Election Period Research Articles

STRATEGI PENGAWASAN TERHADAP UJARAN KEBENCIAN DI MEDIA SOSIAL PADA PEMILU

The political year is a fertile vehicle for disseminating news of hate speech, forms of intolerance, and false information (hoaxes) decorating the Indonesian social media universe. Election campaigns provide fertile ground for hate speech and incitement, especially on social media. This research aims to analyze and identify the prevalence of hate speech in the DKI Jakarta gubernatorial election by evaluating the regulations regarding hate speech on social media according to stakeholders and appropriate and effective strategies in preventing and taking action against hate speech violations in the Pilkada/Election. This type of research is descriptive qualitative, which portrays the phenomenon of the DKI Jakarta governor election in 2017, The data collection technique used was a focus group discussion by inviting several sources. The results of this study reveal that; Hate speech in 2017 on social media, especially Facebook, has increased in the momentum of the Pilkada. The ITE Law and SE / 06 / X / 2015 have been implemented by various stakeholders as an effort to prevent and prosecute hate speech offenders, although this has not been maximized due to the weak media literacy of Indonesian society itself. The case for the 2017 DKI Jakarta election as a prototype for the National Election. Therefore, election organizers need to pay special attention to monitoring social media during the election period.

Social media, disinformation, and regulation of the electoral process: a study based on 2018 Brazilian election experience

There is global concern about the impact that ‘fake news’ has on democratic decision-making processes. Democratic decision-making needs to be well informed and voters need a minimum of confidence in the information they receive about competitors. The Internet has increased the availability of information, but has allowed new ways of manipulating it to emerge. In recent electoral experiences, social media has increased the impact of misinformation on democracy. These experiences have shown us that Internet governance during the election campaign is an urgent issue. A laissez-faire approach to the electoral process is a threat to democracy because it allows all kinds of cheating. Institutions responsible for ensuring the integrity of elections need to try democratic resources to constrain competitors to behave responsibly. It is important to know the concrete experience of a country that has suffered the attack of disinformation campaigns during an election period, studying the action of the body responsible for organizing this process. This article discusses the guarantee of the electoral process based on the case study of the 2018 Brazilian election.

The Role of the Catholic Church in Ethnic Conflict Resolution among the Residents of Kipchimchim Parish in Kenya

The Catholic Church plays a vital role in conflict resolution across the globe. Most of the conflicts in Kenya happen during the election period, and the church intervenes to reduce the tensions among individuals and ethnic communities. The main aim of this study was to establish the role of the Catholic Church in conflict resolution among the residents of Kipchimchim in Kenya. The study employed a cross-sectional design. The sample size was 200 respondents derived from a target population of 2106 individuals. The primary data was collected using questionnaires, interviews, and observations. The study found out that the church plays a vital role in restoring peace and forgiveness among warring groups; families, institutions, and communities through mediation and conciliation. However, she had not done enough. The church had failed to effectively address the key issues which had caused perennial ethnic conflict. The church was expected to be at the forefront in addressing historical land injustices, electoral reforms, inclusivity, and equitable sharing of national resources, which are the leading cause of ethnic conflict. The study recommended that the church work with policymakers, including the government, to find solutions to the country's recurring cases of ethnic conflict. There was a need to address issues relating to electoral reforms, historical land injustices, equitable distribution of resources, inclusivity, and protection of human rights as a matter of priority for lasting peace, unity, and stability among Kenyan communities.

People’s Power Policy in Legal Construction in Treason Criminal Law as Indonesian Penal Code Reform

Last year, People’s power was sounded during the presidential election period. It is still reaped the pros and cons in various circles, some called it as part of the treason, and some categorized it as a form of freedom of expression. The purpose of this article to see if the legal construction of treason criminal law is regulated under the current Penal Code, people’s power can be categorized as treason and how people’s power policies should be in the future under the legal construction of treason under criminal law. the normative point of view with the statutory approach, conceptual approach, and case approach, analyzing the concept of people’s power is not appropriate to calls as a criminal act of treason because it does not meet the juridical construction of treason under the Article 104, Article 106, and 107 of the penal code(KUHP). Likewise, in Article 191 Indonesian Penal Code Bill (RKUHP), Article 192, Article 193, and 194 RKUHP. People’s power policy in the legal construction of treason criminal law as an effort to reform the Penal Code needs to be reformulated in particular articles, later in Article 194 ofthe penal code(KUHP). The legal construction of treason criminal law then emphasized in words against the government without using the weapons.

موقف الولایات المتحدة الأمریکیة من الانتخابات البرلمانیة الإیطالیة أبریل 1948

يتناول هذا البحث موقف الولايات المتحدة فى مواجهة المد الشيوعى فى سنوات ما بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية فى إيطاليا، فقد بدأت الأحزاب اليسارية تتزايد قوتها فى إيطاليا، وتهدد بالسيطرة على الحکم. ولذلک حددت الولايات المتحدة أهدافها بأن لا تسمح بسقوط إيطاليا تحت السيطرة الشيوعية، لأن هذا يهدد المصالح الأمريکية فى أوربا والمنطقة بصورة عامة. وبدأت الولايات المتحدة تضع محاور سياستها فى إيطاليا لمنع أحزاب الجبهة الشعبية (الحزب الشيوعى الإيطالى والحزب الاشتراکى الإيطالى) من السيطرة على البرلمان فى انتخابات أبريل 1948، ومن ثم السيطرة على الحکومة. ولهذا بدأت الولايات المتحدة فى تقديم الدعم لحکومة الحزب المسيحى الديمقراطى برئاسة دى جاسبرى De Gasperi والأحزاب السياسية المناهضة للشيوعية، وتمثل هذا الدعم فى المساعدات العسکرية للقوات المسلحة الإيطالية حتى تصبح قادرة على التصدي لأى محاولة شيوعية للسيطرة على الحکم بالقوة. وکذلک کانت أهم مجالات الدعم للحکومة الإيطالية هى المساعدات الاقتصادية خاصة فى ظل ما کانت تعانيه إيطاليا خلال تلک الفترة من مصاعب اقتصادية، فقدمت الولايات المتحدة القروض والمساعدات الغذائية والتسهيلات للحکومة الإيطالية، خاصة خلال فترة الانتخابات. وفى نفس الوقت کان مجلس الأمن القومى الأمريکى يعد الخطط لمواجهة أى محاولة شيوعية لليسطرة على الحکم فى إيطاليا، قبل الانتخابات أو بعدها. بل وضع الخطط فى حالة مشارکة الحزب الشيوعيى فى الحکومة الإيطالية، أو الهيمنة الشيوعية على الحکومة بالوسائل القانونية. فى نفس الفترة عملت الولايات المتحدة على ضمان مساندة فرنسا والمملکة المتحدة لسياستها فى إيطاليا، ودعمهم للحکومة الإيطالية. وشنت الولايات المتحدة حملة دعائية مناهضة للشيوعية، من خلال تشجيع الکنيسة الکاثوليکية على مهاجمة أحزاب الجبهة الشعبية خلال الانتخابات. بل شجعت حملة رسائل من أمريکا التى کان يتم من خلالها إرسال الرسائل من الأمريکيين من أصول إيطالية لأقاربهم وأصدقائهم فى إيطاليا لحثهم على التصويت للأحزاب المناهضة للشيوعية. وحاول الحزب الشيوعى ومن ورائه الاتحاد السوفيتى مواجهة التحرکات الأمريکية، ولکن نتائج الانتخابات جاءت فى صالح الأحزاب المناهضة للشيوعية، مما شکل نجاح لسياسة التدخل الأمريکى لمنع المد الشيوعى فى غرب أوربا. U.S. Position on the Italian Parliamentary Elections of April 1948 Ahmed Abd El Sayed Ibrahim El Alfy Department of Social Sciences – Faculty of Education – Damanhour University – Egypt. Email: D_a_abdelsyed@edu.dmu.edu.eg Abstract: The present research investigates the U.S. position in confronting the communist extension in the post-World War II years in Italy, as leftist parties have begun to grow stronger in Italy, threatening to take over complete control of the government. The United States, therefore, set its goals not to allow Italy to fall under communist control, because this threatens American interests in Europe and the region in general. The United States started to set the axes of its policy in Italy to prevent the parties of the Popular Front (Italian Communist Party and Italian Socialist Party) from controlling the parliament in April 1948 elections, and then controlling the government. This is why the United States began to provide support to the Christian Democratic Party government, headed by De Gasperi and the main anti-communist parties. This support was represented in the military aid of the Italian armed forces in order for resisting any communist attempt to control the government by force. Similarly, the most important areas of support for the Italian government were economic assistance, especially in the light of the economic difficulties that Italy was suffering during that period. Hence, the United States provided loans, food aid and facilities to the Italian government, particularly during the election period. At the same time, the US National Security Council was preparing plans to face any communist attempt to control the rule in Italy, before elections or after elections. Additionally, plans are made in case the Communist Party participates in the Italian government or communist domination over the government by legal means. In the same period, the US ensured that France and the United Kingdom supported its policy in Italy, and supported the Italian government. The United States launched an anti-communist propaganda campaign, by urging the Catholic Church to attack the Popular Front parties during the elections. It also encouraged a campaign of “Messages from America,” through which messages from Italian-Americans were sent to their relatives and friends in Italy to urge them to vote for the anti-communist parties. The Communist Party and the Soviet Union tried to counter the American moves, but the election results came in favor of anti-communist parties, which represented a success for the US policy of intervention to prevent the communist extension in Western Europe.

Implementing the Sustainable Development Goals in Times of Rising Right-Wing Populism in Europe

This article discusses two ostensibly antagonistic themes: right-wing populism (RWP) and the UN 2030 Agenda and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). European politics has seen a sharp increase in right-wing populist influence over the last few election periods. More recently, such political influence has led to questions about right-wing populism’s impact on environmental and sustainable development policy. This paper takes a novel approach to understanding the potential connections between the rise of RWP in Europe and the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and SDGs in two ways. First, the paper is based on two workshops, informed by a preceding literature review on the topic of RWP in Europe, requested and organised by the European Sustainable Development Network (ESDN). Secondly, the results from the workshops are used to discuss and interpret the role of potentially differing worldviews (ontology, axiology, epistemology and societal vision) and how these relate to specific policy and governance responses, thereby impacting upon the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and SDGs in European countries.

Keeping electoral peace? Activities of United Nations peacekeeping operations and their effects on election-related violence

In war-torn countries, elections are held to support peacebuilding, but they sometimes trigger new violence. While peacekeeping operations (PKOs) regularly accompany electoral periods, we lack systematic knowledge on how they influence election-related violence. I argue that variation in peacekeepers’ activities is fundamentally important: only if PKOs assist with securing and organizing elections can they reduce election-related violence. Using novel data on PKOs’ election-related activities and accounting for endogeneity in both peacekeeping deployment and activities, the analyses of all 630 elections in conflict-affected countries support this expectation. The result implies that the design of PKOs is crucial for effectively managing post-war political transitions.

United we stand, divided we rule: how political polarization erodes democracy

ABSTRACT Although there is a broad consensus among political scientists that polarization is detrimental to democracy, very few empirically investigate the links between political polarization and democratic erosion. Most studies use diversity measures that fail to capture contemporary polarization, where the society is divided into two large hostile camps. In this article, we address the gap. Theoretically, we argue that polarization increases animosity between “enemy camps,” making voters more willing to accept anti-democratic measures against the rival group. This tacit approval becomes even more pronounced during election periods, where political controversy reigns and the stakes are higher. Focusing on a specific type of electoral manipulation, we hypothesize that ceteris paribus, political polarization is strongly associated with higher levels of government intimidation of the opposition. We expect this relationship to be stronger in democracies than in autocracies. Empirically, we create our own measure of political polarization based on Esteban and Ray’s widely accepted measure, and test our hypotheses on panel data. In addition to the regression analysis, we offer anecdotal evidence from Turkey, Hungary, and the United States.

I Don’t Want You to Be My President! Incivility and Media Bias During the Presidential Election in Chile

This study observes two relevant issues in today’s media ecosystem: incivility in online news comments and media bias during election periods. By analyzing 84 stories and 4670 comments published during the 2017 presidential election in Chile, we observed the extent to which news commenters addressed political figures using uncivil discourse, and the extent to which incivility and media bias were related in comments discussing the election. Results indicate incivility in comment sections of Chilean news outlets is higher than that found in the Global North, and the levels of uncivil speech are even higher when the conversation mentions female politicians, especially former president Michelle Bachelet. We also found a relationship between media bias and user bias—stories positively biased toward current president Sebastián Piñera were associated with more positive comments about him. Implications and future research are discussed.

WhatsApp audios and the remediation of radio: Disinformation in Brazilian 2018 presidential election

This article brings the results of an investigation into the role of WhatsApp audio messages in the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections, proposing that instant voice messaging borrows elements from radio language. We started from a broader research, conducted by the Brazilian National Institute of Science and Technology in Digital Democracy (INCT.DD, in its Portuguese acronym), which identified a network composed of 220 WhatsApp groups – all of them with open-entry links – supporting six different candidates. Those groups put together thousands of anonymized profiles linked through connections to similar groups, configuring an extensive network. More than 1 million messages, including 98,000 audios, were gathered and downloaded during 2018 Brazilian electoral period (from June to October). We focused on eighteen audios with major circulation (totalling 3622 appearances) among the ones shared at least 100 times, which were extracted and analysed. The use of radio content analysis techniques pointed out strong evidence that audio messaging remediate radiophonic elements such as intimacy and colloquial language to accelerate disinformation campaigns.

Engagement entre políticos y seguidores en Facebook. El caso de las elecciones generales de 2016 en España

Las redes sociales han incorporado a la ciudadanía en la vida política, especialmente en periodos electorales. El objetivo de esta investigación es evaluar qué elementos de los mensajes difundidos por actores políticos en Facebook favorecen un mayor grado de engagement, apoyo y compromiso de los seguidores. Con las técnicas del análisis de contenido se examinan los posts publicados por PP, PSOE, Podemos y Ciudadanos, y sus respectivos candidatos, durante la campaña de las elecciones generales de 2016 en España. Los resultados indican que el grado de engagement es muy bajo, pese a registrarse niveles de interacción significativos.

Praktyka indygenacyjna w szlacheckiej Rzeczypospolitej w świetle konstytucji sejmowych i instrukcji sejmikowych w latach 1588–1793

Przedmiot badań: Przedmiotem badań jest instytucja indygenatu w szlacheckiej Rzeczypospoli­tej. Nadanie przez monarchę indygenatu obcemu szlachcicowi było równoznaczne z uzyskaniem szlacheckiego obywatelstwa. Przysługiwał osobie, która go uzyskała, ale też jej potomstwu. In­dygenowani nie podlegali ograniczeniom tak jak osoby nobilitowane. Wyróżniamy dwa rodzaje indygenatu: a) za zasługi wojskowe, cywilne; b) honorowy, o nadaniu którego decydowały wzglę­dy polityczne. Indygenat otrzymało ok. 404 osób, co stanowi od 0,089 do 0,073% ogółu szlachty, przy szacowanej liczbie tego stanu 450 000 a 550 000 osób. Liczba ta nie mogła mieć większego wpływu na społeczność szlachecką. Instytucja przyciągała uwagę szlachty, która była żywo za­interesowana tym, kto aspiruje do obywatelstwa szlacheckiego. Elitarność stanowa szlachty, jej status oddziaływał na obcą szlachtę, która podejmowała starania, by wejść w jej szeregi.
 Cel badawczy: Instytucja indygenatu nie doczekała się całościowego opracowania w literatu­rze. Przeważają badania o charakterze prozograficznym. Problemy takie jak: a) kształtowanie się procedury nabywania indygenatu; b) charakter monarszej prerogatywy rozdawniczej w okresie elekcyjnym nie zostały dotychczas opracowane. 1
 Metoda badawcza: Indygenat nie był instytucją normowaną przez jeden akt prawny. W związku z tym, aby przedstawić tę instytucję, posłużyliśmy się analizą przepisów konstytucji sejmowych i instrukcji sejmikowych okresu lat 1573–1793 metodą formalno-dogmatyczną.
 Wnioski: Wyniki badań ukazują, żeby otrzymać indygenat w Rzeczypospolitej, musiała być do­trzymana określona procedura, zaś zainteresowany musiał spełnić określone warunki formalne i materialne. Osobie, której nadano indygenat i spełniła ona wymagania, kancelaria królewska wydawała dyplom poświadczający indygenację. Z prerogatywy monarszej nadanie stało się ak­tem dokonywanym pod kontrolą sejmu i sejmików.

A remoção de conteúdos políticos da internet como estratégia eleitoral na democracia brasileira

Objetivo: analisar a correlação entre a aproximação de períodos eleitorais no Brasil e pedidos judiciais de remoção de conteúdo na Internet. Metodologia: dados de processos judiciais e relatórios de transparência de provedores de conteúdo pelo método estatístico Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários (MQO), obtendo correlações parciais puras entre meses anteriores às eleições e pedidos de remoção ao nível de significância de 1%. Resultados: correlação positiva com aumento de, em média, 42,05 em julho, 120,05 em agosto, 230,25 em setembro e 65,25 em outubro. Discussão: existe uma preocupação dos políticos brasileiros com a repercussão que as informações na Internet terão para os resultados das eleições. Embora a maioria das solicitações de remoção (3.885, 77,2%) seja baseada no argumento de difamação, a coincidência temporal sugere que os pedidos estão relacionados ao processo eleitoral como um todo, e não apenas com a proteção individual da honra ou imagem dos candidatos. Limitações: existem poucos períodos disponíveis para análise, há falta de objetividade na classificação das motivações e inexiste uma categoria específica para remoções políticas nos relatórios dos provedores de conteúdo. Conclusões: os indícios do uso de pedidos de remoção como estratégia eleitoral revelam a necessidade de maior transparência por autoridades públicas sobre conteúdos removidos e justificativas para essas retiradas de informações da Internet

Factors influencing participatory intervention implementation to improve care coordination

Abstract Background Problems related to care coordination are identified as challenges to the organization of health systems. In order to improve coordination, it is necessary to invest in interventions that promote collaboration between levels of care. The study analyzes factors influencing the implementation of the intervention joint meetings between levels of care, guided by participatory action research to improve clinical coordination from the perspective of actors involved in a public health care network in Brazil. Methods Qualitative descriptive-interpretative study carried out in the health network of a municipality in the northeast of Brazil. Ten interviews were conducted to managers and health professionals, members of local steering committee and focus group with primary care physicians and specialists participating in the intervention. Thematic content analysis was used; it generated categories from theoretical and emerging frameworks. Results The willingness of professionals and management support to participate of the intervention process emerge as fundamental factors. However, they are influenced by factors of the system, such as electoral period and management change and these reflected on the slowdown and instability in implementation process. In the health network, turnover of professionals and low trust between primary and specialized care were evidenced as challenges. However, the proactive role of local steering committee, driven by participatory strategy for development of the intervention, promoted reflections and decisions agreed between professionals and managers. This rebounded on adjustments to strengthen the intervention and improvements on knowledge and collaboration between levels. Conclusions analysis of factors contributes to reflection on changes in the context, adaptation of intervention over time and importance of the role of professionals. Such understanding becomes essential for sustainability and improvement of care coordination. Key messages Knowledge about factors that influence implementation of an intervention guided by participatory action research contributes to the development of strategies aimed at its sustainability. Contextual factors that hamper improvements implementation to coordination of care can be overcome through participatory strategies mobilizing health professionals and managers.

“E o verso vem vindo e vem vindo uma melodia de repente/ E que acende a mente e o coração”

Para além de uma poesia que reenraíza memórias as mais diversas do povo sertanejo, a atividade da cantoria de viola tornou-se também porta-voz dos anseios políticos deste povo. Esta pesquisa, de natureza quali-quantitativa e de base etnográfica, busca, a partir de um recorte de um Festival de Cantadores realizado na cidade de Buenos Aires (PE), em agosto de 2018, investigar – à luz da sociologia de Antônio Cândido – a relação estabelecida entre a tríade Autor-Obra-Público, doravante A-O-P, durante as performances dos improvisos, em um período pré-eleitoral para as eleições de 2018. Assim, pra os modelos de performance e voz segue-se o de Zumthor (1993; 2005; 2010). Por sua vez, as bases etnográficas estão em Geertz (2008). Os dados revelam que na dinâmica que se estabelece na tríade A-O-P, nos improvisos, ocorrem complexas e subjetivas relações entre cantadores e público, com este podendo interferir em todo os momentos do improviso.

Fat Tail Analysis on S&P 100 Stocks-before and after US President Election

The main aim of this paper is to determine whether the volatility in the stocks can be created by events like the US Election and whether it leads to Fat Tail in the stocks. Fat Tail analysis is a key factor in determining volatility and has been used in the economy as well as in many other fields like climate and health. Log return has been used to determine the Fat Tail. To make the work more reliable, two Presidential election periods, that of Barack Obama and Donald Trump is selected and is compared for volatility and Fat Tail. For this study, stocks from the S&P 100 are selected and observed. The results show that the US economy is not at all driven by who comes in power and when but rather by the present economic condition. Stocks showing heavy tails during the Obama presidency are primarily because the economy was under Sub Prime Crisis too.

Public management and cost overruns in public projects

There is a growing concern in the field of public administration regarding cost overruns, which are often perceived to be a sign of project failure. Past studies have identified potential causes and explanatory factors for the occurrence of cost deviations. This article expands the existing body of knowledge by explicitly considering exogenous determinants (political, governance, and economic) to analyze how public management affects cost deviations and overruns. The article provides an empirical analysis of 4,305 projects developed in Portugal from 1980 to 2014. The study found that electoral periods; institutional, legal, and regulatory frameworks; and economic cycles all influence cost overruns.

Oliver Twist, popular music and electoral nostalgia in Nigeria

ABSTRACT Electoral nostalgia involves a return in thought to an electoral period or to a deed from an electoral period in one’s past. This essay is concerned with the electoral engagements of Oladapo Daniel Oyebanjo, better known by his moniker D’banj, as these relate to the 2011 presidential election bid of Nigeria’s erstwhile president Goodluck Jonathan. The essay assesses the role of D’banj as campaign songwriter and observes his immediate post-2011-election works as reactionary performances to the hullabaloo generated by his involvement in President Jonathan’s campaign. D’banj’s post-election record ‘Oliver Twist’ (2011) is conceptualized as evidence of electoral nostalgia in popular music. The essay offers a critical look into the single by engaging the ‘Oliver Twist’ concept’s English origins, the trigger for the appropriation of the concept by D’banj, the mastermind of the resulting transformative work, its calculated dissemination to target audiences, and the successes it garnered.

Elections and earnings management: evidence from municipally-owned entities

This paper extends the understanding of the relationship between accounting and the political process beyond the political cost hypothesis, documenting the fact that a positive relationship exists between elections and earnings management in Municipally-Owned Entities (MOEs). While State ownership is normally believed to be negatively related to earnings management, we document that, during an election period, the political links it creates increase political costs to such a level that this relation is inverted. We perform our analysis using a sample of 3557 Italian utility entities including 506 entities for which one single municipality has the absolute majority of shares. The sample spans a 6-year period including, on average, two election dates for each entity. Our empirical results support the existence of a relationship between elections and earnings management of MOEs and they confirm the intuition of Ramanna and Roychowdhury (J Account Res 48: 445–475, 2010) on the existence of a relationship between political connectedness and pre-electoral earnings management. We corroborate our main results using earnings variation frequency distribution analysis to check whether there is a tendency to adjust the published results upwards. Our results illustrate that, during election periods, MOEs are more likely to publish an increase in their income. While recognising the possibility that politicians might also benefit from the pre-electoral MOE earnings management detected, our paper does not attempt to prove their involvement in the EM activity, so the possibility that a “political State-Owned Entities Earnings cycle” exists is an avenue for further research.

Kedudukan Komisi Aparatur Sipil Negara dalam Menjaga Netralitas Aparatur Sipil Negara pada Pemilihan Umum 2019 Ditinjau dari Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum (Studi Kasus pada Pemilu 2019 di Provinsi Banten)

The 2019 General Election which is a combination of the Presidential Election and the Election of legislative members still raises several issues regarding the neutrality of the ASN in its implementation in Banten Province. ASN neutrality is in the public spotlight because there are still cases that occurred in the 2019 Election Period in Banten Province. KASN has the authority to oversee the application of the ASN code of conduct both at the central and regional levels. This research uses a qualitative research method with descriptive research type. Based on the results of the study in this study, a number of violations have been found related to ASN neutrality, in the legislation has a lot to regulate the limitations of the ASN when facing Elections, this shows that the government is committed to protecting ASN from various conflicts of interest that can occur. In this regard, KASN has issued various recommendations related to violations of ASN neutrality that occurred during the 2019 Elections in Banten Province. KASN has enforced law against non-neutral ASNs in the 2019 elections. As a result the ASN recommended by KASN to officials responsible for each agency was given strict sanctions according to the level of violations.