Citizens Of Other States Research Articles

Міжнародно–правова практика мобілізації та способу комплектування Збройних Сил

The article examines the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the mobilization process in the United States of America, Great Britain, Finland, and the Baltic countries, the practice of which has its own specifics associated with national traditions, the conditions of military and reserve service, the geographical location of the country, and other characteristic features. It is noted that the full-scale invasion of Russia on the territory of Ukraine forces most European countries to take urgent measures aimed at changing the methods of mobilization for war, as well as shifting the economy to the production of military equipment and the implementation of organizational and legal forms and methods of conscription and replenishment of mobilization resources as in their own countries and in NATO. It has been proven that when a decision is made on the mobilization deployment of the armed forces in the USA, the draft of men is carried out in 6 stages, which include organizational and legal actions aimed at the adoption by Congress of relevant amendments to the mobilization legislation, the procedure for the draft of specific persons based on the drawing of a lottery, the implementation of attestation persons and enlistment of conscripts for active service. The right to serve in the United States, on the basis of secondary education, has all citizens of the United States and citizens of other states who permanently reside in the state. Staffing of the army of Great Britain is mainly carried out on a professional basis. However, the government of the kingdom, in order to reduce the level of crime, youth unemployment and the Russian threat to the West, is inclined to return mandatory military service to the country in 2025. Candidates for joining the army mobilization reserve are recruited by theMilitary Information and Career Bureau. It is outlined that the armed forces of Scandinavia and the Baltic States, in contrast to the armies of the United States and Great Britain, continue to expand the conscription process due to the increased threat from Russia. Thus, the order of recruitment of the armed forces of Finland is carried out on the basis of the Law “On Conscription for Military Service”, in Latvia the mobilization process is regulated by the Law "OnMilitary Service", Lithuania conducts military conscription in accordance with the Law “On Military Conscription”, and in Estonia the legal basis of the defense of the country is regulated by the Law “OnMilitary Service”. It has been proven that military servicemen, conscripts and reservists are mainly criminal, administrative, disciplinary and materially responsible for violating mobilization legislation in NATO countries. It is noted that the domestic mobilization legislation requires targeted legal support, adaptive military management and a complex and systemic approach to the organization of the mobilization process.

Страна-цивилизация и Русский мир: конституционно-правовые вопросы

Historical and philosophical views on Russia as a country-civilization and the Russian world, which do not differ in uniformity, currently do not have a theoretical and legal justification and legal mechanisms for implementation. In the combination of “I am Society — State — Law — Civilization”, the first four actors are the most mobile quantities, they can change places according to the degree of influence on each other and on Civilization as a whole, and the latter, being a composite alloy of their functioning, seems to be a kind of constant and guarantee of the existence and development of the country. The author sees the Russian world as a self-identifying non-state international cultural and linguistic state of the personality and peoples of multinational Russia, as well as citizens of other states that voluntarily recognize it. From the position of constitutional (state) law, it is assumed that the role of the state and the various structural elements of the country-civilization and the Russian world will be differentiated, giving it a new set of responsibilities to participate in their provision.

Ценностные ориентации молодежи и региональная безопасность

The article analyzes results of an online survey (N = 2021) of young people (aged from 14 to 35 years) living in the Saratov region. The author summarizes answers related to the respondents’ value orientation. It is concluded that the value identification and orientation of young people are influenced by the safe conditions of functioning of regional society, as well as global political events. In the view of young people, the values of patriotism and collectivism fade into the background, material well-being comes first, this contributes to the outflow of young people from the province to more prosperous cities and regions, which creates a lack of population reproduction potential in the region. In turn, this creates demographic problems and the replacement of the indigenous population by migrants who are not culturally adapted to local conditions. The polar worldview of young people is also revealed in relation to the special military operation, where positive and negative opinions are almost equal. In the structure of regional security, regional threats are clarified, to which the author refers destructive political activity of young people, uncertainty about the future, outflow of young people from the region, uncontrolled migration to the region of citizens of other states, corruption of local officials, and low socio-qualitative potential of the region.

Tools of «soft power» in the context of the russian-ukrainian war

The article examines the use of «soft power» in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war, highlighting the role and importance of such tools as the information sphere, culture, education, diplomacy, and international law. The article examines how these tools can be used to shape public opinion, influence relations between countries, mobilize one’s own population, and advance interests in the international arena. This analysis can be useful for a better understanding of the dynamics of the Russian-Ukrainian war and finding possible ways to resolve it. Specific examples of using «soft power» tools from the experience of supporting Ukraine by citizens of other states, including famous and public figures, are given. The author concludes that foreigners’ interest in Ukrainian culture, language, literature, music, and other aspects of the national heritage increased during the war. Examples of the Russian side’s use of «soft power» tools for propaganda and justification of its aggression are also given. The author emphasizes that «soft power» in the conditions of a full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine is a necessary tool for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian war and ensuring long-term peace. The use of information technologies, cultural and educational programs, diplomacy, and international law can contribute to the formation of constructive dialogue, understanding and, ultimately, conflict resolution. As a result, it was determined that although «soft power» cannot solve the military or political situation, it can become an essential element of a comprehensive approach to solving existing problems.

INTERNATIONAL LEGAL GUARANTEES OF THE STATE’S OBLIGATIONS TO ENSURE FREEDOM OF ENTERPRISE

In the article it is determined that the system of international legal guarantees of the state’s obligations to ensure the freedom of entrepreneurial activity consists of such elements as the conclusion of international treaties by the state, the state’s membership in international organizations and the right of persons to apply to international courts. It has been established that in Ukraine, in fact, half of these international treaties have not an definite legal status, so government officials do not know how they should react to these acts: implement or ignore. It was established that the system of international treaties in Ukraine is undergoing active changes: some of them have been denounced; others – lost their validity due to the withdrawal of Ukraine from them; the third ones are «on pause» because they have no practical significance, so they are not used; the fourth - approved by the state and society, therefore concluded and ratified in accordance with the constitutionally defined procedure. The principle of freedom of entrepreneurship is regulated by EU legislation. This principle applies not only to persons who have the citizenship of one of the EU states, but also to citizens of other states, in particular, those who «have a permit to work in the territory of the member states». This principle actually ensures the equivalence of freedom of entrepreneurship for residents and non-residents of EU states. The principle of freedom of entrepreneurship is standardized by the legislation of Ukraine and the EU, however, neither international nor national legislation regulates a special mechanism for ensuring that the state fulfills its constitutional obligations in the field of ensuring freedom of entrepreneurial activity, which partially crush these obligations. Key words: international law, international agreements, freedom of entrepreneurial activity, guarantees of freedom of entrepreneurial activity.

The role of mass media in shaping the image of a political leader on the example of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Sh. Mirziyoyev

This article analyzes media messages regarding the activities of the second president of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev. An assessment is made on the formation and transformation of the president's image based on scientific literature on this topic and media content. The methodological base is the study of materials of famous scientists, as well as media reports to review and analyze the development of the image of the president of Uzbekistan from 2016 to 2022. The purpose of the study is to determine the type of image of the head of state, formed with the help of the media, as well as the process of its change and evolution from the time of election to the present period. The activity of the president in the context of providing informational occasions and the subsequent influence of Uzbek and other media of various directions and genres on the formation of the image are studied. The role of the mass media in the design and promotion of the image of the head of state is critically analyzed on the example of Sh. Mirziyoyev, both among the citizens of the state and citizens of other states. The article also traces the connection between the image of Sh. Mirziyoyev as a president and the brand image of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The results of the work can be considered confirmation of the close relationship between the media and the formation of the image of the head of state, while informational occasions, including those that have a secondary effect on the development of the image of the head of state in close dependence on the image of the state as a whole, can also be created by the president himself. The importance of forming certain types of positive image of the head of state in connection with the design of an open and positive brand of the state is traced. The relevance of the study of media interaction and the work of the head of state to form a positive image is confirmed by the need to ensure citizens' confidence in the policy of their leader, increase his authority and voter loyalty, and, as a result, establish a positive image of the state in the international arena. Keywords: president, Republic of Uzbekistan, image, media, Sh. Mirziyoev, reforms.

Martial law: grounds for putting into operation in Ukraine

The research is devoted to the legal regulation of the peculiarities of martial law in Ukraine. The norms of the Ukrainian legislation as to the imposition of martial law in Ukraine are studied. The concepts and grounds for the decision to declare martial law are given. It is determined, that the grounds for the imposition of martial law in Ukraine are armed aggression, attack threat, and the danger of violating Ukrainian territorial integrity. Proposals for amendments to the legislation, governing the legal regime of martial law in Ukraine, have been identified. The Law of Ukraine On Defense of Ukraine and the Constitution of Ukraine is proposed to be supplemented with provisions that provide that martial law may be imposed only in the case of a declaration of war. The necessity of enshrining in the Law of Ukraine On the Legal Regime of Martial Law an exhaustive list of grounds for martial law has been proved. Armed aggression, the threat of attack, and the threat to the territorial integrity of Ukraine are recognized such grounds. The term "threat of attack" should be understood as conducting military exercises by another state near the borders of Ukraine, dangerous flight or maneuvering by an aircraft of another state within the territory of Ukraine, obstruction of navigation in the Kerch Strait, Black or Azov Seas in violation of international law. The term “threat of violation of territorial integrity” should be understood as the participation of citizens of other states in mass riots with demands for the withdrawal of certain regions from Ukraine, decision-making by the city, district, and regional council on announcing a referendum on the proclamation of a new state entity or withdrawal from the state. In this case, martial law may be imposed in certain areas of Ukraine. It is necessary to distinguish the grounds for the imposition of martial law throughout Ukraine and in some areas

Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine: comparative characteristics

The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union.
 The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests.
 The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion.
 Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men.
 In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.

Efforts Towards Creating a National Brand in Kosovo (2008-2021)

Abstract States in the context of foreign policy apply specific strategies that relate with strengthening their international position, especially in relation to the promotion of attributes and values that make changing the perceptions of citizens of other states, and consequently of decision makers. Small states find it difficult to impose on the large international system knowing that their power and potential is little measurable. Kosovo since its proclamation as a state, is facing this dilemma, as crises, political instability and the inability to conclude the problem of recognition have cost it in external perception as a country with unsolvable political problems, while from within as the place where opportunities for work and well-being are seen as difficult to achieve, while interethnic cooperation remains dependent on the fate of the Brussels Talks or reconciliation and forgiveness, which are also linked to political talks. The need to affirm the truth of Kosovo, found it without concrete strategies, while the application of some marketing on foreign television, was not followed by any concrete plan. Kosovo had launched a campaign entitled “Young Europeans”, while only a few years later, 200,000 young people left the country, producing paradigmatic upheavals, in “young European immigrants”. Applying a series of methods, such as content analysis, statistics and interviews, the paper concludes that Kosovo has not had a national strategy for creating a national brand, while there are some sporadic efforts, which are not accompanied by concrete strategies, while political instability did not allow the functioning of foreign policy and consequently increased impatience of the citizens towards the institutions which was reflected in the efforts for their mass departure from the country.

The Refugees and our Duties

In this article, the Greek professor explains his vision of the reasons for the moral and political duties that we have as citizens of our own countries towards refugees. The author considers that quite common in many societies and heated up by populists the perception ofrefugees as a burden and a threat to the receiving state is absolutely false and is used often enough to justify various other problems that are in no way related to refugees. Author argues that by helping and sheltering refugees, societies strengthen their own democraticpolitical community, and democratic conscience of its’ citizens becomes deeper. In addition, appealing to Kant, the author emphasizes that we, as reasonable beings, cannot desire indifference to become a universal law, and every moment instead of every refugee fleeing from threats to his life and fundamental rights can be any of us. The lack of protection of basic rights and fundamental freedoms for refugee does not mean theycan be forsaken. All people are bound by universal moral duties: not to intentionally harm one another and to help one another in the event of a serious threat, if not related to sacrifice. This moral obligation towards residents or citizens of other states, the author calls political amaritanism. People living within law and order are obliged to help refugees by enabling them to enjoy the protection of their state, thus showing solidarity and compensating them for lack of law and order.This ultimately contributes to the affirmation of justice. The fulfilment of this duty is, of course, mediated through public democratic institutions. States should implement policies of assistance to refugees that will reflect an objective assessment of their capabilities, coordination of assistance processes, fair sharing of burdens and resources.The author makes an important remark: the help cannot force refugees to lose their identity and gain a new one in exchange for a higher standard of living. Host societies should avoid the neglect and condescension of refugees, show arrogance and boast that betrays the moral integrity of the beneficence.

Конституционно-правовое регулирование миграции в Республике Италии

Italy became a country of immigration quite late. external factors influenced the formation of Italy’s migration policy: the expansion of regional integration within the European community and accession to international conventions. The legislation on citizenship reacted to these changes. In particular, access to citizenship was made more difficult for foreigners from countries that were not part of the European community, and it was easier for descendants of emigrants who lived abroad to acquire citizenship. Italy has one of the most modern laws on the status of foreigners, which regulates all aspects of the legal status of these persons, as well as their social adaptation, and provides for the necessary measures to prevent discrimination and xenophobia. The provisions of this act may change in the event of a change in the government coalition, but the basic approaches are unchanged: citizens of other States are considered as part of the population of Italy; foreigners who reside in the country legally are equal to its citizens; illegal migrants are legally guaranteed a certain minimum of rights and freedoms.

ВНУТРІШНЬО ПЕРЕМІЩЕНІ ОСОБИ ЯК КАТЕГОРІЯ ВИМУШЕНИХ МІГРАНТІВ: ПОНЯТТЯ ТА ОЗНАКИ

The relevance of this scientific work is due to the emergence in Ukraine of the category of forced migrants – internally displaced persons (IDPs). Due to the military aggression of Russia against Ukraine since 2014, the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, and the anti-terrorist operation in the Donbass, more than 1 million people of Ukraine were forced to leave their homes, saving their own lives. And the IDPs themselves quickly became the object of scientific research by Ukrainian scientists, since Ukraine had not yet faced a similar problem, and the displaced persons themselves needed protection, ensuring rights and freedoms and solving their pressing priority problems. For this, it is necessary to create a regulatory framework and clearly define this category of forced migrants. The aim of the work is to analyze interpretations of the concept of “internally displaced persons”, creating an author’s definition of this concept. The author classifies forced migrants, among whom are distinguished forced external (international) migrants (refugees and asylum seekers) and forced internal migrants (internally displaced persons). Among the reasons that determine forced migration are highlighted: political, environmental (natural disasters, environmental changes, man-made disasters), the introduction of projects for socio-economic development. Based on the analysis of existing definitions of the concept of “internally displaced persons”, the author presents his own definition of this category. According to the author’s definition, internally displaced persons are persons or groups of people who are citizens of Ukraine or citizens of other states who are legally in Ukraine who are forced to leave their places of permanent residence as a result of the complication of the political, socio-economic, and environmental situation in a certain administrative-territorial unit of the state in order to avoid manifestations of violence, violation of human rights, consequences of natural or man-made disasters, environmental changes, projects of socio-economic development for the sake of preserving life and freedom, and did not cross internationally recognized state borders.

Attractiveness Assessment of the American Labour Market for the High Qualified Specialists: A Case of Doctors

The article describes the migration of highly qualified specialists, using the case of medical workers in the United States. The theory of Kurt Levin and its later modifications, that explain the attractiveness of certain labor markets for workers, serve as a theoretical basis. The study aims at examining a separate area and the reasons for its attractiveness to foreign labor, as well as assessing the prospects for the inflow or outflow of human capital in the medical industry. The American case is of a special research interest due to the national peculiarities of educational programs for medical workers in particular - the duration and the need of confirmation the qualifications by passing the so called qualification exams. The national system of selecting medical personnel for vacant positions throughout the country is also of interest, as it provides for an element of quotas (allocation of a certain number of jobs for foreign labor) and an element of competitiveness (The National Resident Matching Program). Such a combined system allows the state to maintain a balance in the distribution of seats among US citizens and citizens of other states and at the same time strive to attract the best specialists in medicine on an adversarial basis. The study also reveals a pattern in the share of popularity of certain medical specialties among the migratory and non-migratory population, which allows us to draw conclusions about the possibility of a further more or less influx of foreigners into the positions of narrowly targeted doctors. In general, it can be summarized that the analysis of foreign labor on the example of the United States, as well as government measures to stimulate or restrict access by non-residents to this area, is quite significant and in some way useful as a possible strategy to follow for other countries, including the Russian Federation.

Getting the Right Mix of Students: Finding a Balance between In- and Out-of-State Students

Public higher education institutions in the United States were founded on the principle of providing low-cost postsecondary educational opportunities to the state’s citizenry. For a variety of reasons, including stagnant and declining funding from many state legislatures, these public institutions have actively sought the enrollment of citizens of other states, sometimes offering deep tuition discounts, and at other times relying on higher out-of-state tuition fees to help balance budgets. The motivations for these behaviors can be viewed differently based on who is looking at the institution, but there are also consequences to these behaviors. The current study was designed to explore the trends and outcomes of this out-of-state student enrollment. Study findings revealed that a number of public institutions have held consistent their out-of-state enrollment percentages over the past decade, but that there are three times as many institutions who have increased out-of-state student enrollment, and that some of these increases have been dramatic. Despite growing out-of-state student enrollment, institutions were found to have no better academic qualifications of their entering classes, and institutions that decreased their out-of-state student enrollment were actually found to have increased the diversity of their enrollment. The findings suggest a strong need for institutions and state policy makers to collaborate in defining what is expected from the contemporary academy and the best way for institutions to be efficient and effective in meeting this defined goal.

The Global Evolution of Travel Visa Regimes.

The Global Evolution of Travel Visa Regimes.

Deadly exceptionalisms, or, would you rather be crushed by a moral superpower or a military superpower?

In this essay, I consider the ways in which nationalism in both the U.S. and Sweden relies on notions of exceptionalism, and I discuss what this means materially for their own populations and for the world. The analysis consists of two lines of attack against both these assumptions of exceptionalism – one focusing on psychological processes and the other political economy processes. I examine the historical development of the ideas of U.S. and Swedish exceptionalism, and consider the roles of ignorance, denial, and projection in maintaining these problematic ideas. Through the use of a materialist definition of racism, I show how the nationalist ideology of exceptionalism in these two cases harms the well-being of their own citizens as well as citizens of other states. I argue that a combination of the psychological and political economy approaches are necessary if we are to both understand the power and impact of exceptionalism as a nationalist ideology and to be able to effectively work against their tendency to “crush” marginalized groups.

Suletud uksed: Eesti Vabariigi sisserändepoliitika 1920. aastatel

Keywords: immigration, labor migration, Estonia, 1920s. This article studies the Estonian immigration policy of the 1920s in comparison with immigration policies implemented in other European states at that time. The aim of the article is to determine the principles influencing decisions made regarding the immigration of foreigners – that is, citizens of other states as well as persons without citizenship as a result of the First World War. In brief, the implementation of immigration controls in Europe after the end of the First World War can be explained both by economic and political factors. First, most European countries faced an economic breakdown leading to increasing unemployment rates and shortages of consumables. Thus European authorities did not welcome newcomers, who would most likely face unemployment in the receiving countries and become an additional burden to already overloaded welfare systems. However, the introduction of strict immigration restrictions for foreigners searching for jobs or residence after the end of the war has also been associated with the Great War itself, in that it inflamed nationalistic hatred among belligerents and thus had an influence on the general rise of nationalism and xenophobia in the post-war years. As this study has shown, the Estonian immigration policy did not differ much from the practice implemented in other European nation-states at that time. Like the majority of other “new” states that were established in Europe as a result of the First World War, Estonia was heavily suffering from economic breakdown in the early 1920s. The influence of rising unemployment and food shortages can be seen in the restrictive immigration policy. The desire of the Estonian authorities to control and stop the inflow of foreign citizens seeking jobs in Estonia can be seen both in limitations set for the issuance of entry permits as well as permissions to reside within the state’s territory. A direct correlation between the worsening of the economic situation and the introduction of restrictions on the immigration of foreigners can be distinguished. The most strenuous attempts to restrict the immigration of foreign citizens to Estonia were made during the years directly following the proclamation of independence, and again in 1923 when the economy was hit with a new depression. However, the influence of ethnic relations in Estonia on the formation of the immigration policy cannot be neglected. Although Estonia is known for its liberal minority policy, the loyalty of minorities – and especially of those who had belonged to the former power elites – was doubted in Estonian administrative circles in the early 1920s. Thus, the restrictions set on the immigration of persons belonging to certain ethnic groups (i.e. Russians or Germans) could also be associated with the unwillingness of the Estonian authorities to increase their numbers in Estonia. However, the restrictive policy could also be explained by attempts to stand against “nepotism” in the industrial and banking sectors (e.g., to avoid the recruitment of German rather than Estonian citizens to businesses run by the local Baltic-Germans). Several problems were also associated with the immigration of Russian refugees, whose number in Estonia has been estimated to exceed 20,000 in the early 1920s. Similarly to loyalty risks associated with the influx of communists, the loyalty of White Russians who had fought for the re-establishment of the Russian empire was seriously doubted in Estonian political circles, leading to strict surveillance of their activities in Estonia by the local police authorities as well as to restrictions set for their entry. Although refugees already residing in the state’s territory were treated differently from other persons who were not holding Estonian citizenship (e.g., they were not expelled from Estonia and were given limited unemployment benefits), their further influx was nearly banned in 1923. In all, it can be said that Estonia, similarly to other “new” European states, was suffering immense economic hardships after the end of the First World War, and the economic and security interests of the state were kept in mind by the Estonian political circles when forming the immigration policy in the 1920s. As a result, restrictions on the immigration of foreigners were introduced in order to favor the recruitment of Estonian citizens in the local labor market. Helen Rohtmets (b. 1977) is a Ph.D. student at the Institute of History and Archaeology, University of Tartu.

Humanitarian intervention – What's in a name?

Why has the term humanitarian intervention experienced such a meteoric rise into the core of academic as well as public political discourse? An investigation of classical theory shows that the use of force to help citizens of other states has been regularly contemplated and practiced in the past. The concept of humanitarian intervention therefore does not describe new policies; instead it serves to hide the political nature of these policies today and functions as a ‘doctrinal advance guard’ for a new international order. It is the political conjuncture that requires a new name for old policies and its radical political content that explains the timing, speed and impact of this term.

Corporate and State Social Responsibility: A Long-Term Perspective

Companies have caught the changes in consumer perceptions and have developed corporate social responsibility (CSR) as long run survival strategy. The CSR signals that companies are overcoming the logic of the short term. The question is whether an evolution towards something similar that we call State social responsibility (SSR) is possible. State social responsibility is exerted when the State, in absence (or in case of ineffectiveness) of a formal supranational law, protects the rights of current and future generations of its citizens and citizens of other states and/or raises the current generations’ awareness regarding the opportunities reduction generated in space and time by meta-externalities. States would signal the tendency to overcome their short-sighted logic if the meta-externalities became a crucial question in their agenda.

A Clash of Responsibilities: Engaging with Realist Critiques of the R2P

In a post-R2P world, policymakers are not only confronted by the real life challenge of mass atrocity crimes but are also faced with a variety of voices offering alternative ways for framing the problems involved. The dominance of realism in 20th century political discourse puts forward the view that states do not have a moral obligation to protect the citizens of other states. As a result, the R2P remains just another policy option, one that should only be opted for when national interests are at stake. From this perspective, the national responsibility that states have to their citizens clashes with the international responsibility to protect populations the world over from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. Accordingly, this clash of responsibilities exposes a series of complexities regarding morality, power, survival, security, sovereignty, and order to name just a few. With this in mind, this paper engages with realist critiques in order to create a constructive conversation to help show areas of agreement and disagreement which will provide us with a more informed understanding of the challenges that face R2P implementation.