretive methodological approach within the framework of postfoundational discourse, this study shows that several controversial policies implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic tended to be bolstered and justified by their alignment with the Pancasila ideology. These endeavors are chiefly undertaken by governmental actors who espouse these policies. Representing the ruling regime, these government actors consistently assert adherence to the fundamental tenets of Pancasila or self-identify as the most “Pancasilaist”. This strategy is the main characteristic of the utilization of Pancasila in legitimizing public policies during the pandemic era. Nonetheless, it is imperative to note that the prevailing political regime tends to interpret the tenets of Pancasila in accordance with their own interests. The results of this study confirm that within the context of policies aimed at managing the COVID-19 pandemic, the resultant measures have tended towards being pro-capitalist, anti-democratic, and even anti-intellectual. Nevertheless, for the ruling regime, these policies are perceived to be congruent with the Pancasila ideology. This study concluded that Pancasila is predominantly employed as a means of legitimizing actions that uphold these values.

The system of spiritual and moral values as a national ideology and the basis of national humanitarian education and upbringing

The special military operation in Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022, made the subject of ideological education of Russian youth and the country’s population as a whole actual and inevitable. This event clearly showed that a large gap has appeared in the ideological education and patriotic upbringing of the Russian population. It is impossible to fill that gap without having the appropriate tools and mechanisms to influence the minds of people, especially young people. Decree of the President of Russia V. V. Putin No. 809 of November 9, 2022 “On approval of the fundamentals of State policy for the preservation and strengthening of traditional Russian spiritual and moral values” is destined to fill the ideological vacuum that had been formed immediately after the liberal democratic revolution in Russia, which took place in the early 90s of the last century. The ideological university course “Bases of Russian Nation-building” should play a special role in solving the problem of the ideological patriotic education of Russian youth. Such basic factors as the global mission of Russia, the historical experience of the nation, the level of development of society and the state, relations with the outside world should be the main ones during developing the ideological course.

The Nation-State and the (Re)Construction of Religious, Ethnic and Gender Relations

Nationalism, nationhood, and ethnicity, as Eric Hobsbawm argued, are social processes constructed essentially from above, yet cannot be understood unless also analyzed from below.1 Inspired by European Orientalism, the intellectual advocates of Western-oriented nationalism attempted to establish a new Iranian identity based on Persian language and Iran's pre-Islamic past.2 This made Iranian nationalism an attractive ideology for some political elites, and was later endorsed by the Pahlavi dynasty (1925–79) when nationalist ideology replaced Iranianness with Persianity. In this conception, there was no room for the ethnic diversity of a nation-state that is the heir of an ancient empire. The elites’ aspirations to uniformity put pressure on members of ethnic groups to conform their way of life to a new model of Iranianness, Persianized and pro-Western. Every nonconforming element was regarded as a sign of backwardness and possible threat to the modern nation and its territorial integrity.

From Baking Competitions To Forced Repatriations: Patriotic Alternative And The Hybridity Of The Radical Right

Today, Patriotic Alternative is Britain’s largest and fastest growing radical right group. This article presents evidence in support of Patriotic Alternative being a highly original and innovative radical right group that is demarcated by its hybridity: one that brings together both authentic and inauthentic forms and ideologies of traditional nationalism. Having set out the research design, this article begins with an exploration of the origins, formation and leadership of Patriotic Alternative. From here, it does the same in relation to its ideology and activism. Next, Patriotic Alternative’s hybridity is considered in an attempt to better understand how, as a radical-right group, it combines authentic forms of traditional nationalism with newer, wholly contemporary – and thereby inauthentic – forms. Lastly, a number of conclusions are drawn about the potential future trajectory of Patriotic Alternative as also the British radical right and extreme right-wing more generally. Given Patriotic Alternative has been subjected to little if indeed any scholarly inquiry to date, this article makes a timely and much needed scholarly contribution.

Equality Drowned in Thermal Water – Environmental Racism and Antisemitism in the Context of Tourism-Centred Modernisation in Interwar North-East Hungary

This paper discusses the interrelationship between discourse about the natural environment and nationalist ideologies in interwar Hungary through a case study on the politicisation of bath culture. As a result of the peace treaty that ended World War One, in the 1930s and 1940s, a previously neglected thermal bath town in North-east Hungary became a target for national scale real estate development as well as virulent antisemitism. In order to legitimate antisemitic policy barring Jews from public baths, Hungarian Christian nationalists evoked myths about Jewish bodies being unclean and infectious and used the term ‘Galician Jew’ in reference to Galicia in Eastern Europe, a region historically associated with dirtiness and backwardness. The present study explores the discourse developing around access to thermal resources and argues that the discriminatory bath decrees pushed by the far right were the first step towards the disenfranchisement and eventual extermination of the Hungarian Jewish community.

Do It Right the First Time? Exploring the First Cross-border Acquisition and Expansion Frequency of Emerging Market Multinationals

AbstractDo it right the first time! But, how? Current dialogue on the expansion of emerging market multinational enterprises (EMNEs) is pervasive. Nonetheless, it ought to have examined strategic attributes and the speed of implementing different strategies for their first venture. Drawing on the springboard perspective, this study tests the impact of EMNEs' first cross-border acquisition (CBA) strategy and speed on their consequential expansion frequency and performance. We also examine the boundary conditions of comparative nationalism between countries, in view of the resurgence of nationalism in an era of deglobalization. Findings reveal that EMNEs' rapid adoption of a focused strategy for their first CBA increases their expansion frequency, while the adoption of a conglomerate strategy decreases it. These relationships are affected in reverse by high comparative nationalism, and the performance consequences of expansion vary with firms using different strategies for their first attempt. This study enriches the EMNE literature and highlights the role of national ideologies in international business research.

“My Country First”: Vaccine Nationalism in England?

This article asks what the main factors are that influence the expression of Vaccine Nationalism among the population of England. The analysis is based on data collected in 2021 as part of the project entitled World Problem, National Solutions. A set of logistic regressions test to what extent (1) personal experiences of the pandemic and respondents’ vulnerability, (2) perceived threat from other nations, (3) political identities and attachment to nationalist ideology, and (4) pride in national achievement at the time of the COVID-19 pandemic affect a sample of adult respondents in England to express a form of Vaccine Nationalism. The results show that Vaccine Nationalism is not affected by personal experiences or nationalist ideology. The main impact on Vaccine Nationalism among the population comes from their political orientation and pride in national achievement during the pandemic.

Counterterrorism, political anxiety and legitimacy in postcolonial India and Egypt

ABSTRACT The post 9/11 global proliferation of counterterrorism legislation is increasingly being interpreted as part of a longer story of colonialism. Scholars have shown how expansive counterterrorism can be interpreted not merely as an exceptional state of violence in situations where the rule of law and guarantees of ordinary civil liberties are suspended, but as a form of law-making that draws upon colonial logics and frameworks of governance. However, a major lacuna in this scholarship is the lack of attention to counterterrorism laws in postcolonial states and their negotiations with colonial logics of law-making. This article makes a postcolonial contribution to Critical Terrorism Studies and International Politics by showing how colonial logics of counterterrorism are repurposed by postcolonial states in comparable ways. By comparing counterterror laws in two postcolonial states, India and Egypt, this article shows how colonial logics intersect with nationalist ideologies, postcolonial anxieties, as well as an attempt by postcolonial states to seek international legitimacy post 9/11 vis-a-vis the War on Terror. In both states, counterterror laws are weaponised to target civil society activists, journalists, and religious, ethnic and other minorities in comparable ways. This article, therefore, challenges the centrality of 9/11 and state of exception/emergency in the framing of counterterror laws. In so doing, it advances knowledge of counterterrorism vis-à-vis postcolonial engagements with colonial epistemes and “normal” practices of security.

Hindu and Hindutva Ideology in Indian Polity: Examining Modi’s Administration

The idea of India as an inclusive and secular nation-state has been challenged by the rise of Hindu nationalist ideology known as Hindutva. Promoted by organisations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and political parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Hindutva advocates for the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra (nation) in India by marginalising minority groups. It involves the “otherisation” of non-Hindus, especially Muslims and Christians, and promotes the Hindu-centric narrative in the country’s history, culture, legislative and administrative setup, which seeks to transform India from a secular democratic republic to an authoritarian Hindu-supremacist one. The paper aims to analyse the widespread resentment towards Indian Muslims arguing that the formation of Hindu identity is deeply intertwined with political processes influenced by the ideologies of the RSS and BJP. It examines various facets of Indian politics, especially under Modi’s government to gain insights into the normative implementation of Hindutva within the contexts of institutionalism and linguistic discourse. It posits that the BJP’s policies and the narrative of Hindus as the ‘sons of the soil’ contribute to the marginalisation of other identities, particularly Indian Muslims. The paper examines modes to understand Hindutva’s normative approach in Modi’s government within the framework of institutionalism and linguistic discourse, focusing on Indian polity.

Admissibility of Compensation for Moral Harm as a Consequence of a Tort Committed During the Soviet Era

The article substantiates the invalidity of the position formed in the Russian judicial practice about inadmissibility of compensation for physical and moral suffering caused to citizens as a result of offenses committed during the period of the Civil Codes of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic of 1922 and 1964. For this purpose, the author turns to the discussion of Soviet jurists on the admissibility of recovery of moral damages and evaluates the arguments of the parties for compliance with positive law. As a result, it is concluded that the inadmissibility of material compensation for non-pecuniary harm at that time was conditioned by arguments of a purely ideological nature and that there were no formal obstacles in Soviet civil legislation to the fi ling and satisfaction of such claims, which could be based on the rule of the general tort.

Plotting against our nation: COVID-19, nationalisms, and conspiracy theories in five European countries

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the relationships between nationalism and conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. We focus on the two main issues: 1) the intensity and character of belief in the COVID-19 conspiracy theories across five European societies: Germany, England, Ireland, Serbia, and Sweden; and 2) how is the commitment to specific nationalist ideologies linked with the belief in conspiracy theories. The data indicates that those who described themselves as highly religious and politically right-wing are more prone to believe in the strong versions of conspiracy theories. Furthermore, primordialism and the nation-centric view of the world are positively correlated with the propensity towards stronger versions of conspiracy theories. The paper zooms in on the significant differences across the five countries: the Serbian respondents stand out in terms of their strong beliefs in conspiracy theories while the Irish and Serbian respondents who are prone to strong version of conspiratorial thinking also subscribe more to the primordialist understanding of nationhood.

The Right to Enjoy Cultural Assets

The right to cultural enjoyment holds great importance within the framework of open, plural and democratic societies. As is generally agreed, even though the state not only guarantees but also encourages access to cultural goods and cultural heritage, it is not positioned to condition this enjoyment through adopting aesthetic, philosophical or ideological guidelines. Such has often been ignored in the past, especially during the Classical and Enlightenments periods as well as blatantly under the dictatorships that prevailed in parts of the 20th century, for example the National Socialist labelling of degenerate art. However, should democracy, even cultural democratization, prevent the conditioning of any aesthetic, philosophical or ideological nature, it is no less true that the right to cultural enjoyment, protected by public policies, is never limited to guaranteeing access to cultural heritage. It implies providing and raising the conditions for better and more appropriate cultural enjoyment. Furthermore, there is a dynamic aspect to the aforementioned cultural valorization that fosters interventions aimed at qualifying and avoiding degradation as well as those dimensions designed to involve civil society, for example patronage, cooperation and exchange.

Who looks up to the Leviathan? Ideology, political trust, and support for restrictive state interventions in times of crisis

AbstractThe extent in which voters from different ideological viewpoints support state interventions to curb crises remains an outstanding conundrum, marred by conflicting evidence. In this article, we test two possible ways out from such puzzle. The role of ideology to explain support for state interventions, we argue, could be (i) conditional upon the ideological nature of the crisis itself (e.g., whether the crisis relates to conservation vs. post-materialist values), or (ii) unfolding indirectly, by moderating the role played by political trust. We present evidence from a conjoint experiment fielded in 2022 on a representative sample of 1,000 Italian citizens, in which respondents were asked whether they support specific governmental interventions to curb a crisis, described under different conditions (e.g., type of crisis, severity). Our results show that the type of crisis matters marginally – right-wing respondents were more likely to support state interventions only in the case of terrorism. More fundamentally, political trust affects the probability to support state interventions, but only for right-wing citizens.

A Sociolinguistic Study of Personal Names in Balochi Culture

This paper focuses on the personal names of Balochi culture and regards naming practices as an important aspect of the Baloch culture. Personal names are studied in this paper within the perspective of linguistics anthropology. In this paper, the focus of the study is limited to the names of people living in district Kech of Balochistan province. It is hypothesized that Personal names of Balochi culture are not arbitrary labels, but they have sociocultural tags, functions, and meanings. The date to complete requirement of the objectives have been collected through the voter list and some personal names were obtained from the primary and secondary schools of different cities of district Kech. The qualitative method has been used for analyzing the concerned data. They borrow personal names from different cultures due to religious, political, and ideological reasons however, they have always clothed them in the garments of their national ideology. On this purpose the paper discusses the typology of Balochi names including the names taken from the names of days and months, plants and tree, and circumstantial names. It also discusses about compounding naming practices of Balochi culture which are derived from the combination of two single units of words in Balochi language. The Balochi personal names through classifications and categorization show that the choices of Balochi personal names are based on social and cultural considerations. It was observed in the typology of personal names in Balochi culture which shows that how social belief and cultural practices influence the choices or selections of personal names.

Ideology, war, and genocide – the empirical case of Bosnia and Herzegovina

ABSTRACT This article explores the connections among the discursive nature of ideology, identity politics, forced displacement, and symbolic and actual war violence leading to genocide. The general framework of the article is the Bosnian War (1992–1995), waged against the country and its civilians. The analytical basis is a literature review of various studies from the domains of sociology of knowledge, war sociology, and social epistemology. It is based on the perspective of the genocide in Bosnia as a process that began in northwest and east Bosnia in 1992 and terminated in Srebrenica in 1995 (in the municipality Prijedor in northwest Bosnia in 1992, more than 3000 civilians were killed). Mass crimes and the policy of fear mongering were intended to create and recreate the collective belief that coexistence in Bosnia was impossible and that establishing “ethnically pure cultures” and “ethnically pure territories” should be accepted as a deterministic historical necessity. The results of our research indicate that crimes against civilians can be “normalized” only after a “new social order” has been established as a war order with the help of media propaganda. Genocide can be committed only if the perpetrators (and its advocates acting in the name of specific identity politics) believe that committing violence can be justified by a “higher cause.”

Mythologizing late Victorian tea advertising: the case of the Illustrated London News (1890–1900)

ABSTRACT Late-Victorian popular culture discourses around tea advertisements by companies like Lipton's Mazawattee, and United Kingdom Tea Company constitute an essential archive of Victorianism's ideological moorings. Following a revolution in Victorian tea retail, in the 1890s, tea advertisements became complex aesthetic performances of mythologizing and reconditioning the semiotics of Englishness rather than simply marketing tea for consumption. The visual impact of this mythologization was most conspicuous in The Illustrated London News. This paper examines how an elusive force, recognizable as gastromythology, cultured a set of royal, chivalric, aristocratic, domestic, gendered, and racial values familiar to English consumer psychology, in tea advertisements, published in The Illustrated London News between 1890 and 1900, that, albeit not authored by its staff, resonated with the tone and ideology of the self-commoditized weekly's journalistic commodities. This placed imperial advertisers at the helm of selecting preexisting subliminal tendencies and mythologems to replough them for visual consumption and paradigmatization by a mass-audience, in ways anticipating modern-day digital algorithms. The sociocultural impact of these advertisements is entangled with the semiotics of postcolonial Coca-Colonizations of consumer psychology, following a scheme of proselytization and parasitism with respect to national ideologies, while also introducing pharmakons and power-capillaries to that scheme.

Гражданская и этническая идентичность россиян: роль ценностей в их формировании

Background. Person's civil and ethnic identity, which are components of social identity, develop during socialization under the influence of a number of factors. J. Berry identifies cultural, political, economic and historical factors as the basis for identity formation. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the study of the role of the cultural factor, namely the structure of values, in the formation of a positive civic and ethnic identity of Russians. Objectives. The purpose of this work is to study the structure of the ethnic and civic identity of Russians as well as the influence of individual values on their formation. Study Participants. The study was conducted with the participation of 1014 respondents, ethnic Russians, aged from 19 to 83 years (Mage = 41 years; SD = 13.04; 527 women and 487 men). Methods. J. Finney's MEIM-R methods were used to measure ethnic identity. S. Schwartz's PVQ-R value structure questionnaire was also applied. Civic identity was measured using the methodology from the International Social Survey Program, adapted into Russian by L.K. Grigoryan. Results. It was found that the civic identity of Russians as the individual’s awareness of belonging to the citizens of the country is more pronounced than ethnic identity. Nationalism is expressed more than the ideology of patriotism. The affective component of ethnic identity is more pronounced than the cognitive one. Among the surveyed respondents, the values of independence, security, reputation and benevolence prevail. The values of security, benevolence and universalism increase the level of civic identity in Russians. The key positive regressor in relation to both civic and ethnic identity is the value “Tradition”. Conclusions. Socially oriented values (preservation and self-overcoming) have a positive impact on the formation of positive civic and ethnic identity of Russians. The values of personal orientation (openness to change and self-affirmation) have a negative impact on their formation.

Deconstruction of organised crime and research of war victimisation

There are many indications that various aspects and factors of large-scale war victimization could be made visible through the collection and analyses of data on organized crime in post-conflict societies. War victimisation could be understood as an outcome of opportunistic criminal activity: war conditions offer the unique opportunity to criminals and criminal groups (especially those involved in military or paramilitary formations) not only to restrain their destructive personal potentials but also to attain a new identity as ?national heroes? and gain a significantly better economic position as advantageous ?investments? to post-war criminal business. Crimes in war as well as war crimes, often perceived as basically launched by nationalistic (?blood and belonging?) ideology, could be examined from a broader hypothetical framework: nationalist ideologies should be considered not only as drives but also as means. By identifying themselves primarily as members of a specific nation who ?defend? (or victimize) a specific ethnic group, criminals of war provide not only the legitimization of crimes against other nations/ethnic groups but also of crimes against (primarily political) opponents within their ethnic group. The main aim of this paper is to argue for research on the continuity of organised criminal activities before, during and after ethnic conflicts in the Former Yugoslavia. This kind of research is argued to be a promising tool for the assessment of links between war and organized crime victimization as a way of getting a more comprehensive picture of the recent past. Research findings may further be used as the basis for creating comprehensive regional security strategies. Moreover, although the focus of this paper is on organised crime committed during the wars on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, its analyses and conclusions may be applicable to other similar contexts, including contemporary armed conflicts in different parts of the world.