Eligible Voters Research Articles

A Population Model of Voter Registration and Deadwood

We use a model drawn from population ecology to propose a method to estimate the number of registered voters in a state, independent of the that may be present on the registration rolls. The paper first presents a conceptual model that distinguishes the true registration from the official registration rate. A dynamic version of the model is specified that allows for population dynamics, that is, growth in registered voters due to birth, in-state migration, and the registration of the previously unregistered, and decline due to death, out-of-state migration, and the removal of previously registered voters from the rolls. The model is expressed as a Markov process, with registration and deadwood rates estimated for each state. These simulation results produce registration estimates that generally over-estimate registration rates for most states. This demonstrates a need for further refinement of the model. The model's results are most strongly influenced by the conditional registration (that is, the rate at which unregistered eligible voters are added to the rolls at each time period), which suggests a priority on fine-tuning estimates of this rate in future iterations of the model.

“I like them, but won't ‘like’ them”: An examination of impression management associated with visible political party affiliation on Facebook

Unlike traditional media, our interactions with political parties via social media are generally public, subject to scrutiny by others and, consequently, a self-presentation concern. This paper contributes to theory on impression management within social network sites (SNSs) by providing an understanding of the effect of visible affiliation on page ‘Liking’ behavior in the context of political parties; specifically, the possible association with social anxiety and the use of protective impression management. We predict that while users may be motivated to ‘Like’ a political party, some may feel socially anxious about the impressions their friends may derive from this action, and so ultimately choose to refrain from ‘Liking’ the party. Furthermore, we propose a new function of ‘Secret Likes’ (i.e. ‘Likes’ that others cannot see) as a means to increase gateway interactions. A survey of eligible voters (n = 225) was conducted in the month prior to the 2015 UK general election, examining behavior associated with the Facebook pages of the two largest political parties. Results support that conspicuous affiliation with political parties indeed hinders intention to ‘Like’ political pages and is associated with social anxiety. ‘Secret Likes’ were found to be a successful method to increase gateway interactions. In addition to the theoretical contribution, implications for political party communications and site designers are considered.

Do Frames Emphasizing Harm to Age and Racial-Ethnic Groups Reduce Support for Voter ID Laws?*

Objectives Research suggests that issue frames emphasizing how voter ID laws might harm eligible voters can influence opinions toward the laws. This study examines the effects of frames emphasizing harm to specific groups of eligible voters—namely, elderly, college-aged, African-American, and Hispanic voters—on public support for such laws. Methods We analyze data from question wording experiments included in two state polls. Results We replicate the finding that emphasizing the harmful effects of the laws on eligible voters reduces support. We also find that a frame emphasizing harm to African Americans produces an additional reduction in support. Emphasizing harm to other specific groups (the elderly, college-aged, or Hispanics) does not produce discernible effects beyond the general framing effect. Within group analyses by race, age and political predispositions reveal additional patterns of effects. Conclusion The results suggest political communication about specific groups can shift public opinion for voter ID laws.

DIVERSITY AND POTENTIAL: THE LATINO ELECTORATE IN THE 2016 ELECTIONS

IntroductionLatinos1 are the fastest growing ethnic minority group living in the United States today. The Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 removed immigration quotas and opened the door to a wave of immigrants from Latin America. From 6.3 million largely US-born citizens in 1960, the Latino popu- lation has grown to 55.3 million people - 17.4% of the total US population in 2014. The US census bureau estimates that by 2060, 119 million Latinos will reside in the United States and account for over a quarter of the population.2Accordingly, Latinos are the fastest growing ethnic group among eligible voters in the United States. An estimated 27.3 million Latinos - 11.3% of the potential US electorate - will be eligible to vote in the 2016 elections. Based strictly on voter turnout trends from presidential election years dating back to 2000, the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) Educational Fund estimates that 13.1 million Latinos will cast ballots, which would mark a 17% increase in turnout and an 8.7% increase in the Latino share of vote since the last presidential election in 2012.3On February 29, 2016, American University's Center for Latin American and Latino Studies and the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies jointly sponsored the second Annual Latino Public Affairs Forum (ALPAF), which considered the potential impact of the Latino vote on the 2016 elections.4 Panel discussions were based around three primary questions:* What effect will Republican positions and rhetoric have on Latino voters?* Are Democrats building upon or losing their historic advantage among Latino voters?* Are there other wild card factors that might influence the impact of the Latino vote?Participating scholars, practitioners and advocates who spoke at ALPAF 2016 identified a number of key points to keep in mind when considering the potential impact of the Latino vote on the 2016 elections, including:* Latino voters are not a homogenous voting bloc. Not only can they trace their family heritage to various parts of Latin America, but they also reside throughout the United States. In 2016 they will be younger and better educated than past Hispanic electorates, and the issues they care about are issues that all US citizens care about. Indeed an increasing number of them are citizens by birth and, even for those who are naturalized rather than birth citizens, they think of themselves primarily as US citizens rather than as members of an immigrant community.* Immigration is a significant wedge issue that at times has served to mobilize the Latino community in opposition to nativist, anti-immigration rhetoric and policies. Historically this has benefited the Democratic Party and disadvantaged the Republican Party. Given the shifting demographic makeup of the United States, ALPAF panelists were largely in agreement that to triumph in national elections the GOP must abandon the hostile rhetoric that has at times characterized its approach to immigration.* Education, the economy, and health care are the day-to-day policy issues most concerning to Latinos, and their positions on these issues do not map `strictly along conventional divides between conservative and liberal stances. While Democrats have generally done well among Latinos, ALPAF panelists noted that this segment of the electorate is concerned with issues that go well beyond immigration. On the Republican side, ALPAF panelists identified local and state elections as the most promising sites for developing a base of Latino support predicated on shared aspirations for economic opportunity and entrepreneurialism. It is in these sub-national electoral spaces that GOP candidates can eschew the national party's immigration issues and instead focus on concerns that may have a wider appeal within the Latino community.* Turnout remains the top factor limiting Latinos' political influence. …

การมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของประชาชนในเขตอำเภอบางคนที จังหวัดสมุทรสงคราม (The Political Participation of the People in Bang Khonthi District, Samut Songkram Province)

Thai Abstract: การศกษาวจย เรอง การมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในเขตอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม มวตถประสงคเพอศกษา 1) ระดบการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชน 2) เปรยบเทยบระดบการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนจาแนกตามปจจยทางสงคม 3) เปรยบเทยบระดบการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนจาแนกตามปจจยสวนบคคล และ 4) ปญหาอปสรรคของการมสวนรวมทางการเมอง กลมตวอยางทใชในการวจยครงน คอ ประชาชนทมสทธเลอกตงในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม จานวน 394 คน โดยใชแบบสอบถามเปนเครองมอในการวจย ขอมลทไดจากการตอบแบบสอบถามของประชากรนามาประมวลผลดวยโปรแกรมคอมพวเตอรสาเรจรป สาหรบคาสถตทใชในการวเคราะหขอมลประกอบดวย คาสถต รอยละ คาเฉลย คาเบยงเบนมาตรฐาน t-test และ F-test สรปผลการวจย ดงน การมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม พบวา ในภาพรวมประชาชนมสวนรวมทางการเมองอยในระดบปานกลาง (คาเฉลย = 3.43) เมอเรยงลาดบคาเฉลยจากมากไปหานอยพบวา มระดบการมสวนรวมอยในระดบมากทสดในดานการลงคะแนนเสยงเลอกตง (คาเฉลย = 3.60) รองลงมา ดานการเปนนกกจกรรมในชมชน (คาเฉลย = 3.49) ดานการเปนผสอสารทางการเมอง (คาเฉลย = 3.48) ดานการเปนผรณรงคหาเสยงเลอกตง (คาเฉลย = 3.37) ดานการเปนผประทวง (คาเฉลย = 3.33) และดานการตดตอกบทางราชการ (คาเฉลย =3.30) ปจ จยทางสงคมไดแก อาย และอาชพของประชาชนทแตกตางกนมสวนรวมทางการเมองแตกตางกน ยกเวน เพศ ตางกนมสวนรวมทางการเมองไมแตกตางกน สวนปจ จยสวนบคคลไดแก รายไดตอเดอน ระดบการศกษา ระยะเวลาทอาศยอยในชมชน และและประสบการณเปนกรรมการในการจดการเลอกตงแตกตางกน ยกเวน ตาแหนงทางสงคมตางกนมสวนรวมทางการเมองไมแตกตางกน ปญหาอปสรรคของการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม พบวารอยละ 45.1 กลมตวอยางประสบปญหาในเรอง ผนาทองถนไมไดแนะนาใหประชาชนไดรและเขาใจหนาทในทางการเมองและไตรตรองถงบทบาทหนาทในการใชสทธอยางถกตอง ขอเสนอแนะการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม พบวา กลมตวอยางรอยละ 39.7 ใหขอเสนอแนะวา ผนาทองถนควรใหคาแนะนาแกประชาชนถงบทบาทหนาทในการใชสทธอยางถกตอง English Abstract: The objectives of the research were 1) to study the level of people’s political participation, 2) to compare the level of people’s political participation classified by social factors, 3) to compare level of people’s political participation classified by personal factors and 4) to identify problems and obstacles of the political participation. The sample group was 394 eligible voters who live in Bang Khonthi District, Samut Songkhram Province. Data was collected by using questionnaire and then analyzed by using statistical software. Statistical tools used for data analysis included the percentages, the arithmetic mean, the standard deviation, t-test and F-test. The result of the research were as follow: As for people’s political participation in Bang Khonthi District, Samut Songkhram Province, the research found that people had overall political participation at moderate level (mean = 3.42). The level could be ranged from the highest to the lowest level as follow: people had highest level of political participation in voting part (mean = 3.58); following by being community activists part (3.49); being political communicators part (mean = 3.48), being political campaigner part (mean = 3.32), governmental agencies coordination part (mean = 3.30), and being protester part (mean = 3.23). About political factors, the research found that people who were different in age and career, had political participation, while people who were different in gender, did not have different level of political participation. As for personal factors, the research found that people who were different in monthly income, level of education, living in community duration and being political party members, did not have different level of political participation, while people who were different in social position and whose relatives ever been local and national politician, did not have different level of political participation. About problems and obstacles, the research found that 45.1% of sample group have faced some problems that encourage/inform local citizen to increase their knowledge and understanding on their political role and the right way to exercise their political. About suggestions, the research found rights that 39.7% of sample group suggested that local leaders should suggest to the people about the right way to exercise their political rights.

Persuasion and Gender: Experimental Evidence from Two Political Campaigns

This paper investigates the differential response of male and female voters to competitive persuasion in political campaigns. We implemented a survey experiment during the (mixed gender) electoral race for mayor in Milan (2011), and a field experiment during the (same gender) electoral race for mayor in Cava de' Tirreni (2015). In both cases, a sample of eligible voters was randomly divided into three groups. Two were exposed to either a positive or a negative campaign by one of the opponents. The third (control) group received no electoral information. In Milan, the campaigns were administered online and consisted of a bundle of advertising tools (videos, texts, slogans). In Cava de' Tirreni, we implemented a large scale door-to-door campaign in collaboration with one of the candidates, randomizing positive vs. negative messages. In both experiments, stark gender differences emerge. Females vote more for the opponent and less for the incumbent when they are exposed to the opponent's positive campaign. Exactly the opposite occurs for males. These gender differences cannot be accounted for by gender identification with the candidate, ideology, or other observable attributes of the voters.

Gaming the System: The Jewish Community Council, the Temple, and the Struggle over the Rabbinate in Mid–Nineteenth-Century Lemberg

This article discusses the struggle over rabbinical positions in the largely traditional Jewish community of Lemberg in the mid-nineteenth century. Special attention is given to the legal and administrative system, imperial and local, within which this struggle was shaped. The article explains the reasons for the appointments of the Bohemian born Rabbi Abraham Kohn to rabbinic positions in Lemberg, showing that what made those appointments possible was the omission of the mandatory elections for the post, because of lack of eligible voters. Based on unexamined archival documents, the article discusses the growing orthodox frustration as a result of this, especially after the failed bid of Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Chajes for the position of district rabbinate of Lemberg. It also shows that while the Austrian legislature kept raising the educational bar for eligible candidates for the rabbinate, the different Austrian authorities relied on the Jewish community council’s recommendation in their final approval of candidates.

First-time boost beats experience: The effect of past eligibility on turnout

Recent findings from the US indicate a clear positive causal effect of past eligibility on voting in subsequent elections. Based on individual-level register data from four elections held in Denmark and Finland, we find that past eligibility either decreases voting propensity or has a zero effect among young voters. The hype associated with the first elections thus appears to cancel out the habit among young adults in countries where the institutional barriers against voting are weak. Moreover, differences across the types of elections can be noted. The negative effect of past eligibility is strongest in elections characterized by low saliency, implying that high-salient elections mobilize all voters equally and therefore narrow the gap between first and second-time eligible voters.

Are You Too Busy to Vote?

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article From the PresidentFull AccessAre You Too Busy to Vote?Renée BinderM.D.Renée BinderSearch for more papers by this authorM.D.Published Online:10 Dec 2015https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2015.12b16An article in the July 17 Washington Post titled “Why Don’t Americans Vote? We’re Too Busy” pointed out that in the midterm elections only 36 percent of eligible voters cast ballots and that this was the worst turnout since 1942. The Census Bureau asked nonvoters why they didn’t vote. Reasons included being too busy, apathy, and feeling that their vote wouldn’t matter.The American Psychiatric Association has an even worse record. In 2015, out of 30,450 eligible voters, only 21.35 percent voted, an increase over the previous three years, but down from 31 percent in 2010. Our voting numbers have been trending downward for some time now. In fact, the last time an APA election had a voter turnout of over 50 percent was 1986.Why don’t psychiatrists vote? Perhaps the reasons are similar to why most Americans don’t vote. Are we really too busy? This is not a valid excuse because the process for voting has been simplified. We have largely phased out paper ballots that need to be returned by mail in favor of an online voting system. It’s as simple as clicking a link to the election page in an email and making your choice. In the 2015 election, 88 percent of APA voters opted to use this simpler, online system. Are psychiatrists apathetic? When I attend APA meetings such as those of the district branches, APA Assembly, APA components ,and APA annual meeting, I can tell that our members are definitely not apathetic. Our members care passionately about our patients and about our profession.Do we feel that our votes don’t count? With so few people voting in each election, every vote definitely counts! As Larry Sabato said in his 2011 book Pendulum Swing about the 2010 elections, “Every election is determined by the people who show up.”Perhaps, with regard to APA, many of us feel that all of the candidates are similar. I think that this is partially true as reflected in the candidates’ statements on their web pages. For example, no one could get elected to APA office if he or she were against parity or supported psychologists gaining privileges to practice medicine. However, there are differences among candidates. Although all are extremely qualified, each may represent slightly different interests based on their backgrounds. Whom do you want as your voice on the Board of Trustees and as your spokesperson to the outside world? If you care about diversity, in terms of type of practice, specialty, geography, age, gender, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, you need to make your voice known. Do you want officers who are in private practice, integrated settings, academic institutions, or the public sector? Each Board of Trustees tends to emphasize different issues. All of the candidates have web pages and contact information. All APA members should ask the candidates about issues that they care about. For example, how do they feel about the maintenance of certification requirements? Are they passionate about research funding? Are they advocates for psychotherapy? What will they do to further help international medical graduates? How will they encourage involvement of resident-fellow members and early career psychiatrists? There have been proposals through the years to have uncontested elections. The American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law (AAPL) does this. The nominating committee of AAPL discusses who is the most qualified person to hold each office, and the slate is presented to the membership at an open business meeting. Although any member can nominate candidates from the floor, this almost never happens. The APA membership has never supported this type of election. Whenever this comes up for discussion, we support a contested election so that members have choices.Franklin Delano Roosevelt said, “Nobody will ever deprive the American people of the right to vote except the American people themselves, and the only way they could do that is by not voting.”I would paraphrase this quote to say that no one wants to deprive APA members of the right to vote in contested elections. However, unless we do vote, we are depriving ourselves! I encourage everyone to find out about the candidates, think about who will best represent the interests of our profession and patients, and take the time out of our busy schedules to vote in APA’s 2016 election! ■ ISSUES NewArchived

Secretary’s Report, 2015

Secretary’s Report, 2015

A Voting Protocol Based on the Controlled Quantum Operation Teleportation

Based on the controlled quantum operation teleportation, a secure voting protocol is proposed in this paper. Genuine four-qubit entangled state functions as the quantum channel. The eligible voter’s quantum operation which represents his vote information can be transmitted to the tallyman Bob with the help of the scrutineer Charlie. Voter’s quantum identity authentication provides the anonymity of voters’ID, which is ensured by a zero-knowledge proof of the notary organization CA. Charlie’s supervision in the whole voting process can make the protocol satisfy verifiability and non-reusability so as to avoid Bob’s dishonest behaviour. The security analysis shows that the voting protocol satisfies unforgeability, and has great advantages over some relevant researches. Additionally, the quantum operation can be transmitted successfully with the probability 1, which can make the protocol reliable and practical.

Failure to Follow Quickie Election Rule Dooms Employer to Second Election

Management Report for Nonunion OrganizationsVolume 38, Issue 12 p. 4-5 Campaign Workshop Failure to Follow Quickie Election Rule Dooms Employer to Second Election First published: 18 November 2015 https://doi.org/10.1002/mare.30121Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Abstract As most readers know, the National Labor Relations Board's new quickie election rules impose information disclosure obligations on employers during the election period. One is that within two days of the direction of election (absent extraordinary circumstances), the employer will provide a final list of eligible voters to the union, including phone numbers and e-mail addresses when available. A recent case shows the consequences of an employer's failure to comply fully with this rule (Danbury Hospital, No. 01-RC-153086). Volume38, Issue12December 2015Pages 4-5 RelatedInformation

The Voting Rights Act and the Enduring Challenge of Participation

Underlying both the Supreme Court's decision in Shelby County v. Holder and congressional inaction in renewing the Voting Rights Act (VRA) is the claim that the Voting Rights Act has already succeeded and is therefore no longer necessary. These claims ignore enduring challenges to voter participation and miss the steep drop off in participation by historically excluded groups in mid-term elections and the persistent participation gap for Latinos in all elections, especially in jurisdictions that have historically been covered by the VRA. In responding to these enduring challenges of voter participation, universal approaches to expanding voter registration and participation are increasingly important. Fifty-one million eligible Americans still cannot participate in voting because they are not registered to vote, and these potentially eligible voters are disproportionately African American and Latino. Universal responses to expanding voter registration such as Election Day Registration and automatic voter registration contribute to reducing racial gaps in voting in part because they facilitate participation by younger voters. While more universal approaches to expanding voter registration and voter participation cannot recapture every important dimension of the unique architecture of the Voting Rights Act, they nonetheless hold enormous potential to build on the underlying goal of the VRA to expand voter participation among historically excluded communities within the United States.

WEB 2.0 AND ELECTIONS: A STUDY OF FACTORS INFLUENCING DIASPORA VOTERS ADOPTION OF E-VOTING SYSTEM

The ever growing number of Ghanaians living abroad and their contribution to the nation’s GDP has propelled the political debate of their voting rights. After formulating policies to enable them to exercise their franchise during elections, E-Voting/Internet Voting was one of the methods proposed to be used by diaspora Ghanaians to effectively exercise their right to vote. Thisresearch investigates and identifies the main determinants of E-Voting Adoption by eligible voters living ab road. A sample of 71 respondents from Malaysia, Singapore and USA has been used to collect the data. Regression and correlation analysis was conducted using SPSS 20. Regression beta coefficient and correlation coefficients were generated to test the hypotheses and to ascertain the effect of Information & Communication Technology, Political and Socio-demographical factors on adopting E-Voting System. The result shows strong linear relationship between some of the factors and E-Voting Adoption.

Are Voter Fraud Beliefs an Extension of Immigrant Resentment?

Public beliefs about the frequency of voter fraud in the United States remain high among liberals and conservatives, and among Democrats, Republicans, and Independents. However, we know very little about the sources of public beliefs about voter fraud. Using new data from a survey module in the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, our study provides evidence that immigrant resentment is strongly associated with voter fraud beliefs. To date, our study is the first to investigate the extent to which a variety of political and social dispositions – including anti-immigrant attitudes, emotions toward immigration, and resentment of African-Americans – shape beliefs about different fraudulent electoral behaviors. Our results pose important implications for political science scholarship, as heightened immigrant animosity among U.S. citizens may stimulate restrictive measures to limit participation in democratic elections among eligible voters.

Evaluating the Usability of E-Voting Technologies

Voting has been an accepted means for electing candidates, receiving public approval for referendums and budgets, and for many other tasks where the will of the people, whether a broad population or a select group, can be recorded and measured in a tangible way. Because of advances in technology, together with problems inherent in manual forms of voting, the concepts and issues relating to electronic voting (e-voting) and various other technology-based forms, are been proposed, discussed, and examined. The goal of all such systems is the casting and recording of the votes from eligible voters as they intended to be cast, with adequate security. This security requires that there be no identifiable connection between the voter and the vote that is cast, while providing an audit trail that can be used to validate that every vote was counted and tallied, as cast. The focus of this paper is to examine electronic voting technologies from the perspective of usability in controlled environments. Current research has shown that such systems form the majority of the nascent e-voting technologies, primarily because they have come closest to solving the usability and security issues inherent in technology–based voting systems.

Reflections on a “Heavenly Chorus [that] Sings with a Strong [Male] Upper Class Accent”

When it comes to our understanding of the distribution and exercise of political power in the US, does it matter that women have not been able to break the glass ceiling? Most political decisions in the US are shaped by the preferences of elites. However, despite of important economic gains women continue to play a minor, and rather peripheral role, in the US business elite, with very few of them appointed to top management or to the CEO position, and an even smaller number belonging to the inner circle of corporate board directors. In parallel, the number of women who are millionaires is on the increase, but their impact on the political process is still small. Women are the majority of eligible and actual voters, and non-elite and elite women in particular have different political preferences than men – especially in the areas of social spending. However, in spite of the increased concerns with the high levels of inequality in the US, little or no change can be expected if women's voices continue to be drowned by the overwhelming male presence in the commanding heights of the business landscape.

Working-Class Power and Spirituality

Working-Class Power and Spirituality

“Keeping Pandora's (ballot) box half-shut”: a comparative inquiry into the institutional limits of external voting in EU Member States

The article compares the institutional constraints that limit the potential electoral impact of external voting in national legislative elections in the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU). It shows that the discrepancy between policy aims and outcomes can be mainly attributed to a variety of institutional constraints restricting the scope of the policy (through residence and professional qualifications); limiting eligible voters’ access to the ballot (through cumbersome registration procedures and voting methods); and reducing the electoral weight attributed to their votes (through distinct modes of representation). It argues that the discrepancy is at least partly the result of a combination of electoral and normative concerns about the influence that external voters could and should have in elections. Institutional restrictions on the franchise of external citizens may be interpreted as a way to keep the “Pandora's box” of unexpected electoral consequences half-shut, by extending the suffrage to a traditionally excluded electorate while at the same time moderating the implications.

Video Verification: An Alternative form of Identify Verification

Voting in the United States is a constitutional right, allowing citizens to voice concerns involving policies and laws. It is an essential civil liberty, in which the modification of voter laws can affect over 206 million eligible voters. Since 2008, more than half of the States in the U.S.A. have or are in the process of implementing voter ID laws. These laws have introduced many problems associated with identification credentials, including non-photo voter IDs and photo IDs that are required to vote. If all these new laws are passed, it is predicted that millions of Americans will be disenfranchised, making it more difficult for eligible voters to cast ballots. This paper introduces an identity verification method called video verification (vSquared). vSquared is a tool that uses a video of a person stating their name and address to verify identify claims. In this experiment, the identity verification methods included the use of a person presenting a voter ID card (without photo), a photo ID card, and using vSquared. Each of these three methods had a real condition where the person and matching ID were all legitimate and also a fraudulent condition where impersonation was involved. Each participant had to verify the identity of three different individuals, where some of the individuals represented real conditions while others were impersonating someone else. Participants in the study played the role analogous to a poll worker and had to say if they thought the condition was real or fraudulent. This is similar to the scenario where a poll worker would have to verify an individual's identity prior to voting in an election. The experiment aimed to identify the major differences in recognition rates, if any, for the current verification methods (voter ID and photo ID) against each other and also vSquared. Based on this research, vSquared detected fraud at least 70% more accurately than a non-photo voter ID or photo ID. Although, both the photo ID and vSquared identifying methods were proficient when identifying conditions that were considered to be legitimate IDs, 72% of participants preferred vSquared as a more accurate method for identity verification.