Emperor Claudius Research Articles

Inpulsore Cherestro? Suetonius' Divus Claudius 25.4 in Sources and Manuscripts

The passage Divus Claudius 25.4 in Suetonius’ Life of the Twelve Caesars is about the emperor Claudius expelling from Rome the “perpetually tumultuous Jews”, “impulsore Chresto”. Since the 5th century, it has been interpreted as a reference to early Christianity or to the historical Jesus. The fifth century historian Orosius quotes Suetonius’ sentence as reading “inpulsore Christo”, and other readings of the latter word (like Cherestro) are evident in earlier scholarship. In the article, the medieval sources and relevant manuscripts containing the Suetonian sentence are presented and examined. The conclusion is that the reading Christo (or rather xpo) likely is of Christian origin, and that other readings (Cherestro, Chrestro, etc.) most probably are scribal errors. The most trustworthy reading, which most likely was Suetonius’ original spelling, is Chresto.

BKT IX 64: Ein Bruchstück der Acta Alexandrinorum

Re-edition of a badly damaged fragment with remains of two columns from the Acta Alexandrinorum. The fragment appears to tell the story of an Alexandrian Greek embassy facing the emperor Claudius in the aftermath of the Alexandrian riots in 41 CE.

Si vos omnibus imperitare vultis… (Tac. Ann. XII, 37): l’audacia di Carataco e le strategi e di autopromozione di Claudio

The paper focuses on the representation of the British leader Caratacus in the twelfth book of the Annals by Tacitus. Within this context the historian attributes two different speeches to the leader of the Catuvellauni. In contrast with the first, held in Britannia, aimed at persuading the local tribes to fight against the Romans, which follows the conventions of military oratory, the second, pronounced in the presence of Emperor Claudius, after Caratacus was paraded through Rome, following his capture, contains an explicit accusation of the Roman way of conquering in order to obtain property and possessions, taking advantage also of the support of local tribes. In addition to the interest of this argument in showing a further example of Tacitus’ interest in expressing the perspective of the oppressed, Claudius’ decision to concede Caratacus his life, after having him paraded as prisoner through the streets of Rome, provides a further example of his strategic skill in exploiting the propaganda value of the successes in Britain achieved under his leadership.

A Neurological Mystery from History: The Case of Claudius Caesar

The Roman emperor Claudius suffered from a wide range of physical tics and disabilities. Many scholars have explained these symptoms by hypothesizing that Claudius suffered from cerebral palsy. However, this hypothesis is dated and does not take into account all of the evidence available. This article re-examines ancient historical sources in the light of modern medical knowledge in an attempt to retrospectively diagnose the cause of Claudius's problems. In doing so, it suggests that Claudius may have suffered from Tourette's syndrome.

Notas textuales y prosopográficas sobre Plin., <i>Nat</i>. XXIX 7-8

Thanks to a new reading of the text, the passage from Pliny the Elder (Nat. XXIX 7-8) confirms some data about the physician of the emperor Claudius Stertinius Xenophon which so far has been only object of conjectures.

Commentary: The background and outcomes of the first-cousin marriage controversy in Great Britain

During the early years of Christianity there were major social and legal differences in attitude towards consanguineous marriage in the Eastern and Western Roman empires, reflecting pre-existing divisions between the Classical Greek and Roman worlds. In Athens and Sparta first-cousin, uncle–niece and half-sib marriages were permissible, with half-sib marriage, and even full-sib marriage continuing within the ruling Ptolemaic dynasty and the settler population of Lower Egypt between the first and the third centuries AD. By comparison, in Rome there was strong disapproval of first-cousin marriage, and the marriage between the Emperor Claudius (41–54 AD) and his niece Agrippina was regarded as especially scandalous. The genetic relationships involved in these consanguineous unions are summarized in Table 1, accompanied by the equivalent coefficients of relationship (r) indicating the proportion of genes shared by each parent, and coefficients of inbreeding (F), a measure of the proportion of loci at which the offspring of a consanguineous union would be expected to inherit identical gene copies from both parents. Not surprisingly, given the period in human history, none of the early judgements on the degrees of permitted and prohibited marriages between biological relatives appears to have had an especially rational scientific basis. However, by the middle of the fifth century the Church had adopted the Roman doctrine on consanguineous marriage, with the initial impact in England recounted by the Venerable Bede writing in the early eighth century. According to Bede, on his installation as the first Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate Augustine had requested advice from Pope Gregory I on Church regulations with respect to first-cousin marriages. The reply from the Pope in 591, citing Leviticus 18:6, was that ‘Sacred law forbad a man to uncover the nakedness of his near kin’. Furthermore, depending on the translation consulted, the Pope advised either that ‘unions between consanguineous spouses do not result in children’ or ‘the offspring of such marriages cannot thrive’. The Papal decision to cite the rather vague but apparently allembracing ban on consanguineous unions in Leviticus 18:6 is noteworthy, since in Leviticus 18:7–18 quite explicit guidelines are provided on the partners a man may or may not take as a wife, with first-cousin unions, and indeed uncle–niece relationships, acceptable. Church permission to marry a biological relative could be sought and granted on payment of a dispensation fee with two different systems used to calculate degrees of consanguinity: the Roman system counted the distance between relatives by summing the number of links from each related individual to a common ancestor, whereas the Germanic system counted the number of links between one partner in the relationship and their common ancestor. Under a canon issued by Pope Alexander II in 1076, the Germanic system was selected as the formal method of consanguinity classification by the Church. This created considerable initial confusion since, for example, a first-cousin relationship (F1⁄4 0.0625) is classified as the fourth degree of consanguinity under the Roman system but the second degree according to the Germanic method. Some semblance of order was restored by Pope Innocent III at the IV Lateran Council in 1215 with the decision that the restrictions on consanguineous marriage applied to third-cousin relationships or closer (F5 0.0039). This level of regulation was confirmed by the post-Reformation Council of Trent (1545–63) and remained in force until 1917 when the requirement for consanguinity dispensation was reduced to couples related as second cousins or closer (F5 0.0156) and in 1983 to first cousins or closer. Somewhat surprisingly, multiple pathways of consanguinity, which often occur in small endogamous communities, were ignored in the latter revision. * Corresponding author. Centre for Comparative Genomics, Murdoch University, South Street, Perth 6150, WA, Australia. E-mail: abittles@ccg.murdoch.edu.au. 1 Centre for Comparative Genomics, Murdoch University, Perth, Australia. 2 Centre for Human Genetics, Edith Cowan University, Perth, Australia. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Epidemiological Association

Palaeoenvironmental reconstruction of the ancient harbors of Rome: Claudius and Trajan's marine harbors on the Tiber delta

During the first and second centuries AD, Emperor Claudius and then Emperor Trajan successively ordered the construction of two large harbors on the Tyrrhenian coast. Research resulted in advances in understanding the palaeoenvironments of the Portus. From a bathymetric point of view, the drillings indicate a 7/8 m depth for the main basins. Different sedimentary behaviors were observed: Claudius' basin shows sand accretion, whereas the access channel to Trajan's basin shows mud accumulation. Trajan built the second hexagonal basin because Claudius' harbor did not protect the ships from the wind and swell, and not because it was prone to rapid silting. In terms of chronology, the channel between both basins worked between the end of the 2nd century and the beginning of the 5th century, when it became completely clogged. This means that, after the beginning of the 5th century, only the junction channel (canale traverso) remained to provide an access to the Tiber and to the sea.

Geoarchaeological investigations in the area of the imperial harbours of Rome

This paper shows the results of a geoarchaeological study carried out in the area of the ancient harbours of Rome, built by the Emperors Claudius and Traianus. Lithostratigraphic, biostratigraphic, chronological (14C) and geophysical surveys have allowed us to define several features of the harbour complex, which is today largely buried under modern sediments. This complex was built near an ancient river mouth, which was already inactive at the time. In particular, the Claudian basin was protected by two curved piers separated by a wide entrance facing the open sea. The basin was approximately 5-7 m in depth and was filled for the most part during the Middle Ages by marine and alluvial sediments.

The Afterlife of Emperor Claudius in Seneca's Apocolocyntosis

Seneca's Apocolocyntosis , the earliest extant example of ancient Menippean satire, tells of Emperor Claudius' death and ascent to heaven, where his request for deification is rejected by the council of the gods, and his subsequent descent to the underworld, where he is condemned of mass murder of Roman noblemen. Claudius is not an observer of things in heaven and the underworld or a character involved in a quest for knowledge and truth, but a dead character who undergoes judgment. He is also a dead character who behaves as if he were still alive. Seneca suggests that Claudius' afterlife is a mere continuation of his earthly life and vice-versa that he had always been living in an isolated and “fantastic” world. The Apocolocyntosi s parodies epic descents and historiographical topoi as well as the mythological otherworld of punishment and reward, ideas of afterlife, and imperial deification.

Websites of note

Websites of note

From Q to ‘Secret’ Mark: a Composition History of the Earliest Narrative Theology. By Hugh M. Humphrey

Pp. v, 170 , New York/London , T&T Clark , 2006 , £16.99 . Humphrey builds on the work of Marie-Émile Boismard and Delbert Burkett in positing an earlier version of Mark's gospel that was employed by Matthew and Luke (rather than the Q source directly) and which was different from the present canonical text; Humphrey's hypothesis is simpler and more elegant than those of his predecessors, however, and more theologically persuasive. There was no written Q, but rather ‘a stable complex of Jesus’ sayings … widely known among the early Christian churches' (p. 40). Mark was most likely an educated Alexandrian Jew familiar with the Septuagint and the Wisdom of Solomon who learned the traditions about Jesus early, perhaps in the 30's, within a decade of Jesus' death. He went to Rome and ‘interpreted’ for Peter, composing a narrative line of what he heard concerning separate incidents in Jesus' ‘words and deeds’. This text would have had a ‘low’ Christology: Jesus is the ‘Righteous One’ of Wisdom, commissioned by God and led by God's Spirit. He is the ‘teacher’ preaching reform in view of the nearness of the Kingdom and subsequent judgment by a (distinct) Son of Man. The emperor Claudius expels the Jews (and Jewish Christians) from Rome in 49; before he leaves, Mark is prevailed upon by Gentile Christians to compose a second document based on Peter's preaching against Simon Magnus, an anti-gnostic text that stresses Jesus' humanity, which becomes the passion narrative concerning his death and resurrection, interpreted as the opening of the kingdom of heaven for those who would live as he lived, a salvation now promised beyond this life. Peter sends Mark back to his home territory of Alexandria where Mark becomes the first bishop. He brings with him copies of both documents and in Egypt assimilates them to what became our canonical gospel, in the process (due to the Neronian persecution and intrafamilial betrayals) discovering the true ‘secret’ of the kingdom previously hidden: a focus on discipleship as modelled on Jesus' total self-giving and obedience to the Father, even to the point of death, which contradicts earlier Jewish anticipations and which the ‘twelve’ never understood. Mark dies in 62, before Peter in 65. Mark had simplified as well as combined his two documents; Matthew and Luke are familiar with his earlier narratives, and where they agree against (present) Mark, they are including pieces he had allowed to drop away.

Nero, Emperor and Tyrant, in the Medieval French Tradition

Nero ruled the Roman Empire from 54 to 68 CE, bringing to an end the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Perversely attractive and also thoroughly abhorrent, he evoked both positive and negative images. According to a popular saying, Nero fiddled while Rome burned; as Tacitus, Suetonius, and Cassius Dio recorded, he is reputed to have watched the fire from a high tower, reciting, perhaps to a lyre accompaniment, his own composition about the fall of Troy. This diverting performance exemplifies his propensity for spectacle and theatricality, characteristic of his style of rule. The artistic achievements of the emperor, both as patron and promoter of the arts and as actor, musician, and charioteer — glorified in some of his last words, “Qualis artifex pereo!” (What an artist dies in me!) — are, however, overshadowed by the image of Nero as the cruel tyrant who displayed extraordinary munificence, sought and needed flattery, indulged all his instincts unrestrainedly, and was deluded by his own acting in the imperial role, abusing the freedom of power he claimed. He wished to excel and, as Miriam T. Griffin notes, “he pursued the image of [. . .] the magnificent monarch, rather than that of the civilis princeps.” At least during his first quinquennium, 54-58 CE, when his advisers, Seneca and Burrus, had effective control, political order prevailed. By the time of the great fire of Rome, in 64 CE, for which, as history has shown, Nero was not personally responsible, he had been involved in the death of the emperor Claudius, his step-father, whom he succeeded, had ordered the deaths of his step-brother Britannicus, his mother Agrippina, and Octavia, his wife and step-sister, and had had senators and patricians put to death for their wealth or their potential threat to his unbridled power. In 65 CE, possibly to divert attention from his own unpopularity, he instigated the persecution of Christians in Rome. This led to the execution of the apostles Peter and Paul.

Judaean Embassies and Cases before Roman Emperors, AD 44–66

In the two decades before the First Jewish war, litigants or diplomats from the province of Judaea had recourse to Roman emperors on a number of occasions. In some cases the matters at issue involved objections against actions of Roman prefects of Judaea. Evidence about the outcomes of the hearings and diplomatic encounters shows that the emperors Claudius and Nero usually gave decisions in favour of the Jewish side, especially when the Jewish party was the Jerusalem priesthood. It is argued that it was a consistent policy of these emperors to be fair and more than fair to the Jerusalem priests in these years—to the point of ruling against their own procurators on a number of occasions. It is suggested, in view of this, that when the case of Paul of Tarsus came before Caesar in the early sixties, the decision probably went in favour of Paul's accusers. Flavius Josephus through his books made Judaea the second best-attested Roman province in the first century ad, after Egypt.1 Debate on how to use his evidence continues2—and in Martin Goodman's view 'in some ways Josephus emerges as a hero from this examination', because his work 'was written and published from within an imperial court replete with the anti Jewish propaganda on which the Flavian dynasty based its claim to power'.3 Although Josephus resided in Rome after the First Jewish War and wrote his books there, his 'theme is alwey I wish to thank Prof. J. A. Crook for reading and commenting on a draft of this

In the Court of Time: The Reckoning of a Monster in the Apocolocyntosis of Seneca

Seneca's Menippean satire, the Apocolocyntosis is constantly interrupted by digressions containing apparently extraneous matter about astrological and seasonal phenomena surrounding the central events—an important device known as temporal periphrasis. But the motif of time, in and of itself, is molded by Seneca to provide particular perspective to the characters of the Apocolocyntosis. Temporal transitions and periphrases are transformed into dominant narrative devices that often dwarf and tacitly critique the characters and events that they would be expected merely to frame. The description of Claudius's final days, death, and afterlife is interrupted by numerous temporal and historical digressions, and this disjointed narrative befits the monstrous physical and moral character of the emperor. The insipid language of the central panegyric to Nero has attracted critical comment, and this study concludes with a close reading of this section, which reveals several ambiguities in the praise of the emperor. The location of the panegyric is problematic, interrupting the account about Claudius. Nero is surrounded by the scatology, monstrosity, and buffoonery connected with Claudius' life and death. Instead of being located in the satire as successor to Claudius and being praised at the end of the narrative, Nero is embedded within it. But of most significance is the employment of the imagery of temporal periphrasis in praising Nero. He is compared with stars in flight, the evening star, and the sun at dawn—all of which call to mind the stale images of Epistle 122, as well as those of the numerous temporal digressions of the Apocolocyntosis. Character has been subordinated to abrupt narrative transitions, shifts, and temporal periphrases, and the two emperors Claudius and Nero have become part of the machinery of the Apocolocyntosis and absorbed into its temporal collapse.

Evidence for Earthquake Damage on Roman Buildings in Cologne, Germany

Archaeoseismology has developed as an offshoot of paleoseismology in the last two decades. Most of the work has been done at sites in the Mediterranean region, where high seismicity exists and numerous archaeological sites are located (Stiros and Jones, 1996). Descriptions of archaeoseismological surveys can be found in Ambraseys (1971), Stiros (1988), Nur and Ron (1996), Galadini and Galli (1999) and Guidoboni et al. (2000). Depending on the extent of the building history in an area, archaeoseismology can extend the earthquake record significantly beyond historical times even without the existence of supportive evidence such as surface faulting. Due to tremendous building activity during the northward extension of the Roman empire in the last century B.C. and the first century A.D., some well preserved buildings from this period exist in central Europe. The city of Cologne has a building history of ca. 2,000 years. The first settlements by the tribe of the Ubians on the left bank of the Rhine River date to sometime after 38 B.C., although the Oppidum Ubiorum, the later city itself, was founded in the years around the birth of Christ (earliest dendrodate A.D. 4). During the Roman period, building activity boomed. In the year A.D. 50, Agrippina, wife of the Emperor Claudius, made her birth town a colony with the name Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (CCAA). Inhabitants became Roman citizens by this act. The name “Claudia”, goes back to the family of the ruling emperors, the Claudians, and “Ara” refers to Ara Ubiorum, the name of the main altar of the Germanic province, the germania inferior (La Baume, 1980). The settlement (Gechter and Schutte, 2000) was located on a plateau of 1 km2 of the Lower Terrace, ca. 14 m to 16 m above the Rhine River and safely above the level of flooding. To …

Toxicology in the Old Testament. Did the High Priest Alcimus die of acute aconitine poisoning?

The Bible contains several interesting contributions to the history of neurology, as is the case of the High Priest Alkimos, who died suddenly in 159 BC. He was regarded as a stereotypical stroke victim for a long time. The reports on his death in the Septauginta and the later 'Jewish Antiquities' of Flavius Josephus present some typical symptoms of stroke (collapse, loss of speech and death within a short time), but they also describe severe pains, which are very unusual among patients with stroke. Similar symptoms can be found in the case of the Roman emperor Claudius, who was poisoned by his spouse Agrippina. It was thought that she used aconitine, an ingredient of the monkshood plant (Aconitum napellus L.), which imitates an apoplectic insult, but also causes vehement pains. It was therefore possible that something similar had happened to Alkimos, as aconitine was a common poison in ancient times and the surroundings of his death may confirm the suspicion. Reigning during a time of great upheaval, Alkimos was able to maintain his high office chiefly because of the help of the Seleucides. He has just begun construction work on the temple of Jerusalem, an order, which was regarded as a sacrilege by his foes. This impression was enhanced by his subsequent illness which could be considered as a divine punishment.

The death of Claudius

Though arguing for a natural death, Mr Marmion and Professor Wiedermann (May 2002 JRSM1) concede that no-one can really know whether the Roman Emperor Claudius was poisoned. Their interpretation relies heavily on writings from Lucius Annaeus Seneca, who was banished from Rome for eight years by Claudius and was hardly a disinterested observer. He was brought back from exile to be Nero's tutor, and was forced to commit suicide by Nero in 65 AD. I favour the poison theory myself, on the basis of the texts they mention and the fact that all the other Caesars were assassinated.

The death of Claudius

Although the lifestyle of the Roman Emperor Claudius was characterized by overwork, gluttony and poor health, he survived to the remarkable age of 64. Even then, the circumstances of his death aroused suspicion. Was he poisoned? The Claudians were amongst the oldest patrician families in Roman society, and they entered the imperial line through the marriage of Livia to the Emperor Augustus (Box 1). The early life of her grandson Claudius was not propitious. His physical disabilities were such that, when he assumed the toga virilis on reaching his majority, he was taken for the ceremony at night; and similarly, in 6 AD, on the occasion of a gladiatorial spectacle in memory of his father Drusus, Augustus required him to attend covered in a cloak. Through his early studies Claudius became a considerable historian and acquired a detailed knowledge of the law, but there seemed no likelihood that this ungainly figure would ever be nominated Emperor. The death of Augustus in 14 AD put him fourth in line of succession, after Tiberius, Germanicus and Gaius Caligula. However, Germanicus died, and 4 years of despotic horror led to the assassination of the Emperor Caligula in 41 AD. Box 1 Claudius and his relations Claudius' first public office had been as consul at the beginning of Caligula's rule; and his performance in that post must have impressed the praetorians greatly to account for his rapid selection as Emperor. The 13 years of his reign were marked by progress through consolidation, the conquest of Britain (which he visited for sixteen days) and the development of the imperial civil service. He was married four times—to Plautia, Paetina, Messalina and Agrippina. In the matter of his death, suspicion has fallen particularly upon Agrippina.

Notes d'épigraphie delphique, VIII. L'empereur Claude, témoin et archonte à Delphes

An act of affranchisement and two apolyseis, recently brought to light and published here for the first time, lead to a number of modifications to Delphic chronology. In particular they add to the list of the secretaries of the city and make it possible to correct the date of the archonship of Τιμαγένης Νικάνδρου, until now assigned to the priesthood XXVII, but which in reality belongs to the priesthood XXIX. Above ail, these texts cast new light on the relations of Emperor Claudius with the city of Delphi: one apolysis in fact mentions him as a witness, from which one has to conclude that the emperor must have stayed in Greece, something not attested by any other document; another apolysis mentions him as the eponymous archon of the city, probably under the priesthood XXIX.

Tacitus se uitbeelding van Agrippina Minor

Tacitus’ portrayal of Agrippina MinorAncient historiography has more in common with the historical novel than with modem historiography. The Annals of Tacitus should be seen as an artistic, narrative text which demands active participation by the reader in the process of interpretation. A narratological analysis of Tacitus' description of the life and death of Agrippina, mother of the emperor Nero, reveals a serious ethical reflection on the atrocities committed by the imperial family. Agrippina is characterised as an exceptionally strongwilled woman who had an immense influence on the Roman Empire while she was the wife of the emperor Claudius and mother of his successor, Nero. On the other hand, her typically female character traits are accentuated from which the reader has to infer that it was precisely the fact that she was a woman which made her authoritative position intolerable.