Collective Security Research Articles

Russia v The World: Was That Inevitable?

Two exceptional new books add powerful insight into Russia’s worldview and the challenges surmounting the West in forging an actionable collective security agreement for Europe and the US. Chatham House’s John Lough has weighed in with a critical analysis in Germany’s Russia Problem that examines the complex relationship between Germany and Russia. Johns Hopkins Cold War historian Mary Sarotte has provided her brilliant Not One Inch: America, Russia, and the Making of the Post-Cold War Stalemate, an intricately researched and splendidly written, detailed history of engagements among US administrations, former Warsaw Pact nations that now hold NATO membership, and Russian leadership. Lough has written a long book, over 500 pages, and so rich in detail that, despite the fluid writing, reading and digesting it requires focused attention.

An Evolving Collective Security Order in the Last Seventy-Seven Years: Its Impact in the Fields of International Conflict Containment

The United Nations (UN) is the second model of the Collective Security concept after the League of Nations. Its original mandate as captured under the UN Charter is the restoration and maintenance of international peace and security. In spite of the fact that the world body’s operations in its seventy-seven years of existence have shown a slight shift from its original focus, international conflict containment remains the UN’s primary role. To this end, the begging question that is often asked is how far has this mandate been fulfilled. Whilst the cynics have insisted it has been one failure after another, results on the ground regarding the UN’s performance in terms of its original mandate and other areas, show remarkable phenomenal achievements notwithstanding the challenges. This paper in explicating the concept of collective security, also evaluates the impact of the UN’s operations regarding the broader term of global conflict containment, as the embodiment of the notion over time. Further, the thrust of this modest study not only assesses the challenges but also examines reforms within the UN system in respect of the world body’s performance in other respects. The paper is a content analysis exploration that mainly draws from secondary and tertiary sources in the form of books, journals, working documents of the UN, magazines, and international legal documents, inter alia . The study discovered that reforms within the new order have not only enhanced international conflict resolution and management but also brought about positive changes in the well-being of world citizens through encompassing policies such as the Millennium Challenge Goals. To that extent, the author calls for consensus building within the UN Security Council and member-states for that matter, as well as, their fullest commitment and contributions towards the realization of the UN’s aims and objectives. Finally, several scholarly arguments are highlighted in this paper that aim at informing practitioners in particular, on lessons and concerns that are inimical to the realization of the set goals of the collective security architecture of which, the UN is the main vehicle. Key words and expressions : Collective security architecture, conflict containment, evolving, impact, reforms, and the United Nations. DOI: 10.7176/DCS/13-2-05 Publication date: February 28 th 2023

Grenzen der Sicherheit. Unfälle, Medien und Politik im deutschen Kaiserreich ed. by Amerigo Caruso and Birgit Metzger

Reviewed by: Grenzen der Sicherheit. Unfälle, Medien und Politik im deutschen Kaiserreich ed. by Amerigo Caruso and Birgit Metzger Jens-Uwe Guettel Grenzen der Sicherheit. Unfälle, Medien und Politik im deutschen Kaiserreich. Edited by Amerigo Caruso and Birgit Metzger. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2022. Pp. 293. Hardcover €36.90. ISBN 978-3835339064. This edited volume is a much-needed intervention in newly invigorated debates about the German Empire. The volume's concrete focus on accidents, their reception, politicization, and utilization in the Kaiserreich before 1914 provides depth and details to discussions that, after the critique of Hedwig Richter's Demokratie. Eine deutsche Affäre, have tended to unfold within, at times, rather lofty historiographical meta-levels. Grenzen der Sicherheit brings us back down to earth (even below the earth's surface level with respect to mining accidents) as the book covers everything from non-military shooting accidents (Dagmar Ellerbrock) to collisions of naval ships (Sebastian Rojek) and zeppelin accidents (Jürgen Bleibler, Rüdiger Haude), to accidents within the army (Birgit Metzger), to mining and industrial disasters (Michael Farrenkopf, Fabian Trinkaus), to the accidental deaths of prominent individuals such as Friedrich August II of Saxony (Amerigo Caruso) and the pioneer of aviation Otto Lilienthal (Peter Busse/Bernd Lukasch). Grenzen der Sicherheit provides us with the history of accidents in the German Empire and thus combines two separate debates: inquiries into the handling of physical risks and the changing attitudes towards and demands for individual and collective security on the one hand, and on the other, longstanding questions about the character of the first German nation state and the ambiguities of modernity (7–8). The book covers these issues with great verve and clarity, and the individual [End Page 157] chapters show repeatedly how significantly perceptions about risk, risk management, and related social controlling and policing mechanisms changed between the middle years of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. Dagmar Ellerbrock's chapter on gun-related accidents highlights this development, as it traces both the changing public attitudes toward private shooting accidents and deaths and the correspondingly shifting policy responses, thereby clearly demonstrating that in the early years of the twentieth century these events were seen as a security problem in need of policy solutions, while the same issues had been perceived as natural risks half a century earlier. Other chapters of the book sketch out similar developments, among them Michael Farrenkopf's contribution on mining disasters and Fabian Trinkaus's piece on accidents in the iron and steel industry. Yet Grenzen der Sicherheit also shows that social and political responses did not always sync up with the growing knowledge and awareness of certain risks. A partial exception to this "norm" is presented in the book's chapters on aircraft accidents. Especially with respect to the frequent and disastrous accidents of Count Zeppelin's airships, Farrenkopf and Trinkaus both show that public reaction nevertheless remained favorable to these machines, as they were seen as symbols of German technological prowess and imperial aspirations. With respect to the book's intervention in debates about "the character of the first German nation state," Grenzen der Sicherheit answers as many queries as it raises new questions. Given this edited volume's breadth and depth, this is entirely as it should be. The book's contributions demonstrate convincingly how significantly attitudes towards what constituted (acceptable) social and individual risk(s) changed during the covered period. However, this process is at least at times described as an essentially naturally occurring one, rather than as a development driven by human actors. For example, the increasing public awareness (and fear) of gun-related accidents during the years before the beginning of war in 1914 was not just fueled by independently changing attitudes toward privately owned firearms and accidents caused by them, but also by the increased use of such weapons in unruly and densely populated working-class neighborhoods. Beginning with the massive suffrage demonstrations in the spring of 1910 and the Moabit unrests later during the same year, the increased use of privately owned weapons resulted in something of an arms race between the Prussian police and working-class demonstrators. Changing perceptions of what risks were...

Supranational security states for national security problems: governing by rules & capacities in tech-driven security spaces

ABSTRACT Despite inherent political tensions, supranational institutions are increasingly involved in national security. EU institutions not only guide but also mobilize national resources or directly produce collective security. To make sense of those variations, the article conceptualizes ideal types of ‘supranational security states’ and develops a typological theory for understanding the emergence of the studied states. Based on policy documents and secondary sources, the article conducts a case-centric process-tracing analysis of three decades of EU reforms in (1) export control over dual-use technologies, (2) network and information security and (3) border security. Three types of supranational security states emerge, driven by their path-dependency logics and response to crises. Findings suggest a more nuanced understanding of security policy instruments and the dynamics of political authority in shared security spaces, contributing to debates on the positive and regulatory European security state, technology-driven security governance, and the coherence of the EU as a security actor.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ ФУНКЦИОНИРОВАНИЯ ОДКБ

This article describes the process of forming the CSTO organization as part of the creation of a system that will ensure collective security. Both the strengths and weaknesses of the international regional organization are considered. They are determined by the specifics of its structure. Referring to the data of the Russian Institute of Contemporary Development, the author lists the following trends: excessive multifunctionality, lack of unity and internal organizational discipline, search for common goals and values, weak positioning in the system of regional and international security structures, lack of a clear system for resolving conflicts in the post-Soviet space. These factors hinder its effective work and often lead to hostilities between the countries participating in the treaty and other incidents.

Agricultural IoT Data Storage Optimization and Information Security Method Based on Blockchain

Given the issues of low efficiency of agricultural Internet of Things (IoT) data collection and data storage security, this study proposes a fast and reliable storage method for IoT data based on blockchain. Firstly, it performs RC5 encryption for data in the IoT sensor module. Secondly, it aggregates the same batch of collected data in the gateway into a transaction and reconstructs the Merkle ordered tree to verify the data integrity. Finally, it modifies the configuration rules of blockchain to improve the efficiency of blockchain data storage. Compared with experimental results for hash values of blockchain storage data and the stored data itself in the blockchain, the proposed method has significant advantages in data writing, and its efficiency in data reading was nearly 10 times higher than the other methods. At the same time, the method has the advantages of confidentiality, integrity, availability, controllability and non-repudiation of information security. The study can provide a solution for efficient collection and secure storage of agricultural IoT data, and it can provide technical support for realizing decentralized agricultural IoT data collection.

Essential Elements for Information Security: Provisionsand Implementation Measures

In contemporary international relations, states place significant emphasis on the matters of modernization and the upkeep of information security mechanisms. It is important to highlight that with the increasing role and volume of information, the threats to information security have correspondingly grown. Consequently, safeguarding information has emerged as a foremost focal point within the domestic and foreign policies of numerous states. Analyzing various scientific works, I consider it necessary to emphasize that in the past, security was primarily associated with military aspects in both scientific and political contexts, today, there is a growing focus on the non-military dimensions of security. As a result, states and international organizations are now tasked with ensuring collective security across various domains, including politics, economics, society, ecology, and the military. Moreover, according to the nature of their regime, countries solve the problem in different ways. Some close the information field, banning even the use of social networks, others are looking for more liberal methods (Mkrtchyan, 2017). Advancements in information technology and telecom-munications have become an important tool for promoting their interests and goals in international exchanges, so states spare no effort in establishing professional “information armies” and secure information infrastructures. Recent global experience demonstrates that the influence of information flows can be a powerful weapon for states conducting actions against their adversaries. States lacking the capacity to counter this weapon may find themselves at a disadvantage. Starting from a political science perspective, it emphasizes the necessity of the private sector and state institutions to collaborate in countering various threats in the field of information security.

Small States and COVID-19: Challenges and Opportunities for Multilateralism

This article tests one of the core theses in the burgeoning literature on small states, which asserts that small states must seek shelter within larger organizations or in partnership with large states in order to mitigate their inherent vulnerabilities and build resilience against externally originating shocks. This article tests this theory by conducting comparative case study analysis to investigate how small states have navigated the COVID-19 pandemic. It examines the extent to which small states have been seeking shelter that is economic, political, and societal from existing multilateral frameworks, as well as the conditions under which they are developing new work-arounds when the existing multilateral arrangements have not functioned as intended. These ad hoc multilateral and minilateral arrangements, necessitated by the crisis, have filled the gap when the expected benefits of collective security have not been forthcoming from long-standing frameworks, yet they also reveal how a more unified and proactive approach to remedying the failings of existing, credible multilateral frameworks would serve to maximize and spread the benefits more widely, rather than fragmenting efforts and unevenly distributing the gains. Consequently, while the conclusion acknowledges small state successes in coalition building, innovation, flexibility, and proactivity in harnessing multilateralism or developing sovereign initiatives to respond to this crisis in the short term, it also highlights several emergent problems that will require shoring up and remedying the failings of existing regional and international multilateral mechanisms in the long term. The article closes by offering several recommendations, including the critical necessity of commitment from large counterparts to overhaul international financial mechanisms to ensure that no small states get left behind in the pandemic recovery.

How Can We Improve Running Events? The IPA4RE Questionnaire and Its Potential Impact on the Experience of Runners.

The benefits that a positive running experience provides to individuals have been broadly studied by the scientific community, with the finding that running sport events are a facilitating tool to attract more individuals into physical activity. This study focuses on a sport management approach to improve the quality and organizational efficiency of running sports events so that a better experience for runners can be provided. The methods of this research consist of the validation of a new questionnaire called 'The IPA4RE questionnaire'. Furthermore, an IPA analysis for a specific event was carried out. As our main findings, the most valued aspects perceived by consumers are the event atmosphere, security, event route, and convenience of bib collection and event day information. In conclusion, the IPA4RE can be used as a management tool by running event organizers to make more efficient use of their resources and provide a better experience to participants.

Efficacy of United Nations Collective Security System to Prevent another World War

Efficacy of United Nations Collective Security System to Prevent another World War

Analisis Kerentanan Website Mtss Al-Washliyah Bah Gunung Menggunakan Metode Open Web Application Security Project ZAP (OWASP ZAP)

Data security on the website is very important to prevent misuse of data or information on the website. Due to the rapid progress in the field of technology and information, there are many people called hackers who misuse it for negative things, such as stealing data. In this study, the authors are interested in learning more about the security of the MTSs Al-Washliyah Bah Gunung website. This test utilizes the OWASP ZAP application version 2.12.0.0 in conducting the analysis. The purpose of this research is to test the vulnerabilities on the MTSs Al-Washliyah Bah Gunung website. This research has 3 stages, namely data collection, website identification, and website security testing. The results of this analysis conclude that the website has a medium to high vulnerability.

Russia – Saudi Arabia: plight and prospects of cooperation

For Russia, the political situation in the Persian Gulf region is of fundamental importance due to the size of its resource potential, its significant role in the global energy sector, geographical proximity, and the influence of the Arabian countries on the Muslim population of our country. The relative political stability and economic weight of the Arabian monarchies serve as the basis of the new – Arabian vector of Russia's Middle East policy. The influence of the monarchies of the Persian Gulf zone, primarily the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, is growing in the region. The author tried to answer the question: what are the opportunities and prospects for establishing partnership relations between Russia and Saudi Arabia? Besides cooperation in the settlement of regional conflicts and the fight against international terrorism, the creation of a collective security zone in the Persian Gulf, coordination of actions in the oil market, bringing economic relations to a new qualitative level, and the development of humanitarian contacts are the most realistic areas of rapprochement.

The UN and the Protection of Civilians: Sustaining the Momentum

Abstract The protection of civilians (PoC) concept remains contested twenty-three years after the first PoC mandate. Current PoC frameworks used by the United Nations (UN) do not assist with determining applicable legal standards. They lead the UN down an unsustainable path that risks diminishing political support for PoC, especially within intense conflicts and following well-documented protection failures. With ever-rising expectations from communities under protection, the UN’s ‘Three Tiers of PoC Action’, and the complexity and dilution of PoC mandates under a whole-of-mission approach, it becomes challenging to determine what missions must do to protect individuals. Undertaking a major re-evaluation of PoC, this article charts the progression of PoC mandates drawing on examples from several missions drawing out the diverse nature of PoC and subsequent activities. The article then argues that current definitions and practical applications of PoC have cast the net too wide, presented uncertainties, and leave PoC open to attack from Member States amidst a political climate of weakened support for collective security action. Instead, the discussion must shift towards a concise and shared understanding of what protection mandates entail for UN peace operations. The article suggests how PoC can be reconceptualised to distinguish a narrow and easily communicated minimum obligation to be placed on UN peacekeepers.

THE ROLE OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN THE CONDITIONS OF MODERN GEOPOLITICAL AND GEOECONOMIC FRAGMENTATION OF THE WORLD

Purpose. The aim of the article is to provide a scientific substantiation of the essence of the concept of "public diplomacy" and its role within the context of global geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation, considering current and potential global challenges and threats; to outline the vectors and instruments of Ukraine’s public diplomacy. Methodology of research. A combination of general scientific and specialized methods was employed in the research process. This included induction and deduction during the information collection, systematization, and trend identification phases within global geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation. Analysis and synthesis were utilized to pinpoint key trends in international relations and propose strategies to enhance the effectiveness of public diplomacy. Abstract and logical methods were applied to consolidate information from various sources, construct a comprehensive understanding of the research problem, and formulate theoretical conclusions and generalizations. The method of comparativistics was used to analyse the primary vectors of global geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation, discern local and regional characteristics, and establish global patterns and cause-and-effect relationships. Additionally, graphic methods were utilized to visually represent research findings. Findings. Theoretical foundations and essential characteristics of public diplomacy were systematized. An analysis of the level of geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation was conducted, determined through practical analysis of expert opinions using the Delphi method. It has been revealed that heightened geopolitical risk correlates with diminished levels of investment, stock prices, and employment, and is also associated with an increased likelihood of economic disasters, along with heightened risks of global economic collapse and geo-economic fragmentation. The geopolitical determinants that have fundamentally reshaped the role of public diplomacy in the global context from the late 20th century until the present were examined,, and contemporary vectors of geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation in the world were identified. Originality. The essence of public diplomacy is scientifically substantiated. In particular, it is argued that public diplomacy is a complex and multifaceted concept, grounded in the idea of "soft power" as an integral component of a state’s strategic communication policy within the framework of international relations. Essential characteristics of public diplomacy are summarized, and its role in the context of modern geopolitical and geoeconomic fragmentation of the world is substantiated, particularly concerning the resolution of interstate conflicts of military, economic, and hybrid natures. Based on empirical analysis, it has been demonstrated that the current geoeconomic and geopolitical fragmentation of the world revolves around the following three vectors of international problems: the Russian-Ukrainian war, tensions between China and Taiwan, and the geoeconomic and geopolitical competition for the resources of the African continent. The growing role of Ukraine in the future geopolitical structure of the world and the creation of a new concept of Europe’s collective security through the formation of regional military-political and security alliances were substantiated. Practical value. The conclusions and proposals substantiated by the research findings can be applied to determine the strategic directions of Ukraine’s public diplomacy, thereby enhancing the efficacy of its tools within the context of existing and potential global challenges and threats. Key words: international relations, foreign policy, global risks, international conflicts, geopolitical confrontation, geoeconomic fragmentation, public diplomacy, tools of public diplomacy, strategic communications, soft power, index of geopolitical risks

Relatiile romano-franceze in luna mai 1932, reflectate in paginile cotidianului banatean Vestul

War reparations deeply affected international relations, and attempts were made by American economic, financial and political circles to solve this thorny problem by launch‑ ing two plans (the Dawes Plan – 1929 and the Young Plan – 1930) and by establishing a general moratorium on the payment of war reparations and debts (the Hoover Moratorium - 1931). Unfortunately, the end of the First World War did not bring the much‑desired peace to Europe, as the Versailles system soon proved ineffective and short‑sighted. On the ruins of the former Central and Eastern European empires (the German Second Reich, Austro‑Hungary – derived from the Habsburg Empire, the Ottoman Empire and the Tsarist Empire), nation states emerged or existing states, which had gained their independence some time ago and had embarked on the road to modernisation, joined their territories. Some European states adopted authoritarian or totalitarian models of government relatively early on (the Soviet Union, Italy, Turkey, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, Germany – now the Weimar Republic, Portugal, etc.). The great global economic crisis has led to a progressive deterioration in international relations. On the European level, a number of pressing and difficult issues have emerged: war reparations; the Austro‑German customs union or the Curtius‑Schober project: disarmament; the European Union project, etc. Of particular concern were the privileged Soviet‑German relations and the successful attempt by the Weimar Republic to achieve equal rights with other states in the field of armaments. Formed on the basis of the principle of nationalities at the end of the First World War, Greater Romania will always advocate the maintenance of the territorial status quoo and collective security, strictly respecting the Covenant of the League of Nations and building a network of agreements and treaties to defend the fundamental interests of the small and medium‑sized states of Central and Eastern Europe. Dominated by four world‑renowned diplomats (Take Ionescu, Ionel Brătianu, Nicolae Titulescu and I.G. Duca), Romanina for‑ eign policy between the wars was defined by: the decisive role played within the frame‑ work of the Little Entente; the deterioration of Romanian‑Soviet relations, generated by the dispute over Bessarabia; adherence to the Briand‑Kellogg Pact, supplemented by the Hoover‑Stimson doctrine; the strengthening of relations with Poland; the initiative to convene Balkan conferences, in order to achieve a new regional defensive alliance; the hostile reaction to the Austro‑German customs union project; the favourable attitude towards the Danube Confederation plan launched by France; the Romanian‑Hungarian confrontation in the trial of the Hungarian opthonists in Transylvania; the active involvement in the work of the Disarmament Conference; the privileged relations between Romania and France; the trade agreements and the Romanian‑German cultural relations, etc.

РЕАКЦІЯ ЛІДЕРІВ ХРИСТИНЯСЬКИХ СПІЛЬНОТ УКРАЇНИ НА ПОВНОМАСШТАБНУ РОСІЙСЬКУ АГРЕСІЮ (НА ПРИКЛАДІ ПЦУ ТА УГКЦ)

The article analyzes the main narratives and themes in the speeches of the Primates of the OCU and the UGCC, revealing the reaction of Christian communities in Ukraine to Russia's full-scale aggression. During the war churches and believers are demonstrating active involvement in helping and supporting the Ukrainian military and civilians, evacuating people from the occupied territories, and providing humanitarian and psychological assistance. This practical dimension of church activity in a crisis for the state is supported by public statements by church leaders. All this is in line with the basic concepts of the social teachings of Christian churches related to issues of war and peace, collective security, human rights and justice, reconciliation and peacebuilding. The church hierarchy in Ukraine has faced an urgent need to define its attitude to this war and outline its place and role in public life in the context of armed confrontation. Religious leaders in Ukraine, as well as active believers, had and continue to have an impact on the formation of public sentiment and public opinion. Therefore, religious rhetoric and the activities of the church hierarchy can act as a factor of social cohesion and mobilization in society, which is significantly strengthened in times of crisis, and can lead to social disintegration processes. The Ukrainian context, namely the war, makes it possible to study this issue in an up-to-date way. Given the challenges faced by both Christian churches in Ukraine and the global religious community in general, the analysis of the concepts of war and peace, their practical dimensions, and ethical and theological explanations have become part of the everyday rhetoric of Ukraine's religious leaders. The analysis of the fundamental and basic positions of the Primates of the OCU and the UGCC showed commonality in many issues and aspects, despite the fact that the social teachings of these churches differ on issues of war and peace. This commonality in views and established interfaith communication promotes social mobilization and social cohesion, and creates a basis for joint solidarity work for the victory of Ukraine.

Կոլեկտիվ անվտանգության տարածաշրջանային կազմակերպությունների առանձնահատկությունները. Քաղաքագիտական վերլուծություն ՆԱՏՕ-ի և ՀԱՊԿ-ի օրինակով / Peculiarities of regional collective security organizations: Politological case study of NATO and CSTO

Comparative analysis of alliance models of regional collective security systems, carried out at the level of theoretical developments, including corresponding official documents of leading states and concepts, as well as performance of NATO and CSTO, enables drawing out some structural principles, typical of such models, and acitivity mechanisms of such organizations with specific peculiarities, inherent to particularly NATO and CSTO. More specifically, the principle of indivisibility of security, meaning that the security of one state ought not to be gained on another state’s expense, is underlying the idea of collective security. The willingness of each of the members to view any aggression against one as aggression against all the members, and the exclusion of power solution of any contradictions within the given organization are a basic term for shaping an alliance model of collective security. NATO was established as a counterweight to the Socialist Camp, setting up in Eastern Europe. The goal for this union of states within the NATO system was to ensure the military security of separate states on account of collective military, political and economic power of the Organization as a whole, i. e., the corporate power of all of its members. At present, NATO at times undertakes functions, not provided by its founding treaty. The USA, being nowadays the world’s leading power, steps up as the leader of NATO, this greatly providing for the Alliance’s strength and authority in the international relations system. Though CSTO has been set with the same goals as NATO, but it remains purely regional organization with limited area of responsibility. In this regard, in the course of the years the Organization has carried out only one peacemaking operation (Kazakhstan, 2022). CSTO is characterized by certain specific features, which allow for a number of objective and subjective factors hindering its efficient performance. Thus, for instance, the membership of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in CSTO, while being at the same time members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and Organization of Turkic States, has led to the fact that in the CSTO framework, Armenia has practically cooperated and still cooperates in the bilateral format only with Russia (Belarus “having leant towards” Islam). No wonder that CSTO has to some degree ignored numorous acts of aggression Azerbaijan carried out against Armenia, and avoided real in-depth political assessments of these acts. As a main hindrance for CSTO’s efficient performance can be viewed the fact that the titular nations of the majority of members didn’t have their own statehood, and lacked any experience in shaping international realtions before.

The SPIN framework to control and prevent the Marburg virus disease outbreak in Equatorial Guinea.

A full grasp of the epidemiological factors promoting transmission is necessary for responding to highly infectious diseases, which involves their control and prevention. With the recent outbreak of Marburg Virus Disease (MVD) in Equatorial Guinea, we saw the need to re-shed some technical light based on our field experiences and published literature. We reviewed 15 previous MVD outbreaks globally. Coupled with core One-Health approaches, we highlighted the SPIN (socio-environmental context, possible transmission routes, informing and guiding public health action, needs in terms of control measures) framework as a guiding tool for response teams to appropriately approach this highly contagious infectious disease outbreak for collective and stronger global health security. The Central African Regional Collaborating Centre (RCC) of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) has a big lead role to play, most especially in coordinating the community engagement and risk communication packages of the response, which is highly needed at this point. We reiterate that this framework remains relevant, if not timely, in rethinking pandemic preparedness and response in resource-limited settings.

The role of the Cybersecurity Strategy of the Republic of Poland in ensuring cybersecurity

Cybersecurity belongs to the area of activity of state and supra-state actors, giving direction to national and international systems of law as components of national and supranational systems of political, economic, military cooperation, etc. Still, the state has a monopoly on the causality of lawmaking, which forms the basis of cyberspace use security activities. The state responds to national security needs by actively participating in the formation of the collective security order of the supranational level. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the significance of the national Cybersecurity Strategy of the Republic of Poland for ensuring the safe use of cyberspace. The Strategy, while referring to the national order, is at the same time an implementation of supranational arrangements within the scopes adopted by the state authorities, which means that the Strategy is subjected to logical evaluation depending on the impact of cyber conditions or binding arrangements of the international environment. The text is based on two research methods: the doctrinal legal research method to analyse the applicable legal regulations governing the issues related to the strategic aspects of cybersecurity and the law theory method aimed at evaluating the strategic solutions in respect of security in cyberspace.

International Legal Aspects of Disarmament in the Context of the League of Nations’ Activities

Since ancient times, disarmament has been considered as a prerequisite for getting rid of the threat of wars. At the turn of the 19th—20th centuries, as the arms race intensified, the idea of disarmament gained popularity in the legal literature, but it is impossible to talk about the effective implementation of this idea: until the First World War, disarmament issues were not an urgent task of international politics. The first serious attempt to develop legal obligations on disarmament at the universal level was made during the campaign for the creation of the League of Nations. The Charter of this organization, which consolidated the idea of collective security of all peace-loving States, reflected the awareness of a direct link between the policy of armament and the emergence of wars. The purpose of the article is to analyze international acts adopted by the League of Nations, which address the issue of disarmament as one of the measures to maintain peace and security, in order to identify the role of this organization in the formation of the international legal foundations of the universal system of collective security in the first half of the 20th century. Methods of scientific research: historical-legal, systemic, functional, formal-legal analysis. Conclusion: the idea of adopting disarmament measures at the universal level, which has been developing for many centuries, was legally consolidated only with the signing of the Charter of the League of Nations, Article 8 of which allows us to talk about the first attempt to institutionalize international relations in the field of disarmament; the approach enshrined in international acts adopted by the League of Nations, according to which priority over other obligations to maintain international security was used obligations on disarmament, has not gained the support of States due to the lack of a concept of universal peace acceptable to all States; Despite the fact that it was not possible to adopt a universal disarmament treaty, the treaty practice of the period under review indicates that States often made attempts to implement the legal installation enshrined in the Charter of the League of Nations on the need to reduce armaments.