Ideological Positions Research Articles

NOTION OF TREND "PHYGITAL" IN CULTURE

In today’s rapidly changing world, new trends, technologies and no-tions, combining various aspects of the digital age, are actualized. In the cul-tural environment, an actual phenomenon is the phygital world «thrown» into everyday life as a marketing move and claiming an ideological position in fu-ture. Phygital art is becoming an important part of the creative and media in-dustry, bringing investment and aesthetic attractiveness to the creation of vir-tual concert programs, films, games and exhibitions. The purpose of the study is to generalize and fix the phenomenon «phygital» in the cultural environment and determine its mechanisms and essential characteristics.

Pronombre o adjetivo demostrativo o este… marcador del discurso: El uso del marcador del discurso este en el español de México

This paper aims to present observations on the pragmaticalized use as well as the concomitant functions of the demonstrative este in Mexican Spanish. Este seems to serve an additional range of functions in Mexican Spanish in particular, but also in other Hispanic American varieties, as it has turned into a quite productive discourse marker that can be considered, among other things, as a hesitation element, an outline signal, and probably also as an evidentiality marker. The specific functional domains (especially with regard to possible evidential functions) will be illustrated in more detail in the paper using oral language data from the speaker community of the southern Mexican city of Oaxaca de Juárez. The study also includes a sociolinguistically oriented quantitative analysis, the results of which will also be discussed in the context of language ideological attitudes towards este.

The Domain of the Right? Explaining National Parliamentary Preferences on EU-Related Self-Empowerment

Abstract In the academic debate about the deficits of representative democracy in the European Union, the views of members of parliaments about their EU-oriented roles remain largely unknown. Against this background, we exploit a novel dataset from an author-designed survey conducted in seven national parliaments to unravel MPs’ preferences with regard to their EU-oriented empowerment. Our findings allow us to identify the dominant cognitive schemas mobilised among parliamentarians which attribute particular legitimacy-related meanings to proposed institutional reforms. They point to a stronger explanatory power of party ideological position over national constitutional orientations, with right-wing parties being more supportive towards parliamentary empowerment than their centre and centre-left counterparts, and mainstream parties being more sceptical of it than radical groups on both sides of the spectrum.

Online polarization and identity politics: An analysis of Facebook discourse on Muslim and LGBTQ+ communities in Finland

AbstractThis study employs a mixed‐methods approach to investigate the nature of Facebook posts related to Muslims and LGBTQ+ individuals in Finland, spanning a period of 4 years. Through the use of the CrowdTangle platform, the researchers extracted and analyzed Facebook posts that encompassed predetermined keywords indicative of potential hate speech. The findings underscored divergent patterns of engagement and sentiment toward these two groups, with implications for the different levels of societal acceptance and tolerance exhibited. Posts related to Muslims typically elicited controversy and were often depicted as threats, whereas posts about the LGBTQ+ community generally advocated for inclusivity. However, persistent negative stereotypes about the LGBTQ+ community were also evident. The analysis also brought to light how political parties strategically used these discourses to steer conversations, consolidate their ideological positions, and mobilize their respective supporters. Grounded in the social identity theory, this study sheds light on the complex dynamics of online political discourse, revealing its far‐reaching impacts on societal attitudes, intergroup relations, and formation of group identities. The nuanced understanding derived from these observations suggests that interventions fostering healthier public discussions on social media platforms could contribute significantly to combating societal division, prejudice, and bias. This research underscores the importance of scrutinizing online discourses to address issues of societal cohesion and social acceptance.

Ideological linkages and party competition in the 2023 Turkish general elections

ABSTRACT This article explores the dynamics of ideological party competition within the context of the 2023 Turkish elections. Focusing on the role and appeal of ideology, it provides insights into the changing landscape of ideological competition during this pivotal electoral period. The study examines whether ideology operates as a guiding principle for Turkish voters grappling with intricate economic and social issues. Despite acknowledging that economic concerns may not singularly determine ideological positions, the paper highlights the enduring significance of ideology in shaping perceptions. The transformative nature of the 2023 elections, marked by the emergence of new parties and electoral alliances, further underscores the relevance of ideology. Additionally, the article assesses the appeal of ideological competition by investigating voters who cannot position parties or themselves on the ideology scale. This analysis reveals that factors such as media consumption, education, gender, and political efficacy significantly influence the ideological appeal in the 2023 elections.

Role of social bots in the Brazilian environmental debate:

This paper examines the use of computational propaganda in the Brazilian environmental debate, focusing on the 2020 Amazon Forest fire discussions on Twitter. Through the use of a bot detector algorithm and social network analysis, the research aims to understand the role of social bots and the extent to which automated accounts reverberate certain ideological positions. The study found that Twitter discussions were highly polarized between supporters and critics of former far-right president Jair Bolsonaro. While the participation of international celebrities in the debate increased the visibility of a civil society awareness campaign against the forest fires, it also triggered a computational propaganda counterattack by Bolsonaro’s supporters. Our analysis indicates that the anti-environmentalist reaction aimed at denying the existence of an environmental problem in the Brazilian Amazon was heavily amplified by automated and inauthentic accounts.

Этнокультурные ценности народов Кабардино-Балкарии как элемент мягкой силы в между-народных связях Российской Федерации (на примере деятельности Международной черкес-ской ассоциации по популяризации адыгской этнической культуры)

It has been revealed that the popularization of the Circassian ethnic culture, propaganda of the components of the ideological position – maintaining interethnic peace and a positive image of Russia abroad is one of the main directions in the activities of the International Circassian Associ-ation. In this activity of the ICA, the most large-scale and effective are socio-cultural forums, sci-entific and practical conferences, festivals, educational projects, etc. These aspects of the ICA’s activities are also released as part of the work with young compatriots and repatriates. The com-ponents of the ideological position of the ICA are recorded in the resolutions of its XIII and XIV congresses. Considerable attention in the activities of the ICA is paid to events aimed at popular-izing the Circassian language (Adyghe and Kabardino-Circassian literary languages) and attract-ing public attention to the problems of its preservation. The active and constructive work of the ICA was highly appreciated at the federal level. In the welcoming address of the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin to the participants and guests of the XIII Congress of the ICA, it was recorded that the ICA cares about preserving and popularizing the native language, implements meaningful projects in the field of culture, edu-cation, enlightenment, increases multifaceted interaction with foreign compatriots, that the ICA’s efforts to maintain peace and consent in the North Caucasus. In 2023 ICA was included in the Fed-eral Register “All-Russian Book of Honor”, in which the most worthy organizations of various forms of ownership and fields of activity are formed.

Ideology of Inadmissibility of the Suspect’s Testimony

The following rule is axiomatic: «in the course of investigative actions, violation of the rule of law is unacceptable.» Compliance of procedural procedures with this principle is an imperative condition of criminal proceedings. Legality determines the order of investigative actions. Legality and order set the standard procedural form of obtaining evidence that in the adversarial and investigative types of the process entails differing procedural content. This defines the differences in the rules used to evaluate personal evidence due to the ideological attitudes embedded in the construction of the law.In Soviet law, the form of interrogation was associated with the goal of achieving the truth, which determines the activities of almost all participants in the proceedings. Consequently, undifferentiated actions of the main participants in court proceedings were acceptable to achieve the truth, and the evidence obtained was admissable. The aim of the investigator’s pursuit of the truth assumed that it was permissible for him to use questions of accusatory etymology when receiving the testimony of a suspect. The adversarial principle is implemented in modern law. In this case, the legal order is formed by two parties with the defense initiating questions to the suspect, which is an element of the proper form of obtaining the testimony of the suspect used in their assessment. The formation of evidence is completed by their examination according to the criterion of admissibility in court proceedings. Until the moment of rebuttal of the presumption of innocence, all evidence presented by the prosecution is inadmissible. By proving guilt, the prosecutor proves the quality of the evidence presented by the prosecution. Thus, the quality of admissibility of evidence is acquired simultaneously with the entry into force of the presumption of the validity of the verdict.

Габитус правящей элиты современной России

The purpose of the article is to establish the peculiarities of the habitus of the ruling elite in modern Russia. The methodological basis is the position according to which certain points of view, type of thinking, habitus correspond to the social position. As a method of collecting information, one of the varieties of document analysis is thematic analysis. According to the results of the study, the following characteristic of the habitus of the ruling elite of modern Russia was given. The ideological attitudes of the Russian elite are oriented towards the patterns of Western culture, but the stability and depth of the referential orientation towards the West of the Russian elite groups depends on the political and economic situation. The ruling elite of Russia is conservative, it is generally satisfied with its position in Russia. The same reason leads to its negative attitude to any significant social transformations. The conservatism of the Russian elite leads to the rejection of analytical thinking, with the help of which reality is decomposed in order to construct from its parts the future that is fundamentally different from the present. The ruling elite strives to see the world as integral and organic. The elite strata, at least, are suspicious and distrustful of the intellectual abilities and moral qualities of the Russian population. Attributing certain stable socio-psychological qualities to the population (irresponsibility, low ability to self-organize and adapt to changing socio-economic conditions, infantilism, inadequate assessment of reality) indicates a deep gap between the elite and other social groups, which, given such an obvious stigmatization, becomes not only political or economic, but also psychological. And this, in turn, is an additional conflictogenic factor. Failure to take into account the peculiarities of the situation of opposing social groups, which is a consequence of socially determined stigmatization, will be perceived as an arrogant and dismissive attitude, which often becomes the detonator of social clashes. Such a negative and exaggerated assessment of the socio-psychological qualities of the population is reflected in the quality of public administration. In the latter, there is a tendency to primitivization and one-sidedness of influence, a constant search for simple solutions. The failures caused by this are justified by the immaturity of the people, their low moral qualities, which only intensifies the social gap and differentiation.

Experience in testing content analysis in the study of the concept of «Russian idea»

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of the formulation of the substantive aspect of the Russian idea. The relevance of the text is determined by the fact that there is still no adequate understanding in the research literature of what should be included in the content of the concept. Moreover, the very existence of the Russian Idea is a problem area for the Russian philosophical tradition.Materials and Methods. The authors test an original approach to the study of the phenomenon, which consists in the application of quantitative tools to the study of the deep meanings of Russian civilization. The collection of material was carried out on the basis of 26 texts of the representatives of the national thought of different historical epochs and various ideological positions. The basic idea behind the research was the thesis that the Russian idea is a meta-narrative with a 1000-year history, in this regard, the hypothesis was put forward that none of the existing texts can be considered as exhaustive and fully reflecting the concept of the work. On this basis, the authors of the article analyzed all the source texts as separate chapters of a single narrative about the fate of Russian civilization and its role in the world historical process.Results. The data presented in the article were collected and processed using online resources: https://miratext.ru and https://istio.com/. The similarity of the algorithms of the resources, however, gave different results. As a result of automatic and manual viewing, the top 20 high-frequency and relevant words were formed for each of the sources, the categories were systematized and presented in a tabular version and a word cloud format. It was revealed that, although the analyzed texts are united by a single theme «Russian Idea», no single concept has been found that would be common to all the analyzed sources. The most frequent concepts should be noted as the following: «man», «Russian», «Russia», «life» and «people». These words, according to both programs, were in the top of the combined semantic core of all 26 sources. The study showed that these concepts are unifying for all the texts considered.Discussion and Conclusions. The presented results demonstrate the prospects of using quantitative methods that allow us to search for mathematical confirmation of the correctness of the semantic content of the Russian idea.

Ideological ambiguity and political spectrum

This study examines the relationship between ambiguity and the ideological positioning of political parties across the political spectrum. We identify a strong non-monotonic (inverted U-shaped) relationship between party ideology and ambiguity within a sample of 202 European political parties. This pattern is observed across all ideological dimensions covered in the data. To explain this pattern, we argue that centrist parties are perceived as less risky by voters compared to extremist parties, giving them an advantage in employing ambiguity to attract more voters at a lower cost. We support our explanation with additional evidence from electoral outcomes and economic indicators in the respective party countries.

Navigating monolingual language ideologies: Educators’ “Yes, BUT” objections to linguistically sustaining pedagogies in the classroom

Aims: We examine how educators articulate tensions between linguistic pluralism and linguistic normativity in written Linguistic Autobiographies through their metacommentary about student language and their role as educators. We specifically focus on “Yes, BUT” objections articulated by 17 participants that frame monolingualism and adherence to idealized forms of English as necessary, despite rhetorical nods to embracing linguistic diversity. Research questions: (1) How do participating educators construct “Yes, BUT” objections to linguistic pluralism in their written Linguistic Autobiographies? (2) What language ideologies inform these objections? (3) What ideological positions for educators are implicated? Design/methodology/approach: Collaborative emergent qualitative coding and inductive discourse analysis. Data and analysis: We analyzed Linguistic Autobiographies written by 50 educators taking an online master’s class in Sociolinguistics for Bilingual Educators and examined features of “Yes, BUT” objections and their ideological justification using collaborative, emergent coding and inductive discourse analysis. Findings/conclusions: We document how educators’ “Yes, BUT” objections illuminate discursive moves that justify the seeming embrace, yet ultimate rejection of, linguistic diversity. Originality: This study disentangles monolingual language ideologies to address objections inherent to educators’ “Yes, BUT” constructions that arise as common barriers in teacher education. We reframe these objections as emergent degrees of linguistic pluralism, which serve as evidence of the contextual difficulties educators often encounter in schools. We thus acknowledge rather than dismiss the tensions educators face in fostering linguistic pluralism. Significance/implications: This study illuminates how language ideologies shape (and possibly offer insights for undoing) complacency in what is often discussed as a long-standing tension between the seemingly mutually exclusive positions of linguistic pluralism and linguistic normativity. We argue that analyzing and addressing these “Yes, BUT” objections in educators’ narratives is key to the disruption of monolingual language ideologies in educational settings and beyond.

Images of the Industrial Frontier in the Context of the Energetics’ Development in Eastern Siberia

The article focuses on the images of the industrial frontier in the context of hydropower development in Eastern Siberia during the Soviet period. Despite the rich experience domestic researchers have accumulated, they have overlooked several aspects of Eastern Siberia’s industrial development. The article explores these images as depicted in Soviet literature, journalism, poetry, and fine art from the various periods. These depictions include the study and construction of the Angara and Yenisei cascade of hydroelectric power plants, reflecting the Soviet state’s ideological attitudes.
 The authors conclude that the images of the industrial frontier, while varying in character, shared many common features across different periods. Furthermore, the Soviet leadership used the creation of these multiple images to solve several important national tasks. These tasks ranged from attracting labor resources to Siberian construction sites to fully integrating the East Siberian region into the life of the Soviet state and society.
 Teachers and students interested in the industrial development of Eastern Siberia in the twentieth century will find the article relevant.

Political economy, communications discourse and media policy: The case of online news commenting in Nigeria

This article provides a contribution to knowledge on the growth of online news commenting in Nigeria. Specifically, it accounts for factors that influence the character of the often-fractious online discursive behaviour in evidence and what communication policy understandings might be developed from this. The article innovates by deploying a combined political economy–communication policy approach with two purposes in mind. First, drawing inspiration from the criticality of political economy, it shows how the ‘representational’ role of online news media sets the context for the nature of the discourse in evidence premised on the long-established assertion that media content is not value-free but shaped by ideological positions. Second, underpinned by a recently resurfaced argument espousing the value of a combined utilization of the critical and administrative approaches to communication research, the article puts forward a set of policy-related findings for media change in Nigerian polity often characterized by significant societal disquiet.

Иван Ильин и Алексей Боровой: история одной дружбы

The publication is devoted to the reconstruction of the relations that established between the philosopher, sociologist, anarchist A.A. Borovoi and the young philosopher I.A. Il’in. The ideological and political position held by A.A. Borovoi as a Private Associate Professor of the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Imperial University is reconstructed, as well as his attitude to other colleagues, in particular to P.I. Novgorodtsev, B.A. Kistyakovsky. The evolution of the views of the young Ilyin, who initially sympathized with radical political trends and the anarchist movement, and then switched to the positions of liberal conservatism, is demonstrated. Based on memoirs, letters stored in the archives of A.A. Borovoi in RSALA (Russian State Archive of Literature and Art), memoirs and letters of I.A. Il’in, as well as studies dedicated to Borovoi and Ilyin, the period of meetings of thinkers in Paris in 1911–1912 is reproduced in more detail. The details of the changes that occurred at the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Imperial University in connection with the “Casso Case”, which had a different impact on the fate of thinkers, are revealed. The relationship between Borovoi and Il’in with B.A. Kistyakovsky, who was also in Europe in 1911, is mentioned. An assumption is made about the reasons for the cessation of communication between I.A. Il’in and A.A. Borovoi during the World War I, which could be associated both with the ideological differences between the philosophers and the activities to which each of them devoted himself during these years. The meeting between Borovoi and Il’yin after the February revolution could have given rise to a resumption of communication, but the difference in assessment of the October revolution (imaginary or real) became a stumbling block. Based on the fragment mentioned by Borovoi from the book by G.I. Kish “Hitler and others” and the archive of I.A. Il’in there is reproduced an episode of the thinker’s speech at a meeting of the “Men’s Club” in March 1930. The article recreates the history of relations between I.A. Il’in and representatives of the conservative wing of German entrepreneurs and the failed cooperation with the centrist party represented by German Catholics.

Публицистика А.И. Солженицына как средство культурфилософской коммуникации

Journalism is traditionally considered as one of the means of effective communication. At the same time, writers often use a journalistic word to broadcast their ideological position regarding socio-cultural phenomena, respectively expressing original judgments of a cultural-philosophical nature. Among such authors is undoubtedly the outstanding Russian writer, thinker, historian, researcher of cultural and philosophical aspects of Russian history, public figure Alexander Solzhenitsyn (11.12.1918–03.08.2009), whose 105 th birthday is celebrated this year. The purpose of this article is to consider what cultural philosophical ideas this writer communicated to contemporaries and future generations in his journalistic works. The methodological basis of the research was made up of general scientific and interdisciplinary methods, as well as cultural analysis and cultural and philosophical tradition. According to the results of the research, the author comes to the conclusion that A. I. Solzhenitsyn actively used his journalistic works for cultural and philosophical communication with readers, which was expressed in philosophical and cultural reflection on such phenomena as, for example, freedom, nation, truth and lies, morality, morality, spirituality.

“Learn from the Classics!”: Conservative Attitudes in Soviet Ideology of the 1930s

The article is devoted to the changes in ideological attitudes in the USSR in the late 1920s – 1930s, when there happened gradual abandonment of the ideas of creating “proletarian culture” and criticism of the cultural heritage of the pre-revolutionary era in favor of its selective adoption in the interests of building a strong state, while the main goal still remained the achievement of communist ideals. A state capable of defending its position on the world stage could not exist without recognizing the important role of statesmen of the past and present. That turn occurred gradually, it found a positive response in the mass consciousness and its scope increased over time, for example, recognition of the signifi cance of literary classics was expressed in a large-scale anniversary campaign. However, the “rehabilitation” of the past was selective and fulfi lled, fi rst of all, the tasks of strengthening the existing socio-political system, which resulted in unifi cation in the cultural sphere, the proclamation of socialist realism as the only possible creative method.

“Putin’s War of Choice”: U.S. Propaganda and the Russia–Ukraine Invasion

The Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 ignited propaganda efforts from the U.S. executive branch of government and the U.S. media, as the country tried to position itself towards the war not just in the eyes of its citizens but of the entire world as part of its geopolitical power position. A comparative quantitative and qualitative analysis of official U.S. communications and U.S. partisan media coverage in the first week of the invasion aims to uncover how the U.S. government set the agenda and framed the events, and to what extent the media copied or diverged from this agenda-setting and framing. The results suggest a narrow focus and distinct framing on the part of the U.S. government, partly taken over by partisan media. The latter also touched on other topics that fit media logic and provided some counter-frames in line with their ideological positions, yet overall confirmed the dominant framing of the war as unjust, unprovoked and premeditated, as Putin’s choice, and the position of the U.S. as the leader of the free world and defender of democracy.

How Polarised are Citizens? Measuring Ideology from the Ground up

Abstract We investigate whether the ideological polarisation of citizens has increased in Western democracies. We propose a novel methodology to identify individual ideologies by applying latent Dirichlet allocation to political survey data. This approach indicates that questions related to confidence in institutions play a leading role in defining citizen ideologies, in addition to the questions associated with the traditional left-right scale. We decompose the shift in ideological positions across the population over time and measure polarisation. This reveals evidence of a ‘disappearing centre’ in a sub-group of countries with citizens shifting away from centrist ideologies into anti-establishment ‘anarchist’ ideologies. This trend is especially pronounced for the United States.

Policy opinions regarding the teaching of Critical Race Theory in schools

Critical Race Theory (CRT) has recently been positioned as a serious problem requiring urgent policy response among partisan media outlets. Making a case for pressing policy demands, several policy makers have proposed federal, state, and local level legislation and other measures to restrict how race, racism, or American history in general can be taught in K-12 schools, higher education institutions, and state agencies. Anti-CRT rhetoric in media and policy proposals have also propagated the notion of CRT as being divisive as well as ubiquitous in public education. Given this, it is critical to examine whether policy opinions regarding reactionary legislation is based on a real understanding of CRT. We conduct a conceptual and theoretical inquiry into anti-CRT rhetoric relying on the sociological concepts of moral panics and folk devils. Then, we examine familiarity, knowledge, ideology, policy beliefs, and policy opinions regarding CRT in education using nationally representative survey data. The analysis showed that most parents are not familiar with CRT, and the average parent neither opposes nor supports teaching of CRT. The opposition to teaching of CRT is largely driven by political affiliation and related ideological beliefs and positions.