General Election Campaign Research Articles

The Governmental Regulation No. 2 of 2020 and the Head of the Region General Election in the Pandemic ERA: Between the Health Protocol and Cluster Disaster of the Regional General Election

Objective: The organization of the regional general election during the Covid-19 pandemic surely createsthreats towards the citizens’ right to live, which is guaranteed by the constitution. It is not easy to guaranteethe safety of the organizers as well as the voters and to build a discipline in running the health protocolduring the regional general election This paper aims to describe such condition.Method: This research uses the juridical-normative method with the descriptive-qualitative approach.Result: There needs to be a tight and a measured health protocol which is able to prevent the turning ofthe regional general election into an arena of mass Covid-19 infection. It is important to strengthen theregulation in the form of prohibitions and sanctions in violating the protocol.Conclusion: The General Election Commission and the government must act strictly to every violationof the health protocol, as it endangers many people. There must be clear regulations on the prohibition ofthe general election campaign and activities which involve many people in the red areas, and campaignlimitations in the green areas.

Not So Well Campaign Speech in Swahili

Abstract The political campaign speeches can be used not only as platform to promote election manifestos of the candidates but also as communication channels imbued with creative manipulation of words, phrases, sayings and proverbial expressions to lure voters. Of interest in this study, is how some erudite public figures in Tanzania tend to interspace their political campaign speeches with proverbial elements. As campaign speeches aim to weaken political rivals, the use of subverted form of standard adage became inevitable on the process of waging verbal war to disarm opponents’ argumentative style, didactic wisdom and explanatory prowess. This paper goes beyond the exploration of standard proverbial expressions in political campaign speeches, to specifically target the deliberate modification, parody, subversion on existing proverbs and proverbial expressions in Swahili by the two major political parties of CCM and UKAWA as contested in the 2015 Tanzania general election campaigns.

Penegakan Hukum Terhadap Tindak Pidana Money Politik Pada Pemilu 2019

In its development, election crime in Indonesia has undergone many changes, in the form of increasing types of criminal acts to differences in the addition of criminal sanctions. This is due to the fact that election crimes are increasingly becoming a more serious concern because the measure of the success of a democratic country is seen from its success in holding elections. The government then tightened the rule of law regarding elections by further increasing criminal sanctions for perpetrators of election crimes. Furthermore, with the hope that with the existence of Law Number 7 of 2017 as the latest Law on the election of members of the DPR, DPD and DPRD as the rules for implementing elections that have been perfected from the previous Law. This law anticipates a criminal act and states that there are 4 (four) institutions involved in handling election criminal cases, namely the Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu), the Police, the Attorney General's Office and the Court. With regard to money politics, Article 280 paragraph (1) letter j and Article 286 paragraph (1) of the Election Law stipulate prohibitions for election campaigners, participants, and election campaign teams as well as candidate pairs (candidates for President and Vice President), candidates for DPR, DPD, Provincial DPRD, Regency / Municipal DPRD, campaign executor, and / or campaign team promise and / or give money or other materials to influence election organizers and / or voters. Meanwhile, Article 282 contains prohibitions for state officials, structural officials, and functional officials in government positions, as well as village heads from making decisions and / or taking actions that benefit or disadvantage one of the election participants. The prohibition on money politics is also contained in Article 69 paragraph (1) letter j and Article 72 of KPU Regulation Number 23 of 2018 concerning the General Election Campaign. Furthermore, if there are elements that are detrimental to state finances, Law Number 31 of 1999 concerning Eradication of Corruption (Corruption Eradication Law) can also be applied. Even though there are laws and regulations, the practice of money politics in elections still occurs. Law enforcement regarding money politics in Indonesia has several shortcomings. This deficiency is caused by several factors, namely legal factors, infrastructure factors, community factors, and cultural factors. In addition, sometimes law enforcement officers themselves sometimes still participate in the successful implementation of money politic. Keyword : Crime; Money Politics; Elections.

Brexit, Indyref2 and the 2019 General Election in Scotland

While “ getting Brexit done” featured at the heart of the UK Conservative 2019 general election campaign, it was clear that a similar strategy was never going to function in Scotland where 62% voted Remain in 2016. Neither could the Conservatives afford to ignore Scotland as they knew too well that they had only managed to snatch victory out of the jaws of defeat in the 2017 general election thanks to the crucial addition of thirteen Scottish Conservative seats. The upsurge in Conservative votes in Scotland coincided with a strong unionist message which had proved fruitful in the 2017 general election despite a political context dominated by Brexit. Could the Scottish Conservatives repeat their success of 2017 by focusing on the Union and betting that Scotland’s constitutional debate would once again trump the issue of Brexit? This paper will seek to compare the last two general election campaigns in Scotland in order to determine to what extent Brexit determined the results of the 2019 general election.

The 2019 Danish General Election Campaign: The ‘Normalisation’ of Social Media Channels?

The 2019 Danish General Election Campaign: The ‘Normalisation’ of Social Media Channels?

Extending influence on social media: The behaviour of political talk-show opinion leaders on Twitter

Social media, especially Twitter, has become a strategic space for those users who try to extend their influence in the digital environment. This work focuses on opinion leaders who participate in political talk-shows. The aim is to analyse the use and the thematic agenda proposed by these actors on Twitter during electoral periods. The Twitter profiles of 20 opinion leaders (journalists, media editors and experts) of four Spanish television channels are examined. A quantitative content analysis is used on 2,588 tweets disseminated during the November 2019 general election campaign in Spain by them. Results show differences between the different types of actors who make up the sample. Journalists use Twitter to express their criticisms and reinforce their community of followers, especially using interaction and humour. Media editors are more neutral and promote their personal brand through the promotion of their media companies. Experts inform and analyse political news more than journalists, although they also criticise and respond to citizens’ comments. Regarding the subject agenda, messages on electoral results and media content predominate. Thus, the data shows how opinion leaders take advantage of Twitter to freely show their opinions, especially negative ones, and boost dialogue with users.

Applause Invitations in Political Speeches: A Comparison of Two British Party Political Leaders (Theresa May and Jeremy Corbyn)

AbstractThis study was focussed on 11 rhetorical devices used to invite collective applause in speeches by two opposing British party political leaders, Theresa May and Jeremy Corbyn. The analysis was based on 14 speeches (delivered at party conferences in 2016 and during the general election campaign of 2017), transcribed verbatim from video recordings. These speeches were closely matched between the two politicians in terms of speech duration, and when and where they took place. Almost all the incidents of collective audience applause (98%) occurred in response to the 11 rhetorical devices. Regardless of their opposing political views, the two party leaders used similar devices when delivering a speech. While they did not differ significantly in the mean duration of collective applause received, Corbyn was significantly higher in terms both of the frequency of his rhetorical devices and in the frequency with which he received collective applause. Given the careful matching technique employed in this study, it arguably provides us with the clearest demonstration to date of the role played by rhetorical devices in inviting collective audience applause.

A new party system or a new political system?

ABSTRACT Defying many odds, the BJP has held on to the political space it conquered five years ago and succeeded in expanding its territorial imprint. It did so through a campaign that was substantially different from the 2014 General Election campaign, which was marked by the rejection of the Congress and an enthusiastic embrace of the BJP’s promise of development for all. Five years later, much has changed in India with regard to the political system, which has become more centralized and less liberal. Since the 2019 election, the second Modi-led government has pushed the transition from a de facto Hindu majoritarian state towards a de jure Hindu majoritarian state through the adoption of controversial policies affecting some of the basic normative tenets of India’s old constitutional order, so much so that the BJP’s rise to power has transformed not only the party system, but also the political system itself. This is reflected in India dropping several ranks in most indices of democracy. At the same time, Indian national and state politics have followed divergent paths: the BJP dominates the national stage unchallenged by any rival, but is finding it increasingly difficult to sustain its sway in state elections – leaving the question of the Hindu nationalist hegemony open.

Women Voters’ Radio Exposure by Sociodemographics During the 2013 Kenya General Election Campaigns in Kakamega County: Implications for Policy and Broadcast Journalism

ABSTRACT Sociodemographics shape audience exposure to radio. However, it remains unclear whether these sociodemographics correlate with women voters’ radio exposure during elections in Kenya. Grounded in political mobilization, uses and gratification theories, this paper examines women voters’ exposure to political information on radio during the 2013 Kenya general election campaigns in Kakamega County. The study adopted a descriptive correlational survey based on data collected from women voters in six constituencies in Kakamega County using a questionnaire (N = 372). It was established that weekly political news exposure through radio for almost three-fifths (58.6%) of women voters was 12–56 h. Respondents’ radio exposure was statistically significantly and strongly linked to their age, marital status and level of education. Further, this radio exposure was statistically significantly and moderately associated with women voters’ employment status, income and residential location. Using these demographic data, this article explores research implications and recommends the adoption of policies and practices that can better harness the power of radio to reach women as voters in counties in Kenya.

Cognitive Biases in Link Sharing Behavior and How to Get Rid of Them: Evidence from the 2019 Spanish General Election Twitter Conversation

After a few years focusing on issues such as electoral prediction through social media data, many analysts turned their attention toward fake news spreading and misinformation. A coherent next step in elections research through social media data would be identifying what makes communities and individuals less open to manipulation. Misinformation is not simply bad or false information but selective information circulated among isolated and unconnected groups. Here, I will discuss common cognitive biases in link sharing behavior and its effects on politically shaped communities in the Twitter public debate on the 2019 Spanish general election campaign. Finally, I will present and discuss some data-driven mechanisms that may contribute to the mitigation of mass manipulation.

Changes in Candidate Evaluations over the Campaign Season: A Comparison of House, Senate, and Presidential Races

How do citizens’ preferences for candidates change during a campaign season? For the first time, this panel study examines how citizens’ preferences for candidates change during the general election campaign season for House, Senate, and presidential elections, which vary widely in their salience and contestedness. House races exhibit the greatest mean change in candidate evaluations and presidential races exhibit the least. At the individual level, there is considerable variation across the three types of contest in the presence of a candidate preference and in change over the campaign season. We investigate differences across the three types of races in initial familiarity with candidates and estimate transition models to evaluate the effect of race contestedness, partisanship, presidential approval, political sophistication and knowledge on change in candidate preferences in each type of race. Change in knowledge of the candidates during the campaign season has the greatest effect in House contests, where initial familiarity with the candidates is the most limited.

Narrative, persona and performance: The case of Theresa May 2016–2017

A narrative and performance analysis of the period between the 2016 EU referendum and the 2017 general election makes an empirical and theoretical contribution to understanding personalised politics at the present time. This article contends that Theresa May’s initial success proceeded from her rhetorical construction and performance of a persona founded on the archetypal healer, together with a narrative based on the myth of One Nation. However, her decision as Prime Minister to align herself with the pro-Brexit constituency and her neglect of the ‘just about managing’ called both her persona and narrative into question. The highly personalised general election campaign ensured the focus stayed on May, while the manifesto offered her a new ‘flawed’ narrative that resulted in the collapse of her early leadership image. By the time of the election, May was performing neither the narrative nor the persona; she was effectively absent from her own campaign.

‘BAKWATA is Like a Dead Spirit to Oppress Muslims’

Abstract During the 2015 general election campaigns in Tanzania, a controversy arose between the ruling party and the opposition coalition, concerning the proposed constitution draft and the position of Zanzibar within the Union. Beyond this controversy, there have existed the impacts of Islamic revivalism on the one hand, and a fear for the perpetuation of Islam in Tanzania on the other – issues which have played a significant role in the country since Independence. In this paper, we focus in particular upon popular Muslim preachers, such as Ponda Issa Ponda, who complain that the National Muslim Council of Tanzania [BAKWATA] is just an extension of the mainstream government – an organisation which is unsympathetic to Muslims’ interests, which violates Muslims’ rights, and which functions contrary to its own purpose. This complaint draws on long-term memory, reaching back even further than the 1968 banning of the East African Muslims Welfare Society [EAMWS]. Two interesting questions are addressed here concerning a central state’s involvement in religious affairs under multi-party rule: How has the Tanzanian government managed religious diversity? And how should its management style be evaluated, given the perspective that has developed with the shift in focus from ‘government’ to ‘governance’ in policy and management sciences?

COMMUNITY CAMPAIGN IN THE POLITICAL MEME “NYELENEH COMMUNITY” IN 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Purpose of the study: This study aims to analyze one of the phenomena that happened on Indonesia election 2019, usage of internet meme for political campaign to boost some candidates popularity, but the concentration of this study is memes of unique community that make declaration to support political campaign president candidate from number 01, Jokowi - Ma’ruf Amin.
 Methodology: This study uses an Expreslanatical case study method using a qualitative approach. This study highlighted the political meme "nyeleneh community" in the 2019 presidential election. In content analysis, qualitative media of all types of data or documents analyzed are often referred to as "text" although not always in written form, but can also be images, moving images, music, articles, and others.
 Main Findings: The results show that the use of social media is very important during the 2019 General Election campaign, the existence of social media is considered as a "sexy" communication media to get the votes, as a medium to communicate or delivery the candidates’ vision and mission and also as media to interact with their supporters.
 Applications of this study: Memes of a unique community called “Nyeleneh Community” that make the declaration to support political campaign president candidate from number 01, Jokowi - Ma’ruf Amin.
 Novelty/Originality of this study: Meme presidential election 2019 circulates on social media more than a regular meme. Through visual images as well as words, packed with satire style creates a humorous atmosphere that becomes catharsis amid the contestations of presidential election 2019. The level of creativity in making memes increases rapidly which indicates a growing interest in the participation of public elections. Political communication activities on social media in Indonesia have spread to the wider community and need a serious review to understand the map which provides references to stakeholders to create a policy.

Measuring Real-Time Response in Real-Life Settings

Abstract Real-time response (RTR) measurement is an important technique to assess human processing of information. Ever since Maier et al. verified the reliability and validity of physical RTR devices in this journal a decade ago, there has been a growing trend toward virtual measurement platforms to overcome the limitations of conventional, laboratory-based methods. We introduce the Debat-O-Meter, a novel online RTR platform for mobile devices, which allows researchers to measure how viewers perceive political debates in the setting of their private homes. We draw on a large study (N = 5,660) conducted during the 2017 German general election campaign and show that virtualized measurement indeed facilitates diverse and large N field studies while simultaneously conforming to established standards of reliability and validity.

Constructing women’s “different voice”

Abstract Since the 1990s, media commentators in the UK and elsewhere have praised women for introducing a “visibly different style of politics”, one symbol of which is the alleged preference of female politicians for a less adversarial and more co-operative style of political speech. Drawing on an analysis of the 2015 UK General Election campaign, we argue that this notion of women’s “different voice” has become increasingly central to the media’s construction of prominent female politicians as public figures, despite the evidence that it does not reflect any clear-cut pattern of differentiation between male and female political speakers of equivalent status and experience. Though it may seem to be an advance on previous negative representations of female politicians, we suggest that it reproduces – albeit in a “modernized” form – the long-established tendency of the media to evaluate women in relation to gendered norms and expectations, while men are judged as individuals.

Populist attraction: the symbolic uses of masculinities in the Austrian general election campaign 2017

ABSTRACTThe year 2017 brought about a political change in Austria. The hitherto governing coalition of the Social Democrats (SPÖ) with the conservative People’s Party (ÖVP) was replaced with a coalition between the rebranded so-called New People’s Party (ÖVP) and the right-wing populist Freedom Party (FPÖ) which lasted only 17 months. This paper aims to theorize political masculinity and populism by taking Austria as an example. It combines the theory of Pierre Bourdieu and his conceptions of the political field, masculine domination, and symbolic violence with Raewyn Connell’s theory of hegemonic masculinities and discusses how political masculinities relate to a populist political style. Examining the electoral strategies of the two right-wing parties ÖVP and FPÖ in Austria, the paper illuminates two moments of change in political masculinities when confronted with populism: the transformation from oppositional to governmental populist political masculinity on the one hand, and the populist challenge to hegemonic political masculinity on the other.

Religion and the New Media: Discourses and Debates in the 2018 Fiji General Election Campaign

This article explores discourses and debates on secularism, religion, and politics in social media in connection with the 2018 Fiji general election campaign, and in interviews with leading figures in churches and religious organisations. It discusses how people responded to these issues. It shows that there is still a pervasive lack of clarity in the Fijian population as to what the terms Christian state, secular state, secularism, and secularisation mean, how people understand, discuss, and debate them, and how this lack of clarity was used politically during the campaign.

Campaigning on Twitter: Towards the “Personal Style” Campaign to Activate the Political Engagement During the 2011 Spanish General Elections

Politicians have been quick to adopt and leverage social media to engage voters. Micro-blogging on Twitter is a campaign tool that helps a political candidate directly interact with citizens through a shared conversation. It also allows the candidate to use a personal campaigning style based on a more everyday (versus an institutionalized) style of speech. The aim of this article is to analyse the extent to which the candidates for the presidency of the two leading parties in Spain deployed this personal strategy on Twitter during 2011 General-Election campaign. In order to achieve our goal, we have designed and used a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the 2.274 tweets put out by both candidates’ accounts: @conRubalcaba and @marianorajoy.

Modeling the Formation of Attentive Publics in Social Media: The Case of Donald Trump

Previous research has shown the importance of Donald Trump’s Twitter activity, and that of his Twitter following, in spreading his message during the primary and general election campaigns of 2015–2016. However, we know little about how the publics who followed Trump and amplified his messages took shape. We take this case as an opportunity to theorize and test questions about the assembly of what we call “attentive publics” in social media. We situate our study in the context of current discussions of audience formation, attention flow, and hybridity in the United States’ political media system. From this we derive propositions concerning how attentive publics aggregate around a particular object, in this case Trump himself, which we test using time series modeling. We also present an exploration of the possible role of automated accounts in these processes. Our results reiterate the media hybridity described by others, while emphasizing the importance of news media coverage in building social media attentive publics.