Implementation Of Foreign Policy Research Articles

Raspad Jugoslavije i geopolitičke refleksije: Ruski pogledi na Bosnu i Hercegovinu (1992-1995)

The Balkans should be viewed through the prism of the interests and policies of the superpowers, including Russia, which have long left their mark on its history and fate. The partial interests of powerful states, arbitration and division, reinforced by prejudice and ignorance, were many times more important in the Balkans than the fate of its inhabitants. It was in this neuralgic space that „exams for entering, ie for leaving the club of great powers“ were taken. The main motive is not love, hate, friendship, spiritual or religious kinship, but interest - one of the main motives in their politics. When they do not have it, then they are, in principle, inert. Knowing the interesting logic of powerful states is an important condition for the survival of „small nations“. Past historical events play an important role in politics and strategic thinking. Most theorists of international relations treat diplomacy as a factor of national power, which ensures the implementation of foreign policy without the use of violence. Its history consists of constant attempts to overcome „realism over idealism and vice versa“. Changes in the balance of power in international relations always create space for new conflicts. In Europe, wrote Milan Kundera, there are large countries on one side and small ones on the other; there are powerful nations in the negotiating halls and those who wait all night in the foyer. The study of the time of the disintegration of the Yugoslav state and the facts of the „post-Yugoslav wars“, especially the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is very complex. Some researchers believe that this period is not yet a real „history“, that many questions can still be asked, while many more precise answers are more speculated than is known. Particularly problematic is the so-called secret diplomacy, that is, the hidden history of the actors of the Yugoslav crisis - the basis for understanding the course of events. Many accompanying segments therefore elude more studious analysis. It is a mosaic with places where cubes are missing. It is difficult to define the spirit of the time in many ways only on the basis of available documents and existing literature, to state „one's truth“ about the recent past. The disappearance of the Yugoslav state union and the emergence of post-Yugoslav states on the new political map of Europe have complicated the efforts of Russian scientists to interpret their past and present. Political relations, disputes and positioning, also affect historiographies, influence the choice and processing of research topics. According to some theses, the disintegration of the USSR and SFR Yugoslavia, as well as the commercialization of the Internet, are „three border events with global consequences“ that mark 1991 as the beginning of the 21st century. Since the Russian Federation was the initiator of the overthrow of the Soviet Union, it could not advocate a united Yugoslavia. There were therefore no obstacles for the new Kremlin authorities to recognize the independence of the former Yugoslav republics. Russia recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992, but did not establish diplomatic relations with it until 1996. During the post-Yugoslav wars, in an effort to join Europe's new security system, Russia largely supported Western policies until President Boris Yeltsin (BN Yeltsin) stepped down in 1999. The Yugoslav crisis and the post-Yugoslav wars helped Russia regain its place on the world international stage after the collapse of the Soviet Union, thanks to its „ad hoc approach to regional conflicts.“ Russia's engagement during the breakup of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav wars largely reflected the then maneuvers of Russian diplomacy and a kind of exchange of Russian support for Western countries in the „Yugoslav question“, for concessions concerning Russia's interests in much more important issues

Erdoğan and the Muslim Brotherhood: an outside-in approach to Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East

ABSTRACT Amidst multiple foreign policy flip-flops of the Turkish government, the Middle East is where observers agree most about the explanatory priority of ideational factors over realpolitik calculations. The assertive foreign policy activism to extend the country’s role in the region has largely been linked to the Islamist leanings of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). This study revisits Turkey’s Middle East policy with a particular focus on the AKP’s relations with the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan al Muslimin), which marked Turkish foreign policy formulation and implementation in multiple theatres from Yemen to Egypt to Libya. Using a neoclassical realist approach, it argues that the AKP’s ideological ties to the Ikhwan are significant for the availability of new resources but Turkish foreign policy behavior in the Middle East, including relations with the Ikhwan, reflects a grand strategy to respond to systemic and sub-systemic stimuli.

РОЛЬ ДЕРЖАВИ У ФОРМУВАННІ ТА РЕАЛІЗАЦІЇ ЗОВНІШНЬОТОРГОВЕЛЬНОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ УКРАЇНИ В УМОВАХ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОЇ ІНТЕГРАЦІЇ

The objective of the paper is to reveal the role of the state in the formation and implementation of Ukraine's foreign trade policy in the conditions of the European integration. At present development of world trade is under the impact of the active participation of the states in the trade flows formations through the use of the mechanism of state regulation. This makes it possible to combine national and international interests, which do not always coincide. Ukraine's participation in the processes of neoliberal globalization turned it into a raw material appendage of developed countries, as a result of which Ukraine lost a significant part of its potential. The current deterioration of Ukraine's economic condition makes it difficult to solve the problem of adaptation to the social standards of the EU, and, accordingly, the accession to it, therefore the issue of the role of the state in the formation and implementation of foreign trade policy in the conditions of European integration becomes important and requires detailed research. The state creates the necessary legal framework, which includes measures to define private property rights and guarantee compliance with contracts. Government also sets the “rules of the game” by regulating the relationship between businesses, resource providers and consumers. Based on legislation, the state acts as an arbiter in the field of foreign economic relations. The most important tool for achieving the goal should be the improvement of the mechanism of regulation of foreign economic activity in the direction of the optimal combination of the openness of the national economy with the risks of economic development in the conditions of globalization of the world economy and acceleration of accession to the EU

Institutional Factor in the Interstate Cooperation’s Development: The Example of Uzbek-French Relations

The development of any branch of the socio-political, economic or cultural life of a society is directly related to the work of specialized organizations/institutes that are responsible for this sector. Foreign policy has also developed, improved and, most importantly, stabilized with the advent of universal (as an institute state) and special bodies (ministries, agencies, diplomatic missions, etc.) external relations. The article examines the impact of institutional factors on the dynamics of development of interstate cooperation on the example of Uzbek-French relations. It provides a conceptual analysis of the institutionalization processes’ role on the state of bilateral cooperation and a comprehensive study of the evolution of the institutional basis of relations between Uzbekistan and France through a systematic approach. The introductory part of the article defines the practical and academic relevance of the research. The role of institutional factors in the effectiveness of foreign policy of the state and the disclosure of the potential of the state in the international arena is considered. The introduction also sets out the purpose, objectives and methods of research. The main part of the study is a brief theoretical and methodological substantiation of the activities of state foreign policy institutions. It also provides general information on the current state of cooperation between Uzbekistan and France. The current state of this cooperation is revealed through a system-institutional analysis: the author investigated bilateral relations between Uzbekistan and France in five conditional stages: 1992-2005, 2006-2008, 2009-2012, 2013-2017, 2018- at pp. The specificity of transformation of these conditional stages is revealed. The final part of the article provides an overview of the impact of institutionalization on society and the state, the formation, implementation and prospects of foreign policy, the success or inefficiency of international relations of the state. In addition, proposals were made for the further development of relations between Uzbekistan and France.

Organizational and legal basis of the international activities of the Ukrainian Central Council: a historical and legal study

The research is devoted to the study of the problem of the formation and genesis of the concept of foreign policy and the main stages of its implementation during the period of activity of the Central Council of the Ukrainian People's Republic. A historical and legal analysis of legal acts adopted in 1917-1918, as well as diplomatic decisions and their consequences, was carried out. The achievements and omissions of the then government in the field of international relations are characterized. The influence and significance of the activity of the young state in the international arena, the support of foreign partners and the world community in general, especially in comparison with the current situation in the country, are outlined. Taking into account the world experience of state formation, it is obvious that the situation in the international arena and the presence of support from foreign states are important for the successful formation and development of a state. From 1917 to 1921, it was external factors had a significant impact on the restoration of Ukraine's independence. Therefore, at the current stage of state formation, especially in the conditions of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine, a thorough study of the historical and legal experience of the revival of Ukrainian statehood during the time of the Ukrainian People's Republic is extremely relevant and important. Yes, some problems of the direction are considered in general works, however, the formation of Ukraine in the international arena has its own history and traditions, which requires separate consideration and analysis, which determines the relevance of this study. A deep and comprehensive study of the experience of the implementation of the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People's Republic, taking into account the situation of Ukraine in today's conditions, will make it possible to emphasize the current situation in the international arena. In addition, the study of the peculiarities of the implementation of the foreign policy of this period will make it possible to take into account the miscalculations in the formation of the foreign policy concepts of the current elites and avoid them today. The purpose of the article is to conduct a study of the impact of the situation in the international arena on the restoration of Ukraine's statehood during the period of activity of the Ukrainian People's Republic and to take into account the positive and negative consequences of the decisions made by the political elites of that time in the process of implementing the state's foreign policy. Thus, the foreign policy of Ukraine during the period of the national revolution, in particular during the activity of the Ukrainian Central Rada, is characterized by the formation of the concept and definition of the main directions of development with the aim of gaining independence. Therefore, the most significant achievement of this period is the recognition of Ukraine as a full-fledged subject of international relations and the implementation of an independent foreign policy. In addition, the foreign policy assets of the Ukrainian People's Republic, despite miscalculations and mistakes, in addition to the formation of an independent foreign policy, were the creation of the General Secretariat for International Affairs and the development of international relations with foreign countries, in particular in the search for support and assistance in the fight against Bolshevik Russia. Thus, having declared independence and received recognition in the international arena, Ukraine once again proved that it cannot exist as part of Russia and thus made a significant contribution to overcoming the widespread stereotype of "great and indivisible" Russia, which we continue to prove today.

ОЦЕНКА ИНСТРУМЕНТОВ ПУБЛИЧНОЙ ДИПЛОМАТИИ: ИСТОРИЯ, ЗНАЧЕНИЕ И ОСОБЕННОСТИ

Modern international relations require additional sources of influence, as well as different ways of their development and application. One of the sources is public diplomacy, which has many formats and is used by various actors in world politics. The evaluation and management of its tools is aimed at implementing a comprehensive diplomatic strategy of the state in order to influence the population of a foreign state, its political opinions and decisions. The issues of public diplomacy are receiving more and more attention in the expert discourse. Analysis and identification of the most effective methods and technologies of public diplomacy in terms of achieving the set goals should also serve to clarify the features of its influence on political processes. The purpose of the study in the article is to substantiate the fact that public diplomacy is a state foreign policy tool in the format of communication channels for the interaction of the state with foreign societies for political purposes. The research methodology lies in the fact that in order to achieve the set goal and solve problems, dialectical and systemic approaches, general scientific methods of retrospective, situational, comparative, factor analysis, content analysis of scientific literature, economic-statistical, comparative, analytical research methods were used. The research approach is based on a comparison of the emergence stage of public diplomacy and the mechanisms of a new stage in public diplomacy – analyzing the influence of public opinion on the formation and implementation of foreign policy. In addition, an assessment is made of the effectiveness of public diplomacy tools, what, thus, contributes to the understanding that at present public diplomacy serves as a means not only to establish relations between foreign societies, but also to promote the foreign policy interests of the state. As a result of the study, it is shown that higher education is one of the most successful tools in the practice of public diplomacy

The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkans

The scientific aim of this paper is to analyse and evaluate actions taken by Turkey’s leading politicians with regard to the Western Balkan states (i.e. Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia) during the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the Justice and Development Party came to power in 2002, Turkey has attempted to increase its international influence through diplomatic, economic and cultural measures. Western Balkans region, with which Turks have historical and ethnic ties, is one of the key areas in AKP’s doctrine. Adopting image theory in international relations as the theoretical foundation, this research examines implementation of Turkish foreign policy in the Western Balkans in times of SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus pandemic. By employing available original Turkish sources (academic publications, public reports, press releases), the main objectives of Turkey’s political strategy towards the region have been determined. Detailed analysis of official statements and speeches of Turkish policy-makers was also fundamental for this study. In this context, the values and symbols to which the AKP government refers in its activities in the Western Balkans have been identified. Based on content analysis, comparative analysis and political discourse analysis, this research seeks to explain the rationale of Turkish actions in recent months. As a conclusion, future prospects for Turkey’s involvement in the Western Balkans have been presented and discussed.

Costly Concealment: Secret Foreign Policymaking, Transparency, and Credible Reassurance

AbstractThis article presents a formal model that shows how states can credibly reassure each other simply by maintaining a cooperative outward narrative. The reassurance literature to date has focused largely on costly signaling, whereby benign states must distinguish themselves by taking specific actions that hostile types would not. The mere lack of overtly expressed hostilitywithoutcostly signals has been considered “cheap talk,” on the assumption that this behavior is costless for hostile states and thus uninformative. In contrast, this paper argues that maintaining a cooperative façade while secretly formulating and executing exploitative policies carries inherent trade-offs, and thus constitutes a credible reassurance signal. Foreign policy planning and implementation requires communication among various individuals, groups, and organizations, which has some probability of being observed and punished by outside actors. Yet efforts to conceal the policymaking process and reduce this probability are costly—they require investments in internal monitoring and restrictions on internal communication that can substantially degrade policy outcomes. Thus, to the extent that a state's foreign policymaking process is transparent—that is, that concealing internal communications is difficult—the absence of positive signals of hostility is a credible signal of its benign intentions. The argument is illustrated with a case study of German reassurance signals during the July Crisis preceding World War I.

Shaping of the U.S. Regional Security Framework in the Indo-Pacific Region in 2012-2020

This article examines the transformation of the US approaches to the implementation of foreign policy in Indo-Pacific region. It is noteworthy that with the change in the approaches of the US leadership to the structuring of the regional subsystem through the creation and maintenance of allied relations with a number of states in the region, the goal remains unchanged — ensuring security in the region while maintaining US leadership. At the present stage, the implementation of this goal is hindered by the growing influence of China in the Indo-Pacific region. The authors of the article focused on identifying criteria that allow assessing the current situation in the region and the effectiveness of existing cooperation between the United States and the countries of the Indo-Pacific region within the framework of organizations and agreements. The research was conducted on the basis of an analysis of the behaviour of some regional players who have agreements with the United States and position themselves as their allies. The criteria for the study were the following aspects: participation in military exercises, the deployment of military bases, signed defence agreements, the availability of information exchange in the field of military technology, the presence of nuclear weapons, the absence of territorial claims at sea and participation in shipping operations. The authors analysed national documents, according to them it was possible to characterize the attitude of countries to the United States, China, as well as to identify the point of view of regional players on the security architecture in Indo-Pacific region and threats significant for the stability of this structure. The study proposed by the authors makes it possible to study the problems of ensuring security in the region, to identify the peculiarities of US policy in the studied space, to determine the tools of the United States to maintain its positions in Indo-Pacific region, as well as to assess the readiness of the allied countries to confront China together with the United States. In conclusion, the authors assess the effectiveness of the transformation of the US-centered regional security system in Indo-Pacific region.

African Governments’ Foreign Publics engagements: Public Diplomacy in African perspective

Scholars over the years have delved into the discourse of states’ foreign publics engagements in their foreign policy objectives. This analysis is done generally with the western perspective of public diplomacy with recent Asian scholarship evolving. As a result, this study aims to reflect on public diplomacy from an African perspective. Therefore, it analyses how African governments have been engaging their foreign publics (foreign governments and their citizens) to attract foreign aid, tourism, and investments in their nation-building and development trajectory. The article explores African public diplomacy mechanisms such as diasporas, nation branding, cultural diplomacy, and many others. It also digests some of the challenges confronting African governments in their public diplomacy campaigns, like lack of research, human and financial resources, and lack of coherent foreign policy documents. The article’s findings demonstrate that although Africa generally has rich public diplomacy resources, these are not adequately harnessed in most African states’ foreign policy. This situation has led to poor foreign policy implementation by most African governments. The study contributes to the public diplomacy scholarship in general and African public diplomacy in particular, which scholars have underexplored. It concludes that scholars should delve into the exegesis of the rich African public diplomacy currencies.

MENJADI ISTRI DIPLOMAT: HURUSTIATI SOEBANDRIO DALAM MEMBENTUK CITRA INDONESIA DI INGGRIS 1947-1954

In the history of Indonesian diplomacy, there have been several outstanding diplomat figures who have made achievements, such as Soebandrio. Then, it is important to realize that the success of Soebandrio in connecting Indonesia with the world when he was in London and Moscow; and his role in various significant state missions cannot be apart from his wife’s role, Hurustiati Soebandrio. During Soebandrio’s career, Hurustiati’s diplomatic role began when her husband became the Indonesian Ambassador in London, at least from 1947 to 1954. During that time, Hurustiati took part in various efforts to build a good image of Indonesia to support the implementation of foreign policy. This study focuses on examining the role of Hurustiati Soebandrio as a wife of a diplomat from 1947 to 1954. Therefore, the study aims to present the role of women as diplomatic wives in the writing of the history of Indonesian diplomacy. In general, it also aims to encourage the writing of a history of diplomacy that pays attention to the role of women. This study employed the historical method by placing archives, magazines, and newspapers as primary sources. The study shows three images of Indonesia that Hurustiati formed in London, namely Indonesia as an independent country, a country that try to reach gender equality, and a multicultural county. To achieve these three images, Hurustiati made various efforts, such as giving official lectures, holding talks with diplomatic officials and their wives, and initiating exhibitions.

Міжнародна економіка: поглиблення і розширення дослідницького потенціалу України

The topical issues of the development of the research potential of Ukraine in the field of international economics , capable of creating scientific support for the foreign economic activity of entrepreneurial structures and government organizations in the context of world and European integration, have been investigated. The creation of the infrastructure of research organizations specializing in the international economics has been substantiated, in particular, the feasibility of creating research institutes in the USA and Canada, Europe, and the Center for International Agricultural Business. The article considers the expediency of conducting research on the issues of cooperation with interstate integration associations of countries, including the EU, ASEAN, TPP, APEC, BRICS, for the implementation of the country's foreign economic policy. A special place in the system of international economics research should be occupied by the problems of Industry 4.0 and the leadership of Ukrainian IT companies in the system of global economic competition. The state of the staffing of research activities in international economics is analyzed and proposals for training of highly qualified specialists in international economics in large industrial centers: Kharkov, L’viv. Dnieper, Odessa and Zaporizhia are formulated.

Siberian Bukharans in Russian mission: gathering intelligence in Russia’s south-eastern borderlands, 17th-18th centuries

Siberian Bukharans were one of the most agile group of the native population of Western Siberia and the Urals in the 17th and 18th centuries. This paper analyzes information about the border activities of Bukharans, characterizes their participation in the implementation of Russian foreign policy. The author considers the phenomenon of intelligence and the intermediary and diplomatic role of the Bukharans through the study of various aspects of Russian policy on the southeastern borderlands. The result shows that Bukharans were involved in intelligence activities in several forms. The Russian authorities could interview Bukharans who came to trade; they could include Bukharans in Russian embassies; or they could send them into the steppe as independent agents. The geography of their missions in the 17th and 18th centuries included the Kuchum lands, the Kazakh khanates, the Oirat and Dzungar lands, as well as the Qing Empire. Bukharans participated in the negotiations as interpreters and they were sometimes allowed to participate in diplomatic ceremonies such as gift exchange. The intelligence activities of some Bukharans could go hand in hand with their trade operations. Recruiting Bukharans for intelligence gathering tsks allowed the Siberian and Orenburg authorities to conduct a more effective policy in the steppe borderlands, based on the knowledge of local realities. The Russian authorities used information provided by the Bukharans for purposes such as drawing up maps, informing the voivodes of the borderlands about military dangers, the movement of troops, and diplomatic negotiations.

Генезис поняття «дипломатія»

The article is devoted to the history of diplomacy that that dates back to antiquity. But today its role is the most important compared to previous years. The dynamic process of development of relations in the international arena brings to the fore the process of rethinking diplomacy in accordance with the conditions of rapid changes in modern times. It had been determined that a single definition of diplomacy has not yet been developed. Over the past century, scientists, thinkers, politicians, lawyers have sought to master the concepts of diplomacy. They tried to understand the nature of diplomacy. The existing definitions of diplomacy were analyzed in the article. Most believe that diplomacy is the activity of high-ranking officials in the implementation of foreign policy. Another view is that diplomacy is the art of negotiation. Consider a few examples. Diplomacy is the application of reason and tact to official relations between the governments of independent states. Besides, diplomacy is the science of foreign relations, the science of mutual interests of states, the science of relations between different states based on their mutual interests, the principle of international law and treaty obligations, the art of negotiation, the science of the art of representing and negotiating. Moreover, diplomacy is one of the most important means of implementing foreign policy. Diplomacy is the art of resolving international disputes by peaceful means. Also, diplomacy is the conduct of international relations through negotiations; the method by which these relations are regulated and maintained by ambassadors and envoys; the work or art of a diplomat. A qualitatively different definition is given by Western sources. Diplomacy is an established method of influencing the decisions and behavior of foreign governments and peoples through dialogue, negotiation and other measures than war or violence. Globalization and regionalization (localization) affect the international order and cooperation, contributing to these new developments in diplomacy. Diplomacy permeates relations at various levels from local to global. It had been determined, in recent years, approaches to defining diplomacy have changed. If earlier it was a question of diplomacy in the context of negotiations between the states and establishment of friendly relations with them. Also, diplomacy was used as a synonym for foreign policy. Today, its content has become much more complex. The point of view on the possible cessation of the phenomenon of professional diplomacy has been studied. The author provided a critical analysis of this position. The author has thoroughly proved that this does not apply to diplomacy at all. In the modern world, diplomacy is used not only in the external relations of states, but also in all spheres of public life, especially in business. Therefore, knowledge of the basics and nature of diplomacy is necessary and useful for successful negotiations, contacts and relations at all levels.

القوة الناعمة وكأس العالم 2022 في قطر

A growing body of literature recognizes the significance of soft power in Qatar's foreign policy. There is, however, limited research on the long-term impact that occurs from the over-dependency on the soft power. The popular rhetoric in most literature expresses that Qatar uses its soft power, often in the form of sports diplomacy, to meet its foreign policy objectives. The review paper attempts to identify to what extent the 2022 World Cup can be understood from the soft power perspective, and the role it plays in Qatar's foreign policy formulation and implementation, as well as the significance of soft power in comprehending Qatar's mega investments in the sporting sector. The first section elaborates into sport diplomacy functions and its origins. The second section elaborates on Qatar's involvement with International Sports. The third and arguably the most important section deals with soft power and sports diplomacy. The paper offers an up-to-date review of current studies about Qatar's international strategy for sport, whether for investment and diversification of state revenues or political and policy diplomacy motifs.

La diplomatie conomique de la RDC: Pourquoi devrai-t-on choisir Belt and Road initiative? [Economic diplomacy of the DRC: Why should the belt and road initiative be chosen?

Given that geopolitical changes are characterized by the decline of the West and the economic prosperity of the East, the Democratic Republic of Congo must adjust its foreign policy implementation tools. In the global and transnational international situation, diplomats' skills are not enough to benefit from economic diplomacy. In addition to traditional diplomatic missions, countries now rely on enterprises as influential participants in their economic diplomacy. Because in the contemporary society, power depends more and more on the mastery of economic ability. China's success is first and foremost economic, not military. The belt and road initiative is obviously the most important geopolitical and geostrategic project in history. So why did the Democratic Republic of Congo choose it? What should be the strategy after signing the MoU? This paper attempts to answer these questions.

Features of diplomatic service by citizens of Ukraine

The article examines the peculiarities of diplomatic service by citizens of Ukraine. It was found that in Ukraine the reform of the diplomatic service took place in fragments with the declaration of independence, at the same time with the adoption in 2018 of the Law of Ukraine "On Diplomatic Service" completed an important stage of its Europeanization.
 It is established that a diplomatic service is a civil service that has a special nature and content which consists in the professional activities of officials of the diplomatic service to implement Ukraine's foreign policy, protect the national interests of our country in international relations, and the rights and interests of Ukrainian residents abroad. Despite the innovative approaches enshrined in the Law of Ukraine "On Diplomatic Service" in the scientific literature is often criticized the diplomatic service in Ukraine in view of the specific conditions of its formation in the post-Soviet period, the preservation of Soviet diplomacy, including linear governance, limited circulation information, as well as the low level of its protection.
 It was established that given the specifics of the diplomatic service, it was important at the legal level to establish special requirements for applicants for the position, namely: special and general requirements of professional competence, compliance with general requirements for all civil servants, compliance with special requirements (higher education). master's degree), the appropriate level of professional competence, according to the requirements of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, knowledge of foreign languages to the extent necessary for the performance of official duties, etc.).
 It is substantiated that the diplomatic service is a special type of public service and is characterized by the relevant specifics and increased requirements for persons applying to hold the positions of diplomatic officials. The peculiarity of the diplomatic service is due to the special tasks facing it, including the implementation of Ukraine's foreign policy, protection of national interests of our country in the field of international relations, as well as the rights and interests of Ukrainian residents abroad. In this regard, the requirements for applicants for diplomatic posts are divided into two groups: general (requirements for all civil servants) and special (for professional competencies due to the tasks assigned to the diplomatic service).

Explaining the United States' Foreign Policy Failure in Southeast Asia since 2008

executive summary: This article examines the impact of changes in U.S. leadership on foreign policy decision-making in Southeast Asia since 2008, assessing the influence of systemic pressures and domestic processes in the form of elite perceptions and political constraints on foreign policy implementation. main argument The Trump administration's "free and open Indo-Pacific" foreign policy strategy showed notable points of departure from the Obama administration's Asia "rebalance." This variation is curious, considering that Washington's interests in preserving the U.S.'s status as a Pacific power largely remained the same. This variation in foreign policy can be explained through an examination of both systemic pressures and domestic intervening variables. A permissive strategic environment increased the array of U.S. policy alternatives in Southeast Asia, allowing foreign policy choices to be more greatly influenced by leaders' perceptions and domestic constraints. The resulting policy outcomes have left the Southeast Asian region in a state of uncertainty. policy implications • Washington's attempts to engage Beijing while challenging China's increasing military power have fostered a permissive strategic environment in Asia. This has prevented a robust U.S. foreign policy strategy from being articulated and implemented in Southeast Asia and allowed foreign policy choices to be driven largely by domestic political constraints. • The Biden administration faces an increasingly restrictive strategic environment in Asia, which presents an opportunity for a more robust foreign policy in Southeast Asia and the wider Asia-Pacific. • To be successful in this, the Biden administration will need to bolster the credibility and consistency of U.S. policies toward Southeast Asia. If it does not do so, the region is at risk of falling further under China's influence.

INTERACTION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION BODIES OF NIZHNY NOVGOROD FAIR WITH THE STATE AUTHORITIES IN SOLVING CUSTOMS POLICY ISSUES IN THE POST-REFORM PERIOD OF THE 19th CENTURY

The present article examines interaction between public administration bodies of Nizhny Novgorod Fair and the state authorities in solving customs policy issues in the post-reform period of the 19th century It was the public administration bodies, whose functions included planning measures to improve the quality of trade and petitioning the government about the needs of domestic industry and trade, that influenced implementation of domestic and foreign state policy. The fair public administration, taking into account the importance that the Nizhny Novgorod Fair had in domestic and foreign trade, was the center of unification of all Russian merchants.
 
 Since the mid-1880s, public administration bodies, in particular the fair committee, formed in 1864, whose powers gradually grew, began to exercise representative functions on the issues of domestic trade and industry development. In particular, with direct involvement of the public fair management bodies in the 1880s, a large range of issues was discussed; these issues related to: the transit of foreign goods through the Transcaucasian Territory, which existed for several decades and caused significant damage to the production of Russian manufactory; sales markets in the Central Asia, Persia and the Far East; transformations of the entire customs system in Russia and changes in existing customs tariffs with the direct participation of the commercial and industrial estate representatives. As a result, a number of measures in the state customs policy carried out by the state authorities ultimately contributed to the development, expansion and strengthening the positions of domestic industrial production and trade.
 
 Public administration bodies, including the fair committee, became especially active in the 1890s. It is during this period that the authority of the fair management increases. And the fair committee itself began to express the interests of the commercial and industrial estate of whole Russia.

Formation of the counter intelligence strategy of Ukraine: national and legal dimension

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to develop the Counterintelligence Strategy as a conceptual document in the field of state security of Ukraine, identifying current security threats to Ukraine, which global landscape has been significantly transformed since the adoption of the Law of Ukraine “On Counterintelligence”, is substantiated. It is proved that the provisions of such Strategy should determine the current and projected counterintelligence environment via a set of the following elements. The nature of real and potential threats in the process of implementing state foreign and domestic policy course determined by Ukraine. Sources of such threats (individual states and their intelligence agencies, terrorist organizations, transnational organized crime, etc.). Features of the identified encroachment objects of foreign intelligence agencies, terrorist and other criminal organizations, including transnational ones. Long time strategy treats like COVID-19 pandemic.Design/methodology/approachDuring the past decades of the XXI century, intelligence has become a crucial tool in the system of determining and implementing the foreign policy in international relations. Modern realities confirm that this political and legal phenomenon directly affects the formation of the foreign policy course of any state, the development of its geopolitical strategy and defense doctrine. Possessing a powerful apparatus for obtaining primary information, fulfillment of government orders for monitoring, evaluation, analysis, forecasting and modeling of possible scenarios of global- or regional-scale events and processes, special services take an active part in perspective and current foreign and domestic policy implementation.FindingsThus, based on the state security paradigm, which cannot be defined in the absence of threats and ensured by their complete elimination, since negative factors for state security objects will always exist, the ensuring of its development requires first of all creation of the conditions under which threats will not be able to limit its development. That is why it is necessary not only to minimize the impact of such factors on vulnerable objects, but also to create a certain “immunity” to their impact, i.e. the ability of the state security system to function effectively in spite of the negative impact. Thus, maintaining the ability to function in terms of the existing threats is the most important area of practical activity for the state security protection, as well as ensuring the legitimate interests of the state.Originality/valueDuring the paper decades of the XXI century, intelligence has become a crucial tool in the system of determining and implementing the foreign policy in international relations. Modern realities confirm that this political and legal phenomenon directly affects the formation of the foreign policy course of any state, the development of its geopolitical strategy and defense doctrine. Possessing a powerful apparatus for obtaining primary information, fulfillment of government orders for monitoring, evaluation, analysis, forecasting and modeling of possible scenarios of global- or regional-scale events and processes, special services take an active part in perspective and current foreign and domestic policy implementation.