Abstract
The Balkans should be viewed through the prism of the interests and policies of the superpowers, including Russia, which have long left their mark on its history and fate. The partial interests of powerful states, arbitration and division, reinforced by prejudice and ignorance, were many times more important in the Balkans than the fate of its inhabitants. It was in this neuralgic space that „exams for entering, ie for leaving the club of great powers“ were taken. The main motive is not love, hate, friendship, spiritual or religious kinship, but interest - one of the main motives in their politics. When they do not have it, then they are, in principle, inert. Knowing the interesting logic of powerful states is an important condition for the survival of „small nations“. Past historical events play an important role in politics and strategic thinking. Most theorists of international relations treat diplomacy as a factor of national power, which ensures the implementation of foreign policy without the use of violence. Its history consists of constant attempts to overcome „realism over idealism and vice versa“. Changes in the balance of power in international relations always create space for new conflicts. In Europe, wrote Milan Kundera, there are large countries on one side and small ones on the other; there are powerful nations in the negotiating halls and those who wait all night in the foyer. The study of the time of the disintegration of the Yugoslav state and the facts of the „post-Yugoslav wars“, especially the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is very complex. Some researchers believe that this period is not yet a real „history“, that many questions can still be asked, while many more precise answers are more speculated than is known. Particularly problematic is the so-called secret diplomacy, that is, the hidden history of the actors of the Yugoslav crisis - the basis for understanding the course of events. Many accompanying segments therefore elude more studious analysis. It is a mosaic with places where cubes are missing. It is difficult to define the spirit of the time in many ways only on the basis of available documents and existing literature, to state „one's truth“ about the recent past. The disappearance of the Yugoslav state union and the emergence of post-Yugoslav states on the new political map of Europe have complicated the efforts of Russian scientists to interpret their past and present. Political relations, disputes and positioning, also affect historiographies, influence the choice and processing of research topics. According to some theses, the disintegration of the USSR and SFR Yugoslavia, as well as the commercialization of the Internet, are „three border events with global consequences“ that mark 1991 as the beginning of the 21st century. Since the Russian Federation was the initiator of the overthrow of the Soviet Union, it could not advocate a united Yugoslavia. There were therefore no obstacles for the new Kremlin authorities to recognize the independence of the former Yugoslav republics. Russia recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992, but did not establish diplomatic relations with it until 1996. During the post-Yugoslav wars, in an effort to join Europe's new security system, Russia largely supported Western policies until President Boris Yeltsin (BN Yeltsin) stepped down in 1999. The Yugoslav crisis and the post-Yugoslav wars helped Russia regain its place on the world international stage after the collapse of the Soviet Union, thanks to its „ad hoc approach to regional conflicts.“ Russia's engagement during the breakup of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav wars largely reflected the then maneuvers of Russian diplomacy and a kind of exchange of Russian support for Western countries in the „Yugoslav question“, for concessions concerning Russia's interests in much more important issues
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