Government Of National Unity Research Articles

Афганистан после 2014 года

Since the United States withdrew most of its troops from Afghanistan, the situation has not changed in a positive way, but, to the contrary, has deteriorated further. The ruling elite, despite having firm support from Washington and the West in general, has been unable tomaintain the necessary consolidation. The National Unity Government (NUG) formed after the 2014 presidential election, has remain politically shaky and vulnerable. The economy operates predominantly on foreign financial and economic injections. The country’s 10-year economic programme to achieve self-sufficiency has not had a meaningful effect.The NUG has not been successful in launchingnegotiations with its armed opponents, who have endorsed the complete withdrawal of the forces of the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Taliban continues to control a significant part of the country. Along with intensive military operations, it conducts large-scale terrorist attacks in a number of big citiesincluding Kabul. Simultaneously, the number of ISIS fighters who have infliltrated the country’s eastern and northern areas has increased significantly.The neighbouring countries, including Russia, continue to express serious concern over instability in Afghanistan, the overall increase in ISIS activities, and the spread of drugs and terrorism emanating from Afghanistan. Considering it a potential challenge to regional security, they try to provide necessary assistance to Kabul and support its course for national reconciliation. Moscow recently explored the possibility of broadening the scope of regional component while resolving the Afghan issue.With the new administration in the United States, U.S. policy toward Afghanistan has not changed. Moreover, the possibility of expanding the military presence in Afghanistan is being explored, which could lead to further complications in the Afghan conflict.

Art as Journalism in Zimbabwe

The mediations on the postcolonial culture of violence in Zimbabwe remain contentious. This culture has helped to sustain the ruling ZANU-PF stranglehold on power. ZANU-PF has refused to be held accountable especially in those violent episodes where it has been the perpetrator. This paper offers an analysis of key themes in Bulawayo-based artist Owen Maseko’s works as an alternative form of journalism challenging and resisting the status quo. The focus is on the 1982–1987 genocide which claimed in excess of 20,000 lives and affected mostly the South-Western region of Zimbabwe, the Midlands and Matabeleland areas. Maseko’s 2010 Bulawayo art gallery exhibition boldly critiqued the 1980s massacres, raising the ire of the authorities, and leading to the gagging of the exhibition and his arrest. This paper uses in-depth interviews with three key informants—an artist, a cultural commentator, and a lawyer, human rights activist and minister in the Government of National Unity (GNU) cabinet during Maseko’s arrest—to explore the role which art plays as a form of journalism in a context where information flows are restricted and no formal acknowledgement of the genocide has been made. The paper locates arts as journalistic: confronting pain, opening debate and providing healing on genocide debates.

ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ ZSRR ZA NARUSZENIA PRAWA MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO W STOSUNKU DO POLSKI W LATACH 1939-1945

International Responsibility of the Soviet Union for its Illegal Actions against Poland between 1939 and 1945SummaryThe author of the paper comes to a conclusion that many actions concerning Poland taken by the Soviet Union during The Second World War constituted an abuse of power. The Soviet U nion invaded Poland and illegally occupied its Eastern territories until 1945. As a result of the aggression, hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers and citizens were killed or persecuted.At the end of The Second W orld W ar decisions concerning Poland were taken at inter-Allied conferences w ithout Poland’s participation. The Great Powers decided to deprive Poland of its Eastern territories against the will of the Polish Government-in-exile, which was legal at that time. W hat is more, Poland was not a signatory of the Jalta and Potsdam agreements. Therefore, the decisions referring to Polish Eastern border should be invalidAs far as the problem of a new Polish government is concerned, it is necessary to stress that according to international law a change of a government in a particular state should take place w ithout any external interference. Nevertheless, the Soviet U nion decided to create a new government for Poland to replace the legal government-in-exile. As a consequence, the Provisional Government of National Unity was created., It consisted mostly of communists who were dependent on the Soviet Union. Many o f them were Soviet spies. They were able to gain power only as a result of the Soviet military intervention in Poland. The government did not represent Polish society and was created against its will. The Soviet U nion did not have the right to impose this sort of government on Poland.The problem of reconciliation between Poland and Russia is also approached in the paper. During the Second World War Polish state and its citizens suffered great losses. Neither the Soviet U nion nor Russia has ever assumed responsibility for the Soviet U nion’s illegal actions against Poland and its citizens between 1939 and 1945. In such circumstances any sort of reconciliation cannot take place.

Gobernanza Comunitaria para el Bien Común

El artículo “Gobernanza Comunitaria para el Bien Común” centra su atención en el modelo de democracia participativa que promueve el Buen Gobierno Sandinista como mecanismo de restitución de derechos humanos enfocado en las familias nicaragüenses como principales protagonistas de su propio cambio.El análisis y reflexión teórica toma como marco de referencia las políticas públicas y sociales existentes en el contexto actual, lo cual hace posible la descentralización del poder político, y con ello, otorgar a la comunidad la participación protagónica en los programas y proyectos de gobierno que benefician a las familias más vulnerables, pero que a la vez, incentivan en las familias la actitud de empoderamiento de sus propias realidades y escenarios, para trabajar conjuntamente en la gestión social.La investigación explora la experiencia de los pobladores de Batahola Norte durante el periodo 2012–2014, los testimonios y apreciación de las personas con referencia al modelo de responsabilidad compartida del gobierno del Frente Sandinista de Liberacíon Nacional (FSLN) permitirá tener un acercamiento al modelo de participación popular y descentralización del poder que desde el 2007 impulsa el Gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional.

An Information Management Framework for the Support of E-Government in Zimbabwe

It has come as a fact that the use of Information and Communication Technologies has come to stay in this world. It aids the implementation of the emerging and irresistible e-government concept that seems to be the in-thing the world over. Zimbabwe has also joined the world by ascertaining its commitment to e-government as witnessed by its promulgation of various e-government services. However, despite the government of Zimbabwe having committed itself to e-government, it is of concern to note that up to this day, the country is operating without a clear information management policy or strategy that will guide and direct all the information management practitioners in the country. This comes as a great weakness in this day and age when the government of Zimbabwe has declared its intentions to subscribe to the e-government concept both in principle and in practice. Although the country has managed to survive without a clearly defined information policy in the pre e-government era, chances of it rolling out an effective and sustainable e-government policy on the same foundation are very slim, given the importance of well managed information as a pillar of sound e-government. The paper employed document analysis as its methodology in which Zimbabwe National Information and Communication Policy (ICT) Policy Framework of 2005 and the Ministry of Information Communication Technology’s (MICT) Strategic Plan (2010-2014) were reviewed and assessed the extent to which they sufficed to serve as information management frameworks that can support e-governance in Zimbabwe. The study revealed that there are ICT policies that are meant to serve as ICT strategies for the country but none of them has been put to test and such policies are very piecemeal at best as far as their coverage of information management is concerned. The first policy of such nature was the Zimbabwe National Information and Communication Policy (ICT) Policy Framework of 2005 that was developed by the government of Zimbabwe. This was followed by the Ministry of Information Communication Technology’s (MICT) Strategic Plan (2010-2014) which was being led by the then Minister Nelson Chamisa in the Government of National Unity (GNU). Following the dismantling of the GNU, the MICT was also dismantled and a new Ministry known as the Ministry of Information and Communication Technology, Postal and Courier Services that was headed by then Minister Webster Shamu came up with a new draft policy to guide ICT in Zimbabwe. Ironically, that new policy did not see the light as the then Minister was relieved of his duties and the new and incumbent Minister; Mr Supa Mandiwanzira came up with a new draft to guide the ICT operations in Zimbabwe. Despite all these developments, it remains of concern to notice that none of these policies ever prioritised information management as a strategic pillar of e-government. It is the argument of these authors that without the country’s e-government strategy being governed by a sound information management policy that will ensure the creation, management, and preservation of information, the concept will suffer the consequences in retrospect, to the detriment of the concept and the citizens. The study further revealed that the present policies are only addressing technical issues such as network and infrastructural issues of information management, yet other important aspects such as preservation, disposal and legal issues of information management are neglected. The study recommends a new framework that is comprehensive in terms of all the facets of information management. The framework covers all the relevant information management players such as archivists, librarians, records managers and the ICT personnel who should work together so as to collectively manage national information that support e-governance which Zimbabwe has just embarked on. The study further recommends that every government department has an information manager and the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting Services should be the one in charge of the information management framework and oversee its implementation.

Book Review: Short-Changed? South Africa since Apartheid by Colin Bundy

Colin Bundy Short-Changed? South Africa since Apartheid, Athens: Ohio University Press, 2015; 174 pp.: ISBN 9780821421550, $14.95 (pbk) In this pocket-sized book, Colin Bundy addresses a burning question which has generated an abundance of literature over the last two decades--have South Africans been short-changed by the negotiated end to Apartheid, and if so, who is to blame? In the years immediately following the end of Apartheid, seriously questioning the intentions or legitimacy of the African National Congress (ANC)-led government was less common within left-leaning circles. Inevitably, many of those who campaigned against Apartheid were reluctant to criticise the new democratic government in too harsh a tone. Some voiced the opinion that the ANC, struggling in a neoliberal post-Cold War environment, with a deeply dysfunctional economy inherited from the Apartheid regime, were doing their best in highly unfavourable conditions. Others, especially commentators based in developed countries, perhaps felt that it wasn't their place to judge. Twenty years on, in the post-Marikana landscape, such reluctance has fallen away even for those with deep ties to the tripartite alliance (Pillay 2014). Of course, the problem of postcolonial governments failing to live up to expectations developed by socialists during struggles for national liberation isn't one unique to South Africa (Arrighi et al. 1989: 66). Yet the particularities of the struggle against South Africa's settler colonialism, the ANC's overtures to socialism and the strength of the South African trade union movement led many to hope that South Africa could potentially move beyond the authoritarian impasse that characterised its neighbours. This optimism was certainly not baseless, but it makes the inequality, corruption and violence that persist today even more disappointing and repugnant. Bundy does an excellent job of addressing this situation in a measured tone while emphasising the true extent of South Africa's political, social and economic ills. No original research is presented per se, yet value can be found in the manner that Short-Changed? throws new light onto well-rehearsed debates. In part, this is achieved because Bundy places structure and agency, and the push and pull which this engenders, at the centre of his analytical framework. A historian by training, the topics highlighted by Bundy are always contextualised as part of a history that doesn't presume a profound break in the year of 1994, and an international frame which reminds us of South Africa's position within world order. Throughout Short-Changed? it is reiterated that while the decisions of political actors are important, they are made 'under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past' (p. 18). Rather than simply splitting the Post-Apartheid era into chronological periods, Bundy puts forward four chapters that deal with specific themes: the negotiated settlement, dilemmas of power, cities as sites of contestation and the issue of crime. Given the brevity of the book, these matters aren't dealt with in a comprehensive manner, yet Bundy still manages to intervene authoritatively in each, providing thought-provoking summaries that speak directly to the weaknesses of current literature. The first chapter, which focuses on the negotiated settlement that led to the transitional Government of National Unity, is structured by three questions: why did the ANC and National Party enter negotiations, what was the content of the settlement and how much change did this entail? Contrary to explanations which put 'Great Men' to the fore, Bundy proposes that a 'hurting stalemate' was the primary factor leading to negotiations (p. 31). The outcome was a system which largely mirrored the ANC's political demands, but which left social and economic structures untouched. In the second chapter, Bundy primarily focuses upon two aspects of the ANC's governance: their macroeconomic policy and their electoral performance. …

English

The aim of this study is to examine the political and economic challenges facing Zimbabwe in relation to the potential of generating a violent uprising resembling the Arab Spring civil conflicts. Zimbabwe is in a quagmire due to security, political and economic upheavals that have bedeviled the Southern African country since the end of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in 2013. The government seems to be reluctant to acknowledge the magnitude of the situation and let alone address it. That is the most worrisome thing. If the situation continues unabated, these problems have a potential of generating a violent uprising whose course and effects could equate those that hit North African states since 2010. Data for this study was gathered from secondary data sources including desktop research, books, newspapers and journal articles. Key words: Arab Spring, peace, security, Zimbabwe.

Caracterización del Programa Productivo Alimentario “Hambre Cero”. (PPA) en el marco del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo Humano (PNDH) de Estelí, Nicaragua

El presente estudio caracteriza el Programa Productivo Alimentario mejor conocido como “Hambre Cero” en la ciudad de Estelí, Nicaragua. El estudio lo realizamos por medio de entrevistas a los coordinadores del Programa a nivel departamental y a sus beneficiarios, también, a través de bibliografías citadas. Este programa surge como la implementación de una política de seguridad alimentaria y nutricional que es justificada en Nicaragua, donde entre 2003 y 2005 un 22% de la población estaba todavía sub-nutrida, según las cifras de la FAO. Para tal fin el Gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional (GRUN) creo el Programa Productivo Alimentario. El objetivo del PPA en sus inicios fue erradicar el hambre, la desnutrición crónica, la pobreza extrema y el desempleo en 75,000 familias rurales pobres, mediante el incremento cuantitativo de la producción y el consumo de alimentos proteicos. Este es uno de los programas más emblemáticos y propagandizados por el actual gobierno como su respuesta principal a las necesidades de las familias campesinas especialmente de las mujeres. Se le presenta como un programa de empoderamiento de las mujeres, ya que la asignación de recursos está dirigida a la mujer de la familia. El programa busca contribuir a reducir la desnutrición y a capitalizar a las familias mediante la comercialización de los productos. En el diseño, es un programa de transferencia en forma de bienes y animales que posteriormente deben reintegrar hasta en un 20%, que será para su propio beneficio, ya que les permite a las mujeres organizarse en cooperativas o emprender su propio negocio. Dentro de los principales resultados están: el 70% de protagonistas producen y venden sus excedentes, están organizados en 1,681 núcleos solidarios con ellos se han creado 295 cooperativas en las que están integradas 8,111 familias y han generado un fondo revolvente de casi cien millones de córdobas.

Caracterización del programa Usura Cero en el marco del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo Humano de Nicaragua

Este artículo presenta de manera general la Problemática del Desarrollo y la Participación Ciudadana en América Latina, y de manera específico el caso de Nicaragua. Antes de entrar a discutir esta temática se presenta una breve recopilación teórica sobre los modelos de desarrollo que han estado vigentes en las últimas décadas en la región, sus afectaciones positivas y negativas. Está claro que han surgido diferentes maneras para alcanzar el desarrollo y afrontar la desigualdad y la pobreza, en Nicaragua el Gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional (GRUN) ha implementado Usura Cero, un programa de estrategia económica que consiste en microcréditos para mujeres. Este funciona bajo el Plan Nacional de Desarrollo Humano con el fin de promover el empoderamiento de la mujer, y luchar contra la pobreza. Usura Cero tiene una estrategia organizativa que ha venido evolucionando con los años, con el fin de restituir los derechos de las personas y promover un desarrollo integral y sostenible, con una participación incluyente.

Counterinsurgency Challenge in Post-2001 Afghanistan

Although the Taliban insurgency was internally divided and unable to coordinate its activities in 2014–2015, the Afghan security forces were not able to contain it and steadily lost ground throughout 2015. Until 2015, there had been little effort to develop an indigenous Afghan counterinsurgency strategy, but a sense of urgency emerged after a string of Taliban victories. At the beginning of 2016, it was still not clear if and when the National Unity Government would be able to produce a counterinsurgency strategy and, in any case, the need for a coherent counterinsurgency approach became questionable as the Taliban appeared to be transitioning towards conventional warfare.

LEGAL BASIS OF SCHOOL SPORTS IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 1947–1997 – SELECTED ASPECTS

After almost six years of a consumptive Poland, World War II, the Polish society began to rebuild the basic, destroyed structures of the country. Deep political transformations have undergone fundamental state structures, including education and sport. The National Council was involved in issues of Physical Education was already involved in 1945. At its 9th session, proposals about protection of health and physical education were presented. They were at a time when the Temporary Government of National Unity had already introduced decrees: the creation of offices and boards of physical education and military adoption, and the universal obligation of physical education and military adoption. The establishment of the Seym in early 1947 resulted in further changes in organizational structures of physical culture. The Act on the Universal Obligation of Vocational Enrollment, Physical Education and Youth Adoption, and the Organization of Physical Culture and Sports, was the impetus for major changes. In 1949, another resolution dissolved all the hitherto centralized institutions of physical culture by appointing the Main Committee of Physical Culture in their place. The aim of this article is to discuss issues related to the statutes adopted during that period and the ordinances which regulated all matters related to the development of widely understood school sport in Poland since 1947 to 1997.

Los Estados Unidos: Un obstáculo histórico y sinuoso en la evolución de la integración centroamericana

La unidad centroamericana siempre ha sido el anhelo de algunos Estados y líderes de la región, incluso algunos han ofrendado sus valiosas vidas para hoy formar parte de la reciente historia independiente de las repúblicas. Pero lo fascinante es que las diferentes intervenciones imperialistas han hecho posible que los mismos centroamericanos busquen la solución a sus problemas, de la paz y la unidad de la región, el desarrollo y el crecimiento económico. Un ejemplo valioso fue la firma de la Carta de San Salvador que crea la Organización de Estados Centroamericanos (ODECA) y que es la base para la firma del Protocolo de Tegucigalpa que crea el Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana (SICA); prácticamente con esta iniciativa empieza a funcionar la primera organización regional en Centroamérica después que se rompió la República Federal Centroamericana. Las diferentes justificaciones para intervenir en la región especialmente en Nicaragua por parte de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica son múltiples y con variadas incoherencias. Los Estados Unidos a partir del 9/11 han expresado su deseo por una sociedad política moderna, es decir, libre de caudillos; manifestando una clara oposición e interviniendo en algunas ocasiones el modelo de Gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional impulsado por el presidente Daniel Ortega Saavedra.

From Panic to Reconciliation: Protest Theatre and the State in Zimbabwe, 1999–2012

Between 1999 and 2008, Zimbabwe was in political and economic crisis. A number of theatre-makers responded by creating several different kinds of protest theatre. They did this to compensate for a media monopoly by the state, to promote active citizen engagement in politics, and to promote political change. This article first surveys developments in protest theatre at this time. It then draws attention to a brand of protest theatre that emerged after the crisis in Zimbabwe, after the formation of a Government of National Unity. Reconciliatory protest theatre, I explain, was concerned with issues of national healing and reconciliation which dominated the post-crisis situation in Zimbabwe. Whilst both the state and protest artists concurred on the fact that the nation ought to be healed and that reconciliation was needed, tensions emerged as to how the processes of healing and reconciliation were to unfold. By looking at two examples in detail, I explain how Zimbabwe's theatre artists viewed this issue, and how the state reacted.

The Regeni case and Italy’s Mediterranean policy: a turning point?

ABSTRACTThe Regeni case has called into question the traditional Italian foreign policy in the Mediterranean, which has been based on a business-oriented approach and an overall friendly attitude towards the existing governments. Under the pressure of public opinion, Renzi’s executive has been pushed to rethink its current relations to Egypt, traditionally a close partner of Italy, thus weakening the once strong economic, political, and security partnership. This decision has had consequences for the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis, where Egypt supports General Haftar in the East and Italy is the main sponsor of the National Unity Government in the West. The paper argues that the Regeni case had an impact on the overall Italian Mediterranean strategy in the short term. However, it also states that, given that the current transformation has not yet been followed by a radical rethink of the cornerstones of Italian policy in the area, it is unlikely that it will mark the beginning of a fundamental review of Rome’s strategy in the Mediterranean region in the coming years.

Deploying Game Theory in Analyzing the Conflict in Afghanistan-Pakistan Bilateral Relations

The objective of this thesis is to develop a game theoretical model for analysis of the conflict in the bilateral relations of Afghanistan and Pakistan. The development of the model is preceded by historical and qualitative analysis of Afghanistan, its internal politics and consequent trajectory of relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The model has been developed keeping in view the existence of a National Unity Government in Afghanistan and the conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan on the issues of the Durand line and Taliban. The game theoretical model hence developed is structured as a two-level game which has the domestic game in Afghanistan at the level one and an inter-state game at the level two. Both games have different structures with the level one being an extensive game tree whereas for the level two of the game hyper-gaming has been deployed to account for the different perception the players may have about the same conflict. Although this thesis avoids using the formal mathematical notation, knowledge of basic game theory is a prerequisite.

Educational reforms and curriculum transformation in post-apartheid South Africa

Educational reforms and curriculum transformation have been a priority in South Africa since the establishment of the Government of National Unity in 1994. Education is critical in redressing the injustices of apartheid colonialism which created an inequitable and fragmented education system. Factors such as school access, governance, curriculum, teacher deployment and financial resources have also gone through the education policy mill. While relatively impressive progress is observed regarding legislative interventions, policy development, curriculum reform and the implementation of new ways of delivering education, many challenges remain. Key among the challenges relates to the quality of education, twenty two years since the dawn of democracy. To contribute to the debate on educational reforms and pertaining to the quality of education, the paper discusses the various curriculum reforms of South Africa’s education sector and provides a brief evaluation of the trends in policies affecting equity and quality in the South African education environment. The paper finds that the quality of education is critical for many reasons

Plan de desarrollo humano nicaragüense, 2012-2016: un enfoque para la educación y desarrollo rural

El presente estudio analizó las bondades del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo Humano (PNDH) 2012 – 2016, formulado y aplicado en Nicaragua y rectorado por el gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional (GRUN), como un instrumento de la Educación y el Desarrollo Rural para llevar a la práctica las políticas públicas, estrategias y acciones de Nación, que permitan alcanzar los propósitos de reducción de la pobreza, Desarrollo Humano, Social, Económico, con justicia y desde el protagonismo de la persona, las familias y la comunidad. El PNDH es un plan vivo, en continua construcción, abierto a los aportes de la sociedad nicaragüense, que es actualizado de manera periódica para ajustarse a los procesos cambiantes internos y externos, es un plan Maestro que sirve de referencia para el mediano y largo plazo, es decir cualquier política pública tendrá como referencia la articulación con este plan en el cual se aspira a tener una estructura holística e integral. En el marco de la Educación y Desarrollo Rural el estudio del PNDH resulta ser un instrumento para mejorar la calidad de vida de los y las nicaragüenses ubicándolos como centro y sujeto primordial del desarrollo, por medio del crecimiento económico con equidad social y la transformación de los métodos de producción y de los patrones de consumo y que se sustenta en el equilibrio ecológico y el soporte vital de la región.

Regional mediation strategy: The case of Zimbabwe

ABSTRACTThe growth and survival of the field of conflict resolution can only be attained if practice is used to generate theory, rather than a reliance on the current situation where theory attempts to direct practice. Some conflict resolution practitioners believe that theory and practice cannot be separated. This article evaluates the art of mediation using Zimbabwe as a case study, where the strategy was used in an attempt to resolve the Zimbabwean conflict that began in 1999. Employing primary and secondary sources, the article delineates the major characteristics of mediation and clarifies principles of the strategy. It further establishes the affinity and dissonance between practice and theory. In addition, it asserts that in the Zimbabwean case, the achievements of insider-partial mediation as a strategy were limited. In the long term the mediation strategy failed because the Government of National Unity did not fulfil all the outstanding issues enunciated by the global political agreement as a precursor to free and fair, credible and legitimate elections. In opposition to the mediation targets towards sustainable peace, Zimbabwe witnessed rushed elections before the accomplishment of the issues at stake, leading to the overall failure of the insider-partial mediation.

Constitution Making Under Governments of National Unity: The Zimbabwean Case 2009–2013

Constitutions are the bedrock of democratic governance in the contemporary world and any state claiming democratic credentials needs to base its claims on a good constitution and positive constitutionalism. In the period from 2009 to 2013, Zimbabwe was ruled by a negotiated government of national unity (GNU). The government, a result of inconclusive presidential elections in 2008 was tasked with writing a new constitution to take the country out of the crisis that it has undergone since the turn of the century. The GNU duly set upon this task and wrote the constitution which was passed by parliament in May 2013. Against this background, this paper seeks to analyse the Constitutional Parliamentary Committee (COPAC) driven constitutional making process. Using a qualitative methodology based on participant observation and document analysis, the paper shows that the process was fraught with irregularities and ushered in a negotiated constitution in place of the initially touted people driven constitution. Thus the paper intends to reveal the pitfalls of a negotiated constitution making process. The paper concludes that in a transitional period, people driven constitution making is at the least too ambitious and at the worst totally unfeasible.

Afghanistan on a knife-edge

Afghanistan finds itself on a knife-edge. The September–October 2015 crisis in Kunduz highlighted the scale of the challenges facing its “National Unity Government”, which does not enjoy widespread popular confidence and is constrained by its neopatrimonial character, inherited from the times of Hamed Karzai. Insecurity contributed to an outflow towards Europe of more than 200,000 Afghans in 2015. Some see negotiation with the Taliban as a way of addressing Afghanistan’s problems, but many difficulties litter this path, not least that Pakistan’s military intelligence could easily confect another force to advance its perceived interests in Afghanistan. It is Pakistan’s disposition to meddle in Afghanistan – a form of “creeping invasion” – that ultimately fuels instability in Afghanistan, and diplomatic and political means should be employed to pressure Pakistan to close the sanctuaries it provides for the Taliban and their associates. The positive psychological effects of such a move would likely be immediate and dramatic.