Colombian State Research Articles

La falacia del Estado social en Colombia

This document carries out a normative and jurisprudential analysis on the model of the Social State of Law and Social Rights introduced by the 1991 Constitution, to validate its development. The main goal is to contrast the normative design with the reality of Colombian society to consider whether the social purposes of the state are met or if, on the contrary, the Social State of Law is a legal discourse and not a reality. To achieve such goal, the emergence and evolution of the concept of Social State of Law and its application in Colombian constitutionalism are taken into account; The study of social rights is carried out in conceptual and quantitative terms with satisfaction/deficiency indicators to identify the effectiveness degree those rights that allow the progress or setbacks of the Social State of Law to be concluded. The contrast among constitutional norms, jurisprudential rules and empirical data on the effectiveness of social rights lead us to the conclusion that in 30 years of legitimacy of the Colombian Constitution 1991-2021, the Social Rule of Law in our country is a fallacy that needs to be transformed into reality by social actors to undertake the programmatic content of the constitution. To fulfill social needs, there are legalpolitical instruments such as the National Development Plan and the Multi-Year Budgets, which meet public policy to procure the improvement and quality of life of Colombians and show that the Social State of Law is not a simple constitutional formula.

Technological trends

Introduction: This bibliographic review article is the product of research on new technological trends, focusing on citizen security, carried out at the SIEL research hotbed of the Universidad del Valle-Buga headquarters, Colombia in 2019.
 Problem: Investigate the new technological trends aimed at the citizen security sector.
 Objective: Identify the new technological trends in the sector of citizen security, its application in the world and expose the current state in Colombia.
 Methodology: Documentary review of primary sources of the last 5 years, such as; scientific articles, government pages, laws, press releases and recognized newspapers.
 Results: Since MinTIC was created in Colombia, in partnership with different government entities, society in general has benefited from projects in areas such as education, health, housing and security. The modernization of control institutions in Colombia is evident being the security sector one of the most advantageous.
 Conclusion: In general terms, sectors such as technology and education are still lagging behind. As for the security sector, there is no doubt the effort and progress in research and development of new technologies present in the vast majority of government entities.
 Originality: new technological trends are investigated from the point of view of citizen security in several application scenarios.
 Limitations: For the most part, the review focuses on aspects of citizen security, indicating very little the social field

From the Editors

From the Editors John Bauer, Christina Dando, and Michael Wise We are pleased to present the forty-ninth volume of Historical Geography, our fourth published with the University of Nebraska Press. As ever, our thanks go to our contributors, reviewers, and the members of our editorial board, as well as our colleagues at the Press and at the Historical Geography Specialty Group of the American Association of Geographers. This volume features three research articles and twenty-two book reviews from scholars on five continents. The first article discusses the impact and legacy of Andrew Clark's classic The Invasion of New Zealand by Peoples, Plants, and Animals through analysis of book reviews and other appraisals of the work by historical geographers over the last half century. Ben Schuster's "Aerial Vision and Violence: The Beginning of Aerial Photography in Colombia (1920s)" shifts our attention to the early history of aerial photography and the Colombian state's use of the new technology for marking its national boundaries and for demographic surveillance, particularly of its Native communities. Finally, James Smith's "German Immigrant Labor in Baltimore on the Eve of the Civil War" attends to the roles played by ethnic communities in urban transitions associated with the shift from artisanal labor to industrialized mass production. We would like to express our gratitude in this volume to Briony McDonagh, who rotated off our editorial team earlier this year. McDonagh joined Historical Geography as coeditor in 2017, and her accomplishments included the recruitment of high-quality research articles and special issues produced by scholars from both sides of the Atlantic. Her vision to make Historical Geography representative of a more diverse and interdisciplinary set of approaches is another of her contributions that will continue to animate the work of our journal as we move forward. [End Page ix] As ever, we welcome new submissions to the journal. Information for potential authors is available on our Project Muse webpage (https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/738) as well as our University of Nebraska Press portal (https://nebraskapressjournals.unl.edu/journal/historical-geography/). We also encourage informal inquiries to our editorial team about potential articles and special issues that engage the field of historical geography defined in the broadest possible sense. John Bauer, Christina Dando, and Michael Wise, coeditors [End Page x] Copyright © 2023 Historical Geography Specialty Group of the American Association of Geographers

Project financing through public-private partnerships in Colombia: A look inside of 4G highway concessions

This article analyzes the benefits of the financing scheme through Public-Private Partnerships for the Fourth Generation Highway Concessions Program in Colombia. In this program, the Government of Colombia establishes a concession for 25 years on highways and guarantees income through the Collection Difference Compensation Mechanism in years 8, 13, and 18. A case study is presented on the 4G highway "Autopista al Mar 2" to identify the commercial risks that may be caused by the difference in the collection between the concessionaire and the Colombian government. For this, three traffic scenarios are proposed to evaluate their impact on obtaining the Present Value from Toll Revenue - PVTR. Results show that this highway is financially viable for the base scenario through the project's finance scheme, and the commercial risk is not increased by the collection differences in any of the years 8, 13, or 18. The analysis foresees an additional income for the concessionaire of USD 123.19 million. Similar results were obtained in the optimistic scenario, with an additional collection of USD 655.90 million, which generates additional revenue to the concessionaire for operation and maintenance costs. However, if there is a 30% decrease in the estimated traffic in the baseline scenario, the PVTR will not be reached within 25 years of the concession, and the risk of Collection Difference is activated in the year 18, with an amount of USD 1.11 million; the Colombian State must provide this sum to the concessionaire. Finally, these results help create a roadmap on critical issues that require adjustments or improvements in the financing process to drive the effective development of 4G concessions.

Environmental justice in Colombia: a review of the constitutional jurisprudence protecting indigenous peoples

The Colombian State has ratified several international instruments to protect indigenous peoples: the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of 1965, the Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of 1989 (ILO Convention 169), the Declaration of the United Nations on the rights of indigenous peoples in 2007. Additionally, there is a constitutional article on multiethnic and multicultural nation, norms and jurisprudence aimed at environmental protection in the context of Colombian indigenous peoples. In this paper, the main thematic nuclei of environmental justice that derive from the constitutional jurisprudence of indigenous peoples are presented, based on an analysis of sentences issued since 1997 by the Colombian constitutional court.

Perverse Incentives: Extrajudicial Killings in Colombia

Perverse Incentives:Extrajudicial Killings in Colombia Elvira María Restrepo (bio) "[Jacqueline] Castillo was looking for her brother, Jaime, who had disappeared a few months earlier near Bogotá, more than 600km away. His was the last body they pulled out. When he was placed on the ground next to her, Castillo fell to her knees, screaming. The doctors told her he was a member of one of the many guerrilla armies that had been fighting the Colombian state since the mid-1960s and that he had been killed in combat. But Castillo knew that was impossible. Her brother had been a homeless beggar, not a guerrilla insurgent."1 ________ On September 27, 2008, the cover of Colombia's weekly Semana unveiled the existence of extrajudicial killings by the Public Force under the title "Falsos Positivos Mortales?"2 Much of the mainstream media, with some nuances, echoed a scandal that could no longer be hidden. The term "false positives" was adopted because the victims were innocent people extrajudicially killed by members of the Colombian Public Force and then falsely labeled enemy combatants. Today we know that thousands of civilians were lured under false pretenses to remote locations and killed by members of the Public Force. Following the killings, the crime scene was manipulated; victims were dressed as armed guerrillas to pass their deaths off as combat killings. The perpetrators obtained rewards in exchange. The victims—mostly poor, unemployed, and sometimes even disabled civilians—were then labeled to be non-identified buried in communal graves, like Jaime Castillo. He was one of the nineteen Falsos Positivos of Soacha, the case that initially resonated most strongly, thanks to the courageous and dogged activism of the mothers of these victims (Madres de Los Falsos Positivos—MAFAPO) and Soacha's proximity to the capital.3 This paper argues that the cascade of revelations and judicial decisions from the new Comprehensive System of Truth, Justice, Reparation, and Non-Repetition (CS), born out of the 2016 Peace Agreement with the FARC, coupled with a vibrant civil society and the existing domestic and international opportunity structures clearly exposed a long-standing Public Force perverse culture in which citizens are seen as internal enemies, while security is equated with the presence of the Public Force.4 It also argues that Colombia's new Special Jurisdiction for Peace (Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz—JEP in Spanish), one of the three institutions that comprise the CS, introduces a new understanding of accountability in international criminal law that has the potential to shift transitional justice practice. Finally, this paper warns about the perils of leaving the security sector unreformed. Colombia's Public Force is the second largest and [End Page 219] most professionalized in Latin America, and the strongest ally of the United States in a region where political instability looms large and transnational organized crime is rampant. Extrajudicial executions amid protracted conflict: heroes and villains The Falsos Positivos have been documented by CINEP since the 1980s.5 But it was only in the 2000s that these crimes were uncovered more systematically by victims' groups, national NGOs such as Coordinación Colombia-Europa-Estados Unidos (CCEEU), and international organizations.6 While estimated numbers vary and legal ambiguities regarding their crime categorization abound, the atrocities against the Falsos Positivos reached the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) a year before the media scandal erupted due to the impunity that prevailed in Colombia. In October 2007, following the IACHR hearing, the Washington Office on Latin America issued a report urging the US State Department and Congress to pursue stricter enforcement of human rights conditions.7 At the time, Colombia was one of the three largest recipients of U.S. military aid, and Plan Colombia—a U.S. aid initiative aimed at reducing the production of illegal drugs—was as its zenith.8 In February 2021, a decision by the JEP prioritized the investigation of Case 03, related to "deaths unlawfully presented as combat casualties by State agents," and publicized the existence of at least 6,402 cases, not 2,248-the official Attorney's Office count.9 It also stated that 78 percent of the historic Falsos Positivos documented between 1978 and...

The escalation of an armed conflict: a look at the antecedents of the confrontation between the Colombian state and the FARC

With one of the longest-running conflicts in the Western Hemisphere, the Colombian state has been facing an internal armed conflict against the FARC since the 1950s. Four milestones set the framework for the most important background in this conflict. The first one, with the murder of leader Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, unleashed acts of severe violence between liberals and conservatives; then, the second milestone was due to the creation of the “national front” that ended the disputes by rotating power between these political parties; however, other minority groups were not taken into account, giving rise to the third milestone, where the FARC guerrillas emerged by claiming a communist model, and the fourth milestone corresponds to heavy military strikes against this guerrilla group that forced the FARC to a negotiate peace accord. Considering the theory of escalation and stagnation of the armed conflict, this article aims at summarizing the background that has led to this conflict, which had its beginnings in political disputes but gradually escalated to become a serious problem that the country has been suffering.

Absent Peacein Colombia: A Study of Transition Discourses in Former Combatants

AbstractThe Colombian State and subversive groups have made attempts to build peace by the establishment of accords since the 1980s. Recently, the signature of a peace accord by former president Santos and the FARC-EP leadership in 2016, has come along with changes in the interpretative frameworks of the conflict and the emergence of new institutions, forms of subjectivity and collective meanings around peace. Nowadays, Colombia is in the transition from being a country at war to a peaceful nation. In this transition, the discourse of victims and state representatives about peace and conflict are predominant in the literature. This article characterizes the simultaneously coexisting discourses about peace and conflict in former combatants. We conducted a discourse analysis of 19 semi-structured interviews with former members of paramilitaries and guerrillas. The results are clustered into two categories:absent peace, in which peace is seen as the lack of something that was missed and lost; andthe indefinite war, where peace can be hardly imagined due to the permanence of conflict and longevity of violence. The overlooked angle of the narratives of combatants about peace and conflict is discussed, and the findings are suggested as potential guidelines to navigate displaced and divergent accounts of peace and conflict in transition societies.

Latina feminist moments of recognition: Contesting the boundaries of gendered US Colombianidad in Bomba Estéreo’s “Soy yo”

Interwoven with a textual analysis of Colombian electronica band Bomba Estereo’s viral music video “Soy yo” (2016), here I offer an autoethnographic perspective on the experience of Latina feminist media identification for a US Colombiana/Latina viewer unaccustomed to encountering herself in popular media. I trace the numerous moments of what I term “Latina feminist recognition” in “Soy yo,” with an eye toward how the video, often described as an “ode to little brown girls everywhere,” implies a universality of Latina experience, yet may simultaneously be read as a uniquely Colombian diasporic text. In centering the Latina contemplative eye, I assert that the power ascribed to “Soy yo” is in significant part anchored in the Latina female gaze. This gesture ultimately offers a potent alternative paradigm for reimagining gendered US Colombianidad and Latinidad in popular media generated within the Global North as well as by the Colombian state.

Mortalidad por enfermedad isquémica cardiaca según variables sociodemográficas en Bogotá, Colombia.


 
 
 Introducción. Según el Ministerio de Salud y Protección Social, las enfer- medades del sistema circulatorio fueron la primera causa de mortalidad en Colombia entre 2005 y 2014, dentro de las cuales la enfermedad isqué- mica cardiaca (EIC) representó el 49,30 % de los casos. Respecto a esta última, el Instituto Nacional de Salud indicó que ocupó el primer lugar en 2010 entre las causas de muertes en el país.
 Objetivo. Caracterizar la mortalidad por EIC en Bogotá, Colombia, en el periodo 2008-2015 bajo la perspectiva de las principales varia- bles sociodemográficas.
 Materiales y métodos. Estudio descriptivo basado en fuentes secunda- rias. Se analizaron los casos de muerte por EIC en Bogotá para el perio- do 2008-2015. Los datos demográficos se obtuvieron de las proyecciones poblacionales del Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística (DANE) del censo del 2005. La caracterización de la mortalidad por EIC se hizo a partir del grupo 303 de la lista 6/67 de la Organización Panamerica- na de la Salud (OPS). Se tomaron las muertes codificadas como EIC con el código 3.03 y los códigos CIE-10: I20, I21, I22, I23, I24, I25. Las variables sociodemográficas estudiadas fueron sexo, edad, nivel educativo, afilia- ción al sistema de seguridad social y estado civil.
 Resultados. Entre 2008 y 2015 se registró un aumento del 14,56 % en la tasa de mortalidad por EIC en Bogotá, situación que coincidió con lo reportado por el DANE, quien indicó que para el 2015 esta enferme- dad representó el 15 % de la mortalidad por todas las causas registradas en Bogotá.
 Conclusiones. Las variables sociodemográficas juegan un papel impor- tante en la frecuencia de aparición de las enfermedades del sistema circu- latorio, por lo cual se debe buscar intervención por parte del Estado para generar un mayor impacto en términos de mortalidad.
 
 

Cine en Colombia: historia de una industria. [DOI:10.37785/nw.v4n2.a10

Desde la llegada del cine a Colombia no todo el camino ha sido fácil. Los primeros cineastas se vieron en situaciones económicas complejas que en numerosas ocasiones incluso pusieron en riesgo la continuidad de la actividad cinematográfica en este país. Todo un entramado de ayudas económicas, fiscales y de propaganda por parte del Estado colombiano, así como un extenso cuerpo legislativo, además del tesón de los directores, productores y realizadores de cine en Colombia, van a llevar esta actividad a convertirse en lo que hoy podemos considerar como una verdadera industria.

El enfoque de género en el acuerdo de paz colombiano y su aporte a la construcción de una cultura de paz

El Acuerdo Final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera firmado en noviembre de 2016, entre el Estado colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas —Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), representa para la sociedad colombiana la posibilidad de construir un país incluyente, democrático y, sobre todo, en donde las acciones violentas producto de la guerra, no sean más las protagonistas. Uno de los elementos que se destacan del Acuerdo Paz (AP), es la transversalización de la perspectiva de género en los seis puntos pactados, hecho que se configura como un aporte al trabajo para la erradicación de las violencias simbólicas, culturales y estructurales que sufren las mujeres por su condición. Este hecho es uno de los desafíos de la implementación del acuerdo, ya que supone superar elementos de la violencia directa producto del conflicto, como también propone la superación o al menos trabajar en la reducción de las violencias culturales y estructurales.

Fumigaciones, incumplimientos, coaliciones y resistencias

Este artículo intenta explicar la forma en que el estado colombiano procesa las demandasy movilizaciones cocaleras: sentarse a negociar para después incumplir (“el ciclode incumplimiento”). Muestro que, a pesar de lo aparentemente contraproducente quees, el ciclo es una forma persistente, quizás la principal, de respuesta de nuestro estadofrente a las movilizaciones. Argumento que al menos parte del ciclo del incumplimientose debe a la naturaleza de las coaliciones que soportan la guerra contra las drogas enColombia. Por una parte, esas coaliciones son típicamente “largas”, yendo desde loglobal hasta lo puramente local, por lo que pueden cargarles costos prohibitivos a loscampesinos cultivadores sin que los diseñadores de las políticas se vean afectados. Porla otra, esas coaliciones no siempre se han articulado fácilmente a la otra gran guerraglobal que se ha llevado a cabo en el país, la guerra contra la subversión. Ambas circunstancias generan permanentes bloqueos, inestabilidades y problemas de acción colectiva.

La ética dialógica, una interfaz pedagógica que aporta a la construcción de una cultura de paz en Colombia

Con el acuerdo de paz firmado entre el Estado de Colombia y la guerrilla de las FARC-EP se inició formalmente un proceso de cultura de paz que, entre otros, tiene los retos de subsanar los hechos de barbarie acaecidos en el conflicto y comprometerse a no repetirlos. Este proceso de paz tiene como objetivo principal ofrecerle un futuro sin conflictos fratricidas a las nuevas generaciones y, por ende, una sociedad en paz. Después de este acuerdo, uno de los principales retos es recibir de nuevo en la población civil a todos los excombatientes para quienes durante muchos años la única manera de solucionar los conflictos fue la violencia. Por lo tanto, en aras de seguir construyendo la paz proponemos la ética dialógica como el medio más adecuado de solucionar conflictos y una herramienta vital para los procesos de reconocimiento y reincorporación ciudadana.

Reflexiones sobre nacionalidad, apatridia y Derechos de los niños. Análisis comparado Entre Colombia y República Dominicana

En la presente investigación se analizan las legislaciones de Colombia y de República Dominicana, a la luz de los estándares internacionales de derechos humanos sobre la apatridia. En el caso de la migración forzada venezolana, por la emergencia humanitaria compleja que ha azotado a Venezuela desde 2013 hasta la fecha, Colombia ha sido el principal receptor de migrantes, en virtud de compartir la mayor extensión de frontera terrestre con Venezuela por Arauca, Amazonas y el departamento de La Guajira. Se estudia con el método de análisis documental la reciente legislación colombiana contra la apatridia, en específico, la Ley 1997 del 16 de septiembre de 2019, que concede la nacionalidad a los hijos de venezolanos nacidos en Colombia, como política del Estado, así como la evolución del tratamiento jurídico sobre la nacionalidad y apatridia en República Dominicana. Se formulan reflexiones sociojurídicas acerca de la nacionalidad y la apatridia, a la luz de los principios internacionales de los derechos humanos en el Sistema interamericano de los derechos humanos, mediante las opiniones consultivas y la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana. Se concluye que el Estado colombiano ha actualizado su legislación contra la apatridia, para cumplir con el estándar internacional de derechos, mientras que República Dominicana, por medio de su diversa legislación, viola los derechos humanos a la igualdad y no discriminación, a la nacionalidad, a la personalidad jurídica y al accesoa la justicia. Asimismo, se concluye que, aunque los Estados tengan la competencia o un margen nacional de apreciación para fijar los requisitos y otorgar la nacionalidad, deben hacerlo observando los principios del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos.

Forced Disappearance in the Borderland: Unveiling Victims' Invisibility in Norte de Santander

The 55 year-long armed conflict in Colombia left more than 80,000 individuals forcibly disappeared across the country, more than any other country in Latin America. Despite the peace agreement reached between the guerrilla FARC group and the Colombian government in 2016, features of the conflict continue, particularly in Norte de Santander, where the phenomenon of forced disappearances has increased on behalf of armed groups, narco-trafficking circles, and both small and large criminal organizations. As a borderland, distant from the state center and of transnational nature, Norte de Santander encompasses specific dynamics that cannot be ignored when responding to the phenomenon of forced disappearance. Using quantitative data from Colombia’s Office of the Attorney General and audio interviews of victims' families, this capstone project sheds light upon this increasing phenomenon in the context of three distinct explanatory variables: (i) FARC demobilization following the 2016 peace accord with the Colombian government, followed by a reemergence of other armed non-state actors in their stead; (ii) illicit economies such as coca and black market gasoline, which characterize economic informality and regionwide insecurity; and (iii) a dramatic increase of displacement from Venezuela into Colombia via both regular and irregular border crossings in Norte de Santander. This capstone project calls for further research on the idiosyncrasies that make Norte de Santander a particularly dangerous borderland and, ultimately, serves as a reminder for the Colombian state to comply with its obligations to prevent, investigate, and sanction the crime of forced disappearance under domestic and international law.

New development: Importance of accounts receivable in Colombian state entities and their impact on the preparation of financial information

ABSTRACT The article shows the importance of accounts receivable in the financial structure of state entities (purely government entities and state companies), and the challenge of standardizing accounting policies in order to prepare a national consolidated balance sheet. The focus is on Colombia. The research is qualitative, based on an analytical link between the nature of state entities, liquidity management and measurement in the preparation of financial information. Evidence is provided about the opportunities and limitations of the accounting regulation frameworks established for the public sector in Colombia. The author identifies future fields of research on public sector accounting and its role in accountability.

“We voted for your peace Santos; now it is our turn”: a general strike, conflict, and the State in the Chocó, Colombia

ABSTRACT On 10 May 2017, a general strike began in the Chocó, Colombia. The strike paralyzed the region for 18 days. At issue was the Colombian government’s failure to honor its promise to invest in social programs in one of Colombia’s poorest and most marginalized departments. A month and a half later, on 27 June 2017, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia disarmed. What followed was not peace, at least not in the Chocó, but instead the transformation of an armed conflict which had lasted decades. When the guerrilla vacated the territories it had controlled, the Colombian State did not move in. Instead, two illegal armed groups took territorial control. Although the State is not absent in the department, a common misconception, it is incompetent at best or malevolent at worst. The strike read against the ongoing conflict shows that chocoanos see a more responsive State as part of the solution to the problems they face. These two arguments about the Chocó, first that the conflict transformed and second that there is a desire for a more responsive State, draw on a synthesis of mainstream Spanish-language media and descriptive shorts of events and situations taken from ethnographic fieldwork.

Los derechos de las mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado colombiano

Este artículo tiene como objetivo, mediante una metodología descriptiva y cualitativa, identificar los derechos que tienen las mujeres víctimas de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos e infracciones al DIH perpetrados por actores armados irregulares con ocasión del conflicto armado interno colombiano. En tal sentido, se identifican en primer lugar los instrumentos internacionales y regionales que amparan a las mujeres; luego se consideran las normas nacionales de protección y garantía con respecto a los derechos. Posteriormente se analiza la situación de las mujeres colombianas víctimas, para luego describir los derechos de las víctimas, especialmente el derecho a la verdad, el derecho a la justicia y el derecho a la reparación, frente a los cuales el Estado colombiano aún tiene el deber de avanzar.

Determinantes sociales de la mortalidad infantil en municipios de frontera en Colombia, 2005-2011

Introducción. En Colombia, las tasas de mortalidad infantil de los municipios fronterizos presentan diferencias significativas en comparación con el promedio nacional, por lo que resulta prioritario identificar sus determinantes en estas zonas, con el fin de orientar el desarrollo de políticas en salud pública.Objetivo. Identificar algunos determinantes sociales de la mortalidad infantil en municipios fronterizos de Colombia en el periodo 2005-2011.Materiales y métodos. Estudio ecológico en el que se construyeron tres modelos de regresión para las siguientes categorías: 1) determinantes estructurales; 2) determinantes intermedios de condiciones de vida y trabajo, factores de tipo comportamental y biológico, y factores psicosociales, y 3) determinantes intermedios del sistema de salud colombiano.Resultados. Los datos encontrados sugieren que la mortalidad infantil de los municipios fronterizos se relaciona con condiciones de etnia, raza, educación, índice de dependencia infantil, bajo peso al nacer, calidad del agua, ruralidad, jefatura femenina del hogar, cobertura de vacunación, cobertura de control prenatal, satisfacción con los servicios de salud y afiliación al sistema de salud.Conclusiones. La mayoría de determinantes de la mortalidad infantil en estos municipios se sale del alcance del sector salud; por tanto, el Estado enfrenta dos desafíos importantes: implementar un abordaje transectorial y transfronterizo, y dar una respuesta institucional con un enfoque de equidad en salud que se adapte a las necesidades y a la cultura de cada municipio y región.