Defence Identity Research Articles

Two Decades of Department of Veterans Affairs Traumatic Brain Injury Care and Benefits for Veterans of Post-9/11 Conflicts.

To describe the background, methodology, and results of the congressionally mandated Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) Veterans Health Registry. Veterans Health Administration (VHA) and Veterans Benefit Administration (VBA). A total of 441 639 Veterans of post-9/11 conflicts who exhibited symptoms associated with TBI and sought care or benefits from the VA between September 2001 and September 2021. Design: Retrospective analysis of VHA and VBA administrative records. (1) VA/Department of Defense Identity Repository to identify Veterans with a deployment to the Southwest Asia theater of operations; (2) the VA TBI Screening and Evaluation Program data; (3) Inpatient and Outpatient Encounter data; and (4) an extract of the VBA Corporate Database to identify Veterans filing benefit claims based on TBI. An unduplicated total of 441 639 post-9/11 Veterans were identified in the Registry via three different pathways to entry: 369 909 Veterans through a positive TBI Screen, 253 177 Veterans receiving healthcare including a TBI diagnosis, and 108 541 Veterans filing TBI disability claims. Among Veterans reporting current TBI symptoms who completed a clinical evaluation, a diagnosis of TBI was confirmed by a TBI specialist in 68.7% of the cases. The TBI severity of confirmed cases was classified as mild in 86.6% of the cases, moderate in 8.3%, and severe in 4.1%. The TBI Registry Veterans were hospitalized 66 503 times and seen 1 521 898 times as outpatients in VHA facilities with diagnoses including TBI. Among Veterans filing TBI disability claims, 67.3% were adjudicated as service-connected. The VA TBI Health Registry has identified over 440 000 Veterans of post-9/11 conflicts who presented to the VA for care or benefits with TBI symptomatology. This large number and the volume of TBI health care and benefits provided over the two decades since 9/11 demonstrate the need for the VA's strong ongoing focus on screening, evaluation, and rehabilitation of TBI.

Finnish pre-service teachers’ identity development after a year of initial teacher education: Adding, transforming, and defending

Amidst the broad range of teacher competencies, professional beliefs and professional identity are two important domains of personal orientations that inform teacher quality. This study examines how pre-service teachers have negotiated their professional identity after their first year in initial primary teacher education. The study uses qualitative data from an online survey voluntarily answered by seventy-two Finnish pre-service teachers in Spring 2022. The data were thematically analyzed and further examined for additive, transformative, and defensive identity development using Ruohotie-Lyhty's (2018) framework of teachers' identity-agency. The study supports the notion of identity as social, multiple, and discontinuous.

European Identity in Defense Policy

The aim of the article is to analyze the attitude of Europeans to defense as well as to progress in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Is an EU-specific security and common defense identity being created? According to Karl Deutsch's concept, this identity was to lead to the creation of a security community similar to those that function in nation states. It was also intended to pave the way for further progress in European integration. Difficulties in constructing identity in defense policy may hinder further European integration, including federalization and democratization of the European Union. These problems with European identity may also serve to strengthen transatlantic relations and cooperation within NATO.

How Karlien van Jaarsveld and Refentse Morake became ‘Huisgenote’: a Foucauldian problematisation

This article problematises the relative openness or closedness of Afrikaner identity formations manifested in the song and video ‘packages’ of ‘Sing vir Liefde’ (‘Sing for Love’) by Karlien van Jaarsveld and ‘What a Boytjie’ by Refentse Morake. By bestowing the Van Jaarsveld song a Huisgenoot Tempo Award and ascribing transformational potential to the Morake song, Huisgenoot underscores a correlation between its perceptions of desirable Afrikaner identity formations within the new South Africa and those represented by these songs. A Foucauldian lens is employed to focus on the problematisation pivotal to the care of self, and as a means to identify formations of domineering identity constructs within post-1994 South African ‘games of power’. A profit-oriented approach is seen to create pastoral, power-generating media sources, the likes of kykNET and Huisgenoot, that are susceptible to encouraging texts seemingly intent on crosscultural reconciliatory efforts, but that nonetheless foster a defensive identity formation modelled on the Afrikaner nationalist narrative prevailing during apartheid. The analysis of Van Jaarsveld’s and Morake’s music videos leads to a Foucauldian conclusion – aware of its inevitable textual entrapment – that both songs subscribe to an identity formation that is premised on exclusivist, superior notions of Afrikaner identity.

The Problem of the Eu's Defense Identity: the Peacekeeping Experience in Africa

The article is devoted to the problem of the defense identity formation of the European Union (EU) in the context of peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that there is still no consensus in the EU countries regarding the deepening of integration and the need for military operations outside the area of responsibility of the organization member states. Contradictions on the issue of defense identity have an impact on cooperation with individual state and non-state actors in world politics and generally affect stability in the European security system. Using the example of the EU military operations in Somalia (EUTM Somalia) and the CAR (EUTM RCA), the process of forming the EU's defense identity is considered. Constructivism is proposed as the theoretical basis of the study, which explains the behavioral model of an individual actor, fully revealing his identity. The methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach combining historical and political aspects. Thus, a historical and genetic method was used to track the evolution of the EU's peacekeeping potential and a comparative method was used to compare the potential of EU operations in Africa. The instrumental and empirical analysis allowed not only to collect the necessary data on operations in Somalia and the CAR, but also to correlate the results obtained with the criteria that the authors identify as necessary for considering role identity. In conclusion, an assessment is given of how far the EU has progressed in the process of building a European defense identity, taking into account the achievements in military operations in Somalia and the CAR.

Europejska autonomia strategiczna w percepcji państw Europy Środkowej

The article concerns programs and activities related to the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. Research studies the so-called “European strategic autonomy” and its perception in Central European countries. Authors used extensive literature on the subject, official documents, including the EU treaties, declarations of the European Council, conclusions and decisions of the EU Council. The first stage of the European Security and Defense Identity was for the countries of Central Europe a preliminary period to membership in the EU and NATO. These institutions were not treated as competitive. Although during the implementation of the European Security and Defense Policy, NATO was considered by the Central Europe courtiers as a more credible organization. As a result of the reforms and the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty (LT), there were concerns among new members about the limitation of their sovereignty. This had a negative impact on the implementation of the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy. Therefore, the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) was introduced eight years after the LT entry into force. Central European countries joined PESCO and submitted their projects. Now we are entering the next stage in the development of European strategic autonomy e.g., in 2022, the “Strategic Compass” will be announced and a debate on the EU conference on the “Future of Europe” will be held.

Optimizing Data on Race and Ethnicity for Veterans Affairs Patients.

Maintaining accurate race and ethnicity data among patients of the Veterans Affairs (VA) healthcare system has historically been a challenge. This work expands on previous efforts to optimize race and ethnicity values by combining multiple VA data sources and exploring race- and ethnicity-specific collation algorithms. We linked VA patient data from 2000 to 2018 with race and ethnicity data from four administrative and electronic health record sources: VA Medical SAS files (MedSAS), Corporate Data Warehouse (CDW), VA Centers for Medicare extracts (CMS), and VA Defense Identity Repository Data (VADIR). To assess the accuracy of each data source, we compared race and ethnicity values to self-reported data from the Survey of Health Experiences of Patients (SHEP). We used Cohen's Kappa to assess overall (holistic) source agreement and positive predictive values (PPV) to determine the accuracy of sources for each race and ethnicity separately. Holistic agreement with SHEP data was excellent (K > 0.80 for all sources), while race- and ethnicity-specific agreement varied. All sources were best at identifying White and Black users (average PPV = 0.94, 0.93, respectively). When applied to the full VA user population, both holistic and race-specific algorithms substantially reduced unknown values, as compared to single-source methods. Combining multiple sources to generate race and ethnicity values improves data accuracy among VA patients. Based on the overall agreement with self-reported data, we recommend using non-missing values from sources in the following order to fill in race values-SHEP, CMS, CDW, MedSAS, and VADIR-and in the following order to fill in ethnicity values-SHEP, CDW, MedSAS, VADIR, and CMS.

Association of Traumatic Brain Injury With Mortality Among Military Veterans Serving After September 11, 2001

Emerging evidence suggests that harmful exposures during military service, such as traumatic brain injury (TBI), may contribute to mental health, chronic disease, and mortality risks. To assess the mortality rates and estimate the number of all-cause and cause-specific excess deaths among veterans serving after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks (9/11) with and without exposure to TBI. This cohort study analyzed administrative and mortality data from January 1, 2002, through December 31, 2018, for a cohort of US military veterans who served during the Global War on Terrorism after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Veterans who served active duty after 9/11 with 3 or more years of care in the Military Health System or had 3 or more years of care in the Military Health System and 2 or more years of care in the Veterans Health Administration were included for analysis. The study used data from the Veterans Affairs/Department of Defense Identity Repository database, matching health records data from the Military Health Service Management Analysis and Reporting tool, the Veterans Health Administration Veterans Informatics and Computing Infrastructure, and the National Death Index. For comparison with the total US population, the study used the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention WONDER database. Data analysis was performed from June 16 to September 8, 2021. Traumatic brain injury. Multivariable, negative binomial regression models were used to estimate adjusted all-cause and cause-specific mortality rates for the post-9/11 military veteran cohort, stratified by TBI severity level, and the total US population. Differences in mortality rates between post-9/11 military veterans and the total US population were used to estimate excess deaths from each cause of death. Among 2 516 189 post-9/11 military veterans (2 167 736 [86.2%] male; and 45 324 [1.8%] American Indian/Alaska Native, 160 178 [6.4%], Asian/Pacific Islander, 259 737 [10.3%] Hispanic, 387 926 [15.4%] non-Hispanic Black, 1 619 834 [64.4%] non-Hispanic White, and 43 190 [1.7%] unknown), 17.5% had mild TBI and 3.0% had moderate to severe TBI; there were 30 564 deaths. Adjusted, age-specific mortality rates were higher for post-9/11 military veterans than for the total US population and increased with TBI severity. There were an estimated 3858 (95% CI, 1225-6490) excess deaths among all post-9/11 military veterans. Of these, an estimated 275 (95% CI, -1435 to 1985) were not exposed to TBI, 2285 (95% CI, 1637 to 2933) had mild TBI, and 1298 (95% CI, 1023 to 1572) had moderate to severe TBI. Estimated excess deaths were predominantly from suicides (4218; 95% CI, 3621 to 4816) and accidents (2631; 95% CI, 1929 to 3333). Veterans with moderate to severe TBI accounted for 33.6% of total excess deaths, 11-fold higher than would otherwise be expected. This military veteran cohort experienced more excess mortality compared with the total US population than all combat deaths from 9/11/01 through 9/11/21, concentrated among individuals exposed to TBI. These results suggest that a focus on what puts veterans at risk for accelerated aging and increased mortality is warranted.

The image of a Russian student and his attitude to the study of Non-Core disciplines

The main purpose of this article is to study the psychological attitude of representatives of the professional sphere to the consumer in the field of education and students to the study of non-core disciplines. To achieve the goal, methods of observation, polling, free associations, content analysis, mathematical and statistical methods were used. The image is characterized by subjects by different criteria, sometimes contradictory. The attitude of students of technical faculties to management disciplines contains cognitive, affective and behavioral components. It was revealed that at the intrapersonal level it is based on the assessment of the value of knowledge application in future professional activities. When teaching, students divide disciplines into core and non-core ones. At the interpersonal level, learning outcomes and forecast of their achievement are important. The desire for interpersonal similarity is manifested. At the intragroup level, behavior is explained by: effect of “group thinking”, group defense mechanisms and identity and dynamics of collective experience in the learning process. At the intergroup level, the following prevails: assessment of the competencies of teachers, effectiveness of management of educational institution and exchange of views on the quality and value of training.

The Fog of Identity and Judicial Contestation: Preventive and Defensive Constitutional Identity Review in Germany

This article deals with constitutional identity review by the German Federal Constitutional Court (FCC). While identity review is often discussed merely as an instrument of judicial contestation by which the FCC challenges the European Court of Justice and its stance on the primacy of EU law, this article shows that both the aim and the effect of identity review go far beyond judicial conflict. In fact, identity review produces significant preventive and deterrent effects on (national) EU policies, which come into play well before any judicial conflict. By means of preventive identity review, the FCC has created a fog of identity, a dark field of potential unconstitutionality, which considerably limits the scope of policy choices in advance and even irrespective of whether or not these policies would ultimately be judged to be unconstitutional. As for the defensive dimension of identity review, the article addresses the complexity of the (too often simplified) conceptual relationship of identity review to other modes of review such as ultra vires review and the Solange case law. It shows that identity review has gradually become the conceptual heart of the FCC’s defensive triad. Identity review, constitutional identity, fog of identity, German Federal Constitutional Court, preventive and defensive identity review, eternity clause, principle of democracy, NGEU, European Arrest Warrant III, PSPP, Unified Patent Court, Right to be forgotten I and II, Banking Union, Egenberger

Association of Suicide Risk With Transition to Civilian Life Among US Military Service Members

Although interest is high in addressing suicide mortality after the transition from military to civilian life, little is known about the risk factors associated with this transition. To support the ongoing suicide surveillance work of the US Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) Office of Mental Health and Suicide Prevention, examining these factors is important for targeting suicide prevention efforts. To examine the prevalence, patterns, and associated characteristics of suicide mortality among US service members after separation from military active status. This retrospective population-based cohort study obtained demographic and military service data from the VA/Department of Defense Identity Repository. Individuals who served on active duty in the US Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, or Coast Guard after September 11, 2001, and who separated from active status between January 1, 2010, and December 31, 2017, were included in the cohort. Data analyses were conducted from September 9, 2019, to April 1, 2020. Suicide mortality within 6 years after separation from military service. A total of 1 868 970 service members (1 572 523 men [84.1%]; mean [SD] age at separation, 30.9 [9.9] years) separated from the military during the study period. Through the end of the study period (December 31, 2017), 3030 suicides (2860 men and 170 women) were identified as having occurred within 6 years of separation from the military. Statistically significant differences in suicide risk were found by demographic and military service characteristics. Suicide rates after separation were time dependent, generally peaking 6 to 12 months after separation and declining only modestly over the study period. Male service members had a statistically significantly higher hazard of suicide than their female counterparts (hazard ratio [HR], 3.13; 95% CI, 2.68-3.69). Younger individuals (aged 17-19 years; HR, 4.46 [95% CI, 3.71-5.36]) had suicide hazard rates that were approximately 4.5 times higher than those who transitioned at an older age (≥40 years). Service branch remained a risk factor for suicide even 6 years after separation; those who separated from the Marine Corps (HR, 1.55; 95% CI, 1.36-1.78) and the Army (HR, 1.48; 95% CI, 1.31-1.67) had a higher hazard than those who transitioned from the Air Force. The hazard for those who separated from the active component was higher than for those who separated from the reserve component (HR, 1.29; 95% CI, 1.18-1.42). Service members with a shorter length of service had a higher hazard (HR, 1.26; 95% CI, 1.11-1.42) than those with a longer service history. Results of this study show that not all service members who recently transitioned from military life had the same risk of suicide. The data suggest that awareness of military service and demographic characteristics can help identify those most at risk for suicide to target prevention efforts.

Euro-Atlantic Security in U.S.-EURussia Triangle and Trump Factor

The article discusses the security relations among the United States, the EU and Russia in the context of Donald Trump's populism, the change of Western political elites and the erosion of arms treaty regimes. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current state and identify the probable scenarios of relations in the triangle of the USA – the EU – Russia. The article explores the features of the Euro-Atlantic security system from 1990’s till the mid-2000’s; the concept of Euro-Atlantic security in 2008-2009; the US, the EU and Russia relations under Barak Obama and Donald Trump. As a result of a comprehensive analysis, the author comes to the following conclusions: 1) the concept of Euro-Atlantic security is still relevant. Since the NATO based security arrangements are not stabile, security interaction among the USA, the EU and Russia is growing in importance. 2) European leaders seem to be moving towards building a new security architecture and a more balanced dialogue with Russia. The EU remains the main economic partner of the Russian Federation. 3) Trump's “transactional” approach has prompted Europeans to strengthen its defense identity and seek a compromise with Russia. 4) In a multipolar world, the Euro-Atlantic regional security is no longer closed to transatlantic ties. It is important to rethink the concept towards cooperation with non-regional countries. 5) The complex game of engagement and deterrence is likely to continue in relations between Russia and the West. The more uncertain the transatlantic relations become, the more the EU and the US need Russia.The author declares absence of conflict of interests.

НАТО versus PESCO: экономические аспекты

The article is devoted to economic consequences of the demands of the U. S. President Donald Trump to European NATO allies to increase defense spendings in the context of intensified European defense cooperation (in particular, the implementation of the PESCO initiative). Within NATO, a line of tension “West-East” or “old-new members” has been identified, due to both economic (the size and level of the economies’ development) and political (attitude to the USA as a guarantor of security) reasons. European states have committed to increase spendings both within NATO (defense investment pledge) and within PESCO. On the one hand, the development of the European defense identity and the growth of defense spendings will in any case serve to strengthen the overall NATO capabilities. On the other hand, in the medium and long term these measures are unlikely to lead to real strategic autonomy of Europe, although they are aimed at strengthening support for the military-industrial complex of the largest European states. The U.S. considers such policy as a challenge, given that American defense contractors have traditionally been involved in the distribution of defense orders in Europe (while the U.S. market is nearly closed for European companies). Under conditions of growing uncertainty and the crisis of globalization, support for defense industry enterprises can create additional impetus for internationalization of this economy sector, without which European products are unlikely to remain competitive in the global arms export market. The analysis shows that France as a country with one of the most technologically advanced military-industrial complexes will be the main “motor” and, most likely, the beneficiary of strengthening defense cooperation in Europe. Moreover, an additional factor of French ambitions may be a significant share of state participation in the defense sector of the economy and, in general, the strongest (in comparison with Germany and the UK) “national link” of the industry.

Officer Education Policy Development in the Context of the Changing European Security and Defence Identity

Officer Education Policy Development in the Context of the Changing European Security and Defence Identity

Reconceptualising vulnerability and its value for managerial identity and learning

Dominant, masculinised constructions of managerial identities are associated with expectations of being in control and strong, and not with vulnerability. Managers may conceal vulnerability and protect themselves through defensive identity work, and such responses may close down learning opportunities. We reconceptualise vulnerability and recognise its value for managerial identity and learning by drawing upon Butler’s theory of vulnerability. Analysing interviews with middle and senior managers and presenting our own reflexive learning, we address a lack of empirical accounts of managerial vulnerability. We offer three processes of relational vulnerability: (1) recognising and claiming vulnerability, (2) developing social support to share vulnerability with trusted others, and (3) recognising alternative ways of conceptualising and responding to vulnerability. Rather than defensiveness in the face of vulnerability constructed as weakness, the value of vulnerability lies in its openness and its generative capacity for alternative ways of managerial being and learning.

Developing an Algorithm for Combining Race and Ethnicity Data Sources in the Veterans Health Administration.

Racial/ethnic disparities exist in the Veterans Health Administration (VHA), despite financial barriers to care being largely mitigated and Veterans Administration's (VA) organizational commitment to health equity. Accurately identifying minority veterans is critical to monitoring progress toward equity as the VHA treats an increasingly racially and ethnically diverse veteran population. Although the VHA's completeness of race and ethnicity data is generally better than its public sector and private counterparts, the accuracy of the race and ethnicity in the various databases available to VHA is variable, as is the accuracy in identifying specific minority groups. The purpose of this article was to develop an algorithm for constructing race and ethnicity variables from data sources available to VHA researchers, to present demographic differences cross the data sources, and to apply the algorithm to one study year. We used existing VHA survey data from the Survey of Healthcare Experiences of Patients (SHEP) and three commonly used administrative databases from 2003 to 2015: the VA Corporate Data Warehouse (CDW), VA Defense Identity Repository (VADIR), and Medicare. Using measures of agreement such as sensitivity, specificity, positive and negative predictive values, and Cohen kappa, we compared self-reported race and ethnicity from the SHEP and each of the other data sources. Based on these results, we propose an algorithm for combining data on race and ethnicity from these datasets. We included VHA patients who completed a SHEP and had race/ethnicity recorded in CDW, VADIR, and/or Medicare. Agreement between SHEP and other sources was high for Whites and Blacks and substantially lower for other minority groups. The CDW demonstrated better agreement than VADIR or Medicare. We developed an algorithm of data source precedence in the VHA that improves the accuracy of the identification of historically under-identified minorities: (1) SHEP, (2) CDW, (3) Department of Defense's VADIR, and (4) Medicare.

Polska wobec rozwoju polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony Unii Europejskiej

Artykuł dotyczy ewolucji stanowiska rządów Polski wobec kolejnych etapów rozwoju europejskiej autonomii strategicznej (Europejska Tożsamości Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony), Europejskiej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony oraz Wspólna Europejska Polityka Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Unii Europejskiej). Wyodrębnione zostały dwa etapy polskiej Polityki; przed akcesją do UE oraz udział Polski w ESDP/WPBiO, po przystąpieniu do UE. Podczas sprawowania przez Polskę Prezydencji w Radzie, jednym z priorytetów było doskonalenie zdolności wojskowych i systemu reagowania kryzysowego. Scharakteryzowano oficjalne stanowisko władz polskich wobec integracji systemu bezpieczeństwa UE wyrażone w dokumentach strategicznych. Ostatni taki dokument został opublikowany w maju 2017 r. w Ministerstwie Obrony Narodowej. Zwrócono uwagę na sytuacje kryzysowe w problemach dotyczących integracji europejskiej oraz na brak zainteresowania aktualnych władz politycznych Polski udziałem w reformowaniu systemu bezpieczeństwa UE.

The South American Defense Council: the Building of a Community of Practice for Regional Defense

Abstract While the South American Defense Council has been analyzed as a security community, we argue that it is best described as an early stage community of practice, since it has successfully set in motion a regular interaction dynamic between numerous defense actors, as we demonstrate with concrete examples. We further discuss political support as a prerequisite for regional defense identity.Keywords: Security communities, community of practice, seminar diplomacy, South America, Defense. Received: September 5, 2016 Accepted: April 12, 2017 Introduction I n December 2008, member states of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) created the South American Defense Council (SADC), a specific forum for dealing with defense cooperation. Even though Argentina had been an active proponent of a Southern Cone defense cooperation dialogue mechanism during the 1990s and early 2000s, it only became a reality when Brazil supported the initiative and devised an active diplomatic strategy that could convince all South American neighbors of the initiative’s relevance. During these early months of political and diplomatic negotiations to create the organization, in the heat of the dispute over the bombing of a FARC camping in Ecuador by Colombian troops, the proposal remained ambiguous on what kind of defense organism should be created, allowing each country to entertain a number expectations. Among the various topics of the SADC being discussed were dialogue, cooperation, disputes prevention, confidence building, the establishment of a regional defense industry, and, most controversially, the construction of a regional defense identity. The only point on which most of the

The European Union in international relations of Canada at the end of XX – beginning of XXI century

Canada and the EU had a common vision of the fundamentals of the international relations system in the late XX – early XXI century and the need to respect the principles of international law. Canada in this matter has always acted together with other international actors on a coalition basis, accumulating defense potential.
 The EU has seen in Canadians close partners who share its values and have similar approaches to resolving conflict, so there are prospects for development of bilateral cooperation in the international arena.
 This was possible also due to the emergence of the Common foreign and defense policy of the EU and the implementation of important steps towards the development of European security policy and defense (ESDP). Therefore, at least a hypothetical European defense identity allows Canada to establish international cooperation with the EU in the defense sphere.
 Ottawa sought to demonstrate that Europe remains important to Canadian and international security interests, so he ESDP must not lead to the destruction of traditionally close relations between Canada and the European partners. Constitutive remains also link Europe with Canada in the framework of NATO.
 After the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the terrorist attacks of 2001, the EU is particularly interested in boosting relations with Canada. Despite the unity of views and approaches to solving most of the problems of international relations in the late XX – early XXI century between Canada and the EU, a common component in bilateral relations is still far from perfect, leaving the prospects for improving the Canadian-European cooperation on the international arena.
 Keywords: Canada, the European Union, international relationships, foreign policy

Военно-политические аспекты субрегиональной интеграции в Европе

<p>В европейской политике с каждым годом играют все более важную роль субрегиональные объединения. Они включают в себя территориально близко расположенные и тесно связанные в историческом, экономическом и культурном отношении страны Европы. Этим продиктована необходимость их более глубокого и всестороннего исследования. Одной из важных и недостаточно изученных сфер деятельности субрегиональных объединений стран зарубежной Европы является область безопасности и обороны. В исследовании описывается панорамная картина деятельности подобных объединений в условиях меняющейся геополитической ситуации в Европе, дается характеристика конкретных форм субрегионального сотрудничества в отдельных ее частях. При этом взаимодействие государств внутри описываемых субрегиональных группировок рассматривается в более широких масштабах европейской и евроатлантической интеграции.</p><p>Выделяются новые тенденции в развитии субрегионального сотрудничества на фоне усиливающихся центробежных тенденций внутри Европейского союза. Все более отчетливые очертания обретает процесс постепенного группирования государств, ставящих целью решение общих для них проблем в области безопасности, обороны, военно-политического и военно-технического сотрудничества. Такие группировки и входящие в них страны формируют особую субрегиональную оборонную идентичность, которая развивается параллельно интеграционным процессам на уровне панъевропейских организаций. Автор отмечает, что данный процесс не приведет к вытеснению на периферию европейской системы безопасности ни ЕС, ни НАТО.</p><p>С точки зрения обеспечения интересов России в области ее безопасности представляется целесообразным учитывать фактор субрегионального военно-политического сотрудничества в Европе в процессе реализации Россией своего внешнеполитического курса на европейском направлении.</p>