National Ideology Research Articles

The Politics of Islamophobia in Indonesia: Reacting Religious Issues in Politics

This research analyses the political ramifications of Islamophobia in Indonesia, particularly how the apprehension linked to radical Islamic ideologies shapes the responses of government and political entities. Utilising a qualitative library research approach, this paper scrutinises an array of academic books, peer-reviewed journals, and scholarly articles to explore the interplay between religious anxieties and political measures. The findings indicate that the government's approach to combating perceived threats from Islamic movements involves strict enforcement of Pancasila, alleviation of fears regarding the replacement of national ideology by a caliphate, and promotion of religious moderation to deter extremism. The study highlights the politicisation of radicalism and Islamophobia, revealing the strategic use of these concerns to influence public policy and political discourse in Indonesia.

Reflections on Jewish nationalism, militarism and ageing masculinity in Yoram Kaniuk’s novel Scums

ABSTRACT This article offers a nuanced understanding of novelist Yoram Kaniuk’s national ideology as a representative of a generation, as well as unveils personal, untreated trauma as reflected in his writing. By way of doing so, it employs two research approaches: a literary speculative fiction interpretation examined through a lens of alternative history, and a cultural sociology perspective based on the concepts of ‘Imagined Communities’ and ‘Liquid Modernity’. On a broader level, his novel Scums portrays the deep disillusionment and disappointment experienced by veterans of Israel’s founding generation, who felt abandoned by their successors and betrayed by their values. On a personal level, Kaniuk’s writing reflects military flashbacks that significantly impacted his post-traumatic state of mind, which in turn influenced the way he perceived, described, and interpreted the historical fragments of his generation. Considering Kaniuk’s discomfort in discussing issues that deeply concerned him, he found solace and liberation through the medium of writing, which enabled him to express his thoughts and emotions, shouting them onto the page, unburdening himself, and making sense of his experiences. Thus, by writing in an unapologetic and candid manner, Kaniuk navigated the complexities of his inner world and external challenges, embracing his own truth and carving out a place for himself to be heard.

"Remove Kebab": The Appeal of Serbian Nationalist Ideology among the Global Far Right

This article examines the appeal of Serbian nationalist ideology among the contemporary far right. We argue that the discursive othering of Bosnian Muslims as “Turks” as well as the Serbian grand narrative presenting the Bosnian War as a civilizational struggle between Christian Europe and Islam are uniquely resonant with the popular anti-Muslim and xenophobic discourses that are mobilizing right-wing extremists across the globe. Through an analysis of Serbian and far-right discourses, we demonstrate how the patterns of representation that were used to incite and justify the violence committed against Bosnian Muslims in the 1990s are being exported to remote corners of the world via the internet, where they merge with extraneous Islamophobic and racist ideologies to inspire a new generation of extremism, hatred, and violence.

The university, student politics, and the ABVP

ABSTRACT The rise of Hindu nationalist ideologies in public universities in India has partly been accredited to the growing prominence of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). The ABVP is the student organization of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and operates on college campuses. For most observers, ABVP’s influence is linked to the dominance of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), RSS’ political organ. But in the Western Maharashtrian city of Pune, a region that has had an ABVP presence for several generations, the unit explicitly denies all associations with the BJP. In this article, I explore the historical and strategic logics behind this denial. I argue that the ABVP’s strategy in Pune is part of a longer and understudied history of an anti-political discourse that emerged in universities over the course of a century. By appealing to apolitical student interests, the ABVP is further contributing to universities becoming key sites for the production of Hindu nationalism.

Critical textbook analysis in Spanish language teaching: identifying neoliberal content

ABSTRACT This article illustrates how neoliberalism has penetrated language teaching (materials) in a very profound manner. In addition, it issues something of a call to language teachers and students to become aware of the ideological nature of the materials that mediate their activity. The article contributes to a growing field of research on the links between the content and activities of language teaching materials and the economic, political, social, cultural and historical context from which they arise. It begins with a discussion of the current dominant form of global capitalism, neoliberalism, and what it entails in terms of policies, practices and ways of being in the world. It then moves to a review of previous publications on how neoliberalism has a direct impact on the content and activities contained in commercial language teaching materials. Next, it critically analyses a textbook for adults currently used by Spanish language teachers worldwide. It ends with the two observations, one pessimistic and one more positive: while critical studies on neoliberalism and language textbooks over the last decade have had little or no influence on language teaching materials, there is hope that teachers and students might engage in the kind of critical analysis of said materials outlined in this paper.

Echoes of the “Azdarar” Newspaper in Kuwait Concerning the Activities of the Armenian National Committee on the Issue of Recognition of the Armenian Genocide (2014-2017)

Key words: Kuwait, Armenian Genocide, Armenian National Committee, Diaspora, weekly newspaper “Azdarar”, demand The Armenian National Committee stands out for its role and significance among the many Armenian lobbying organizations operating in the modern Diaspora. Promoting the process of international recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide is the key activity of the latter. The Armenian National Committee is highly influential in the Armenian communities of the Diaspora. The activities of the Committee are actively covered on the pages of the newspaper “Azdarar” published in Kuwait. Since 1996, the socio-political weekly “Azdarar” has been published at the republican level. The newspaper covers the life of the local Armenian community, publishes news from Armenia and various Diaspora communities, conducts analysis and covers important international events. After the events in Yerevan in 1965 the process of recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide resumed. It entered the modern stage after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Armenia on August 23, 1990. Since 1998, the issue of international recognition of the Armenian Genocide has a permanent place on the foreign policy agenda of the Republic of Armenia. The weekly newspaper “Azdarar” covers the activities of the Armenian National Committee for the recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide from the standpoint of national ideology. The newspaper does not consider the advancement of Armenian demands to be a monopoly of Diaspora Armenians and Armenian lobbying structures operating in the Diaspora, but considers it a process reflecting the unity and efforts of all Armenians.

National Democracy and Nazism. The Asymmetry of Relations

The relationship between Polish nationalism and fascism and National Socialism has been the subject of numerous publications, especially those that are part of the Polish scientific literature. There is a peculiar asymmetry embedded in this relationship. During the interwar period and nowadays, this subject has been reflected on rather on the Polish side rather than the German side. The author attempts to answer a question about reasons for this asymmetry. In the 1930s, German interest in Polish nationalism was limited. Publications dealing specifically with Eastern European issues were the only to designate more space and attention to the topic. The publications, however, almost completely ignored official NSDAP sources. The shape and evolution of the national camp in Poland focused on a few issues only and it was a domain of a few authors whose names appear in various periodicals. In Germany, a hypothetical explanation for this phenomenon is based on fundamental contradictions that divided the Polish and German forms of nationalism at the time, namely the absence of the biological-racial dimension in the Polish national ideology and its strong connection with Catholicism. The practical absence of the Polish national movement in German articles of the 1930s might be attributed to the doctrine and racist objectives of National Socialism.

Pancasila Sebagai Sistem Filsafat

Pancasila, as the state foundation and ideology of the Indonesian nation, not only functions as a guide to national and state life, but also as a philosophical system that underlies the outlook on life, ideals and values ​​held by Indonesian society. As a philosophical system, Pancasila contains five interrelated principles and forms an integral framework for thinking. These five precepts reflect universal noble values ​​and contain moral principles that can be applied in various aspects of life. This study aims to analyze Pancasila as a philosophical system, explore the deep meaning of each principle, and understand its relevance and application in the context of modern life. Through a philosophical approach, it is hoped that this research can strengthen understanding of Pancasila as a moral and ethical foundation, as well as a guide in developing a just, prosperous and dignified society.

Internalization of Indonesian Economic Ideology on Formal Education for Elementary School Level

This research aims to internalize and indoctrinate Indonesian economic ideology through economic learning for elementary school students and also test the effectiveness of economic learning tools based on the Articles of the 1945 Constitution. This research applied a Design Based Research (DBR) development research approach. The results of this research are economic learning development products based on articles of the 1945’s Constitution which are based on joint efforts based on the principle of kinship, which can effectively indoctrinate and internalize elementary school students in the economic ideology of the Indonesian nation. This process is carried out by instilling Indonesian economic ideology from an early age, students can know, recognize and have the character of the values of Indonesian economic ideology in their lives.

Reception of the figure of Mykhailo Hrushevskyi in diasporic historiography: a new historiographic meaningful

The article analyzes the first monograph of the historian Mykhailo Sabinskyi “The figure of Mykhailo Hrushevskyi in Ukrainian foreign historiography of the 1940s-1980s.”. The book highlights the complex processes of formation and disciplinary complication of diasporic Hrushevskiana. First of all, the author investigated that the period 1940-1965 is an important stage of Ukrainian diaspora historiography, which marked a gradual departure from the concepts and practices of mainland Ukrainian studies of the previous era and convergence with Western socio-humanitarianism. Next, M. Sabinskyi proved that the centenary anniversary of M. Hrushevskyi was a significant event in the intellectual life of Ukrainians abroad. Despite the stereotyped thinking of some diaspora figures, thanks to extensive media promotion and numerous public and scientific initiatives, it was possible to turn the personal date of the distinguished scientist into a holiday of Ukrainian culture, which is important for the consolidation of the emigrant community. The researcher showed that all this made possible the emergence of L. Vynar's disciplinary initiative to start scientific Hrushevskyi’s studies. The modern historian emphasized that the dynamism of the progress of this field of Ukrainian studies in the following decades allows us to confirm the power of the historiographical impulse given by the anniversary events. In conclusion, the author noted that the diasporic Hrushevskiana appears as a historiographical phenomenon that is complex in its ideological nature and diverse in its forms of realization and stylistic practices. Being a means of inter-party emigration confrontation in the first post-war years, it went through the stages of institutionalization and disciplinary formation during the following decades. As a result, a respectable field of Ukrainian studies emerged, whose representatives systematically interpret the national phenomenon of M. Hrushevskyi in the broad context of his time. It was the solid academic level of diaspora Hrushevskyi’s studies achieved at the end of the 1980s that enabled the significant achievements of mainland historiography in its study of the legacy of the historian after independence.

Reconceptualizing Journalists as a Fractured Interpretive Community: Updating the Journalistic Interpretive Community Framework for the 21st Century

Taking a discursive approach, this study applies the concept of metajournalistic discourse to the study of press freedom debates in a postcolonial context stretching from 1993 to 2023 between the Zimbabwean public and private press. Based on a textual analysis of press freedom debates, combined with interviews with various news media stakeholders held between December 2022 and January 2023 in Harare, the study finds support for the previous argument that the idea of journalistic interpretive communities does not really hold under contested contexts beyond liberal Western democracies. The study extends this idea by reconceptualizing journalistic communities beyond liberal Western democracies as fractured interpretive communities. The study further argues that rising polarization and epistemic contests under liberal Western democracies now threaten journalistic interpretive communities as previously understood. This is especially so for those journalists who operate under a contested and polarized news media and political environment, without a single dominant national ideology.

Žepa- The UN „Safe Zone"

Cyclically for several centuries in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there have been carried out crimes against humanity, serious violations of the Geneve Conventions and violations of the laws and customs of war and other crimes aginst the protected persons and social groups. Crimes are usually committed during armed conflicts. The mass crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the previous two centuries were primarily determined by the ideologies of territorial nationalism and the projects for their realisations by the neighbouring Croatia and Serbia. Additionally, in the armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995 numerous crimes against humanity, serious violations of the Geneva Conventios, violations of the laws and costums of war and other crimes against protected objects, in its individual and mass nature, were also committed including the most serious crime that humanity has experienced since its inception- the crime of genocide. The Serbian-Montenegrin aggressor committed numerous forms of crimes against humanity and international law in all occupied towns and cities of the internationally regonised state and and a member of the United Nations (UN). The attacks on the area of the municipality of Rogatica whach are the subject of this research are considered to be the pattern which the aggressor (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and its collaborators (Bosnian Serbs) used in order to completely exterminate Bosniaks from the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina which they intended to occupy militarily. The intention and method of committing Serbian crimes in the area of Podrinje, which also included the municipality of Rogatica, during the Greater Serbian aggression in 1992-1995 are the same as the chetnik crimes against the Bosniak population during the World War II. Zepa, the largest of the ten local communities in the municipality of Rogatica, became a small Bosnian enclave during the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina that resisted the attacks and blows of a far superior enemy until the middle of 1995. Resolution No.824 declaring Zepa a „safe zone” of the United Nations was adopted on May 6, 1993 by the UN Security Council. The aggressor continued the coordinated and systematic „cleansing” of the Bosniak population from that area consciously ignoring the fact that Zepa was declared a „safe zone” by the UN. The attacks on the Bosniaks of Zepa were not of different character compared to the attacks on other areas of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially Podrinje. Attacks on Bosniaks as an ethnic, national, national and religious group as a whole, and therefore those from the area of Zepa, were an integral part of the Greater Serbian ideology, policy and practice of creating the so-called Great Serbia. This research aims to shed light on the importance and status of the UN „safe zone”, the attitude of the international community towards the aggressor and the victims, the aggressor's activities up to the complete occupation of this „safe zone” and the crimes committed against Bosniaks.

Transformation of Ethnonationalist Ideology among Former the Free Aceh Movement Combatants After the MoU Helsinki Peace Agreement in Bireuen Regency

Bireuen Regency is one of the vital base areas for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). This movement was established in 1976 and was led by Hasan Tiro. Throughout the movement, the Bireuen district became the birthplace of influential GAM fighter figures during the Aceh conflict. While actively fighting for Indonesian independence, GAM carried the ideology of Acehnese ethnonationalism. However, after the signing of the MoU on the Helsinki peace agreement on December 15, 2005, former GAM combatants transformed into a local political party in Aceh and participated in national elections. This study is interesting to examine because this transformation aligns with the acceptance of the ideology of Indonesian nationalism. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the factors that led to the transformation of ethnonationalist ideology among former GAM combatants after the Helsinki MoU in Bireuen Regency. Using qualitative methods based on interviews, the results of this study show that four factors caused the transformation of GAM ideology: peace factors, profit orientation, comfort, compulsion, and disappointment.

Tracing ideologies, influences, and politics: the shaping of a state monopoly in Turkey’s sports system (1920s–1990s)

ABSTRACT Despite Turkey’s changing political regimes, sports have remained under state governance since 1938. This article analyzes the ideologies, influences, and politics that have shaped this state monopoly over the sports system across three phases from the 1920s to the 1990s: establishment, stabilization, and instrumentalization. The establishment phase aimed to align sports with nation-building ideals, incorporating nationalist ideology and paramilitarism. The stabilization phase embraced a statist approach influenced by socio-economic conditions and Soviet influence. The instrumentalization phase, beginning with the Özal years, utilized sports for political discourse and socio-economic purposes, retaining the state-run system even during the era of neoliberalization.

Post-Soviet Civilizational Transit in Central Asia

The relationship between politics and history is becoming complex and tense in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia. The history of the countries and peoples of the region becomes the subject of an intense ideological struggle, during which Soviet historiography is partially, and sometimes completely, rejected, and new ideological myths are created that have no real historical basis. Not only historiography is being rethought, but also its context – historical memory, the historical culture of the new states of Central Asia. On the one hand, the ruling elites seek to place the historical memory of the Central Asian peoples under strict state control, affirming the ideology of state nationalism and referring to it not only political doctrines, but also traditions, religion, philosophy, social and human sciences. The rejection of society from cultural memory is typical for Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. On the other hand, historical memory becomes an ideological tool of intra-elite political struggle and society (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan). This is the essence of the post-Soviet civilizational transit in Central Asia.

Formation of national image and translation practice of Chinese political discourse in the context of the digital age - on the example of Chinese diplomatic communiqués

This study aims to analyze the impact of Chinese political discourse translation practices on the formation of state image in the digital era, using Chinese diplomatic documents as illustrative material. Diplomatic documents, including diplomatic communiqués, play a crucial role in political propaganda and international communication, holding significant strategic value in international relations. Analyzing the processes and strategies involved in translating diplomatic documents allows for a deeper understanding of how different translation methods influence the portrayal of a state. The accuracy and cultural adaptation of diplomatic translation directly affect the perception of Chinese policies and the image of the state by foreign audiences. While literal translation may preserve the accuracy of the original, it does not always convey cultural context and political intentions. In contrast, free translation and cultural adaptation contribute to a better understanding and acceptance of political information and the state's image by the target audience. Thus, the translation practice of diplomatic documents is not only a linguistic process but also a crucial strategy for shaping the state's image. This study employs textual analysis methods and is grounded in translation theory to analyze the use of vocabulary and sentence structure in the translation of diplomatic documents. The research aims to identify translation strategies used and to uncover hidden national images. The findings indicate that different translation strategies significantly influence the formation of the national image. Literal translation maintains the accuracy of the original but may miss cultural nuances. Paraphrasing enhances the perception and understanding of the text. Cultural transformation facilitates better adaptation of the text to the local audience. The scientific novelty of this research lies in its empirical investigation based on the translation of political discourse to reveal the formation of the state's image. The research results can be applied in diplomacy, international communications, and intercultural interactions, providing empirical support and guidance on translation strategies to enhance the national image. The study underscores the importance of translating political discourse for shaping the national image in the digital era. Under the influence of national ideology, the translation of political texts requires reevaluation and a forward-looking approach. In the digital era, the translation of political texts should aim to maintain and strengthen the national image.

ИЗМЕНЕНИЕ НАЗВАНИЙ ГУЗАРОВ БУХАРЫ: СВОЕОБРАЗНАЯ СТРАТЕГИЯ СОВЕТСКОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ

This article examines the policy of renaming settlements during the existence of the Soviet Union. The study highlights the main aspects of this policy, including the processes and methods of place name change, as well as its symbolic and practical significance. The article talks about the reasons that prompted the Soviet government to change the names of cities, villages and streets, their connection with national ideology and culture, as well as their impact on the political situation and national priorities.

Female Subjugation and Body Politics in Song’s “Girl Powdering Her Neck” and Marvell’s “To His Coy Mistress”

This paper examines female subjugation within the framework of body politics as depicted in Song’s “Girl Powdering Her Neck” and Marvell’s “To His Coy Mistress”. Body politics specifically examines how societal norms and power dynamics shape perceptions and treatment of women’s bodies. Drawing upon Susan Bordo’s concept of “body politics” and Julie Rodgers and Fredrickson Roberts’ “objectification theory,” this study reveals that women are not only oppressed by societal beauty standards but also trapped within a vicious cycle of self-scrutiny, where they prioritize external appearance over their inner value. In Song’s poem, the protagonist becomes a victim of body politics, where her worth is reduced to mere physical appearance putting her intellect and agency aside. Similarly, in Marvell’s poem, the male speaker objectifies his beloved undermining her agency. This paper exposes the deceitful nature of patriarchal ideology, which drives women to conform to societal beauty standards at the cost of their individuality and self-esteem. By highlighting the plight of female subjects in these poems, this study advocates for resistance against oppressive body politics. It also urges women to reclaim their autonomy and value disregarding the superficial beauty standards imposed by patriarchy.

NATIONAL IDEOLOGY THROUGH THE PRISM OF DRAMATURGY

The article is part of a larger study on the imaginary mechanisms embedded in dramaturgy with the aim of emphasizing the need at the meta-theoretical level to control all the correlates of the concept “ethnicity“ through the natural bivalent construction of the real world: „Our-Other/Foreign“, through the main ethnos-constructing factors – religion, language, and nationality. The necessity arises from the established over decades distortion of the adequacy of the imaginary attitudes in question, which the national ideology takes advantage of. The purpose of the overall study is to demonstrate that the frivolous flow of primordial images projected onto the “Otherness“ is by no means a harmless sign of creative activity. If it is left unconsciously woven into mass communication narratives, national and similar ideologies do not always take advantage of it correctly and hypertrophy the quality of stereotypes (in relation to “otherness”) to be “long-standing“. The article presents only the approach to the content analysis based on Jungian archetypes, which is not included here. This article leads to Jungian content analysis through stereotyping and prejudice – their essence, aspects, and positions. What is pursued here are the basic principles and mechanisms of action (regarding “Otherness“) of the national ideology.

러시아 정교와 반유대주의

When the Soviet system collapsed and the new “faith” that had dominated that society, Marxism-Leninism, was abandoned, it was not surprising that Orthodoxy was considered as the faith to replace it. Historically, in Russia, Orthodoxy and the state recognized each other's roles and always maintained a close relationship. Until just before the Russian Revolution, the Russian Orthodox Church was influential in all strata of society, including the intelligentsia. During the Soviet period, the Orthodox Church was forced to give way to the new communist ideology as a state ideology, and Orthodoxy, as a fundamental part of the system, was to be extinguished. However, during World War II, Stalin enlisted the Orthodox Church in the fight against Nazi Germany, and the Church and the state were restored to a cooperative relationship, and Russian Orthodoxy was able to survive in an atheistic Soviet society because of its political usefulness. In the post-Soviet period, Russian Orthodoxy was revived as an alternative to fill the ideological vacuum, gradually regaining its pre-revolutionary status in Russian society and becoming very close to the powers that be. Since Putin's rise to power, a number of phenomena have been observed in Russia, including the rise of nationalist tendencies in various sectors of Russian society, and the Russian Orthodox Church has joined the movement. The most prominent phenomenon is the fact that Russian nationalist ideology in the post-Soviet period has been linked to the Russian Orthodox Church, and the policies of the Putin administration, especially with regard to religion, can be interpreted as state-centered nationalist tendencies. The most characteristic of these phenomena is the role of Russian Orthodoxy in the spread of anti-Semitic ideology in modern Russia. This study examines the anti-Semitic tendencies of the Russian Orthodox Church, focusing on the publication of the Protocols of Zion.