Political Basis Research Articles

Introduction to the Special Issue: Social Work and Migration in Europe: A Dialogue Across Boundaries

In this introduction, we argue for the need to better understand social work with migrants and to enhance its research bases against a background of increasing mobility and ethnic diversification across Europe. While much has been written on the influence of international migration on national welfare regimes and on specific forms of social welfare provision, the ways in which migration affects mainstream social work practices are relatively understudied—even less so in a comparative perspective, looking at social interventions as well as to the organizations and cultures of social services, without neglecting the broader policy arrangements in which social work practice is embedded. The political and prescriptive bases of social workers’ remit vis-à-vis immigrant clients, the ways of framing and categorizing the latter, and the implications for social workers’ training, supervision, and research are discussed. The main value added of the five contributions to this Special Issue of JIRS is highlighted at last.

After the Election: Where Now?

After the Election: Where Now?

Collaboration and Competition

Collaboration and Competition

Toga Party: The Political Basis of Judicial Investigations against MPs in Italy (1983–2013)

Scholars agree that ideology affects judicial decision-making. We demonstrate that this proposition holds true even when the judiciary is independent of political control. Focusing on Italy (1983–2013), where the politicisation of the judiciary was an issue well before the entry of Berlusconi into politics, we estimate judicial orientations according to the support for factions within the National Judiciary Association. The results show that ideology affects trial court activity against deputies. As the support for left-wing factions increases, prosecutors are more likely to investigate right-wing parties. Conversely, as the share of right-leaning factions grows, investigations of moderate or rightist parties decrease.

Ringing One Missed Call: Franchising, transnational flows and genre production

Abstract Eric Valette’s 2008 remake of Miike Takashi’s 2004 J-horror film Chakushin ari / One Missed Call calls into question a simple East/West economic and contextual binary often assumed in cases of transnational remakes, regarding the purity of an original ‘exotic’ Other and the debased, impure ‘corporate’ American remake. One Missed Call cannot be so easily placed into national cinema categories when we explore the production and financial origins of the film however, given the transnational nature of the remake’s content and production. This article explores how transnational remakes engage with transnational flows of production and influence, thinking about how transnational modernity works with what Koichi Iwabuchi terms ‘cultural odor’. The article challenges the presence of an ‘original’ in the transnational franchising of the One Missed Call films, contending that Ring (Nakata Hideo, 1998) and The Ring (Gore Verbinski, 2002) have functioned as metatexts in both Miike’s and Valette’s versions of One Missed Call. In so doing, the article examines the characteristics of transnational media production on an economic and political basis.

Disabled People in Play.Toward an Existential and Differential Phenomenology of Moving with Dis-Ease

Abstract Disability has become an increasingly important field of investment for modern welfare policy-visible in architecture for wheelchair users as well as in budgets for health care. This documents a gain in solidarity, but it implies also some challenges of practical and philosophical character. Play and games (of, for, and with disabled people) make these challenges bodily. These challenges will here be explored in three steps. In the first step, we discover the paradoxes of equality and categorization, normalization and deviance in the understanding of disability. Ableism, a negative view on disability, is just around the corner. The Paralympic sports for disabled people make this visible. However, play with disabled people shows alternative ways. And it calls to our attention how little we know, so far, about how disabled people play. The second step leads to an existential phenomenology of disablement. Sport and play make visible to what degree the building of “handicap” is a cultural achievement. All human beings are born disabled and finally die disabled-and inbetween they create hindrances to make life dis-eased. Dis-ease is a human condition. However, and this is an important third step, disablement and dis-eased life are not just one, but highly differentiated. These differences are relevant for political practice and have to be recognized. Attention to differences opens up a differential phenomenology of disablement and of disabled people in play-as a basis for politics of recognition.

DEMOKRASI DAN POLITIK PENCITRAAN PERANG IKLAN POLITIK MENUJU DEMOKRATISASI DI INDONESIA

Democracy has become one of the best governmental systems adopted by countries all over the world. Democracy has considered able to respond more intentions particularly public’s in fighting for people’s right. There must be at least under these three conditions for a country to be considered as democratic country. First, it must run general election, empowered civilians and freedom of the press. General election is one way a citizen can contribute in politic. General election is held every five years and is used as a media to distribute their voices by voting the representative who will become the spokeperson in the parliament. To be a representative is not an easy job. Resources (social resources) are needed to win the popular vote. This is then why the representative democracy requires imaging. It is a common knowledge that the candidate of representative does not necessarily know the people he represent. Democracy raises the euphoria of creating image. In the end, war of image-making where character, quality, and individual’s quality can be imaged and sell to public will happen. Political commercial’s war has spreaded which force people to enjoy. Democracy then is identical with politic of imaging. Voters then are similar as the decision makers of the economy. Political party or individual is voted based on its marketing, no different with the marketing of groceries. Economic capital has become political basis to someone hence finally creating the democratical chain which costs a big amount. Eventhoungh in one side, the politic of imaging lowers the quality of democracy; on the other hand, it gives political study to people so the public will gain more politic knowledge from the politic ads. Key words: democracy, politic, imaging

POLITIKA IR MISTIKA

The article is based on an idea that there are four different modes of understanding reality – practice, science, art and mysticism. Political liberalism demands separa­tion of public and private beliefs. However, mystical understanding of reality is not a system of propositions and beliefs. This is why one can speak of a conflict be­tween liberalism and mystical understanding of reality. Political liberalism imposes a certain understanding of reality on believers. Liberals propose to remove religious convictions from public life and not to treat them as a basis of politics. They forget that mystics have the biggest trouble namely with convictions. To turn the reality of God into words for them is always the hardest task. Mystics find God before words, concepts and discourses. Liberals reduce religion to convictions and demand from mystics to comprehend that, which in their opinion is not comprehensible. There is a tension between liberalism and people who have mystical experiences. Liberals narrow down religious experience to convictions. However, mystical experience is a much broader subject. Behind it stands an understanding of world that has its own standards of reality.

Focus: Privatisation of electricity is against the public interest

INTERNATIONAL union rights Page 13 Volume 22 Issue 2 2015 Privatisation of electricity is against the public interest T he present Government of Pakistan has announced plans to privatise 37 public enterprises at the behest of the World Bank, including Electricity, Railways, Port Trusts, Civil Aviation, Oil and Gas, PIA, National Bank and other public enterprises. The working class of Pakistan has been making a concerted struggle by holding protest rallies and marches to impress upon the present Government the need for Social Dialogue with the trade unions, since the workers are essential stakeholders, instead of going ahead with a privatisation of public utilities while unilaterally ignoring the public interest. The Electricity system in Pakistan is run by State owned companies - General, Transmission and Distribution – which provide electricity to more than 22 million industrial, agricultural, commercial, and domestic consumers all over the country. The trade union representatives of electricity workers, namely the All Pakistan Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA) Hydro Electric Workers’ Union, which has more than 140,000 members across Generation, Transmission, and Distribution, as well as Water Dams, have been urging the Government to accept that the proposed privatisation would be against the public interest since the privatisation of electricity in the Rawalpindi and Multan metropolitan areas and major cities failed miserably because those companies were not ready to provide electricity to consumer areas - even those in urban areas – that were not profitable to them. Therefore, the Federal Government had to take over those companies in the public interest, following the persistent demand of the general public. Reluctantly, the WAPDA public utility was able to supply electricity to all of the cities and also to more than half a million villages in the rural areas. The privatisation of Karachi Electricity Supply Company (KESC) has also failed miserably. The KESC, despite receiving electricity from the national grid of WAPDA, at a rate of 650 mw daily, at very cheap rates, has neither raised a generation of its own thermal power houses nor has it built any new power house to overcome load shedding – as was required under its agreement with the Government. The company has also been receiving a subsidy of millions of rupees from the Government every year. Despite receiving electricity at reduced rates from the national grid – and a subsidy from the Government – the company has not reduced the rate of electricity. The trade union representatives have been urging the Government that administrative reforms should be introduced in the electricity sector in order to overcome its mismanagement. But the Government has handed control of electricity from WAPDA to 15 companies, whose administration has been handed out to private members of the Board of Directors appointed on a political basis. There has not been any investment in these companies . These political appointees are responsible for the mismanagement. The trade unions have demanded that the Government should review this structure because it has not only raised mismanagement but has also raised administrative costs as the electricity system has been divided into 15 companies with huge numbers of officials whereas companies all over the world are being amalgamated and merged to reduce administrative costs. The experience of private independent power thermal generation has also proven to be a failure, because thermal power station are being run by furnace oil. The private thermal stations have raised the cost of electricity compared to thermal power stations in the public sector. The revenue of State owned distribution companies is being eaten away by these private thermal power houses and rental power houses. Had the Government invested in building new power stations in the public sector the high cost of electricity and load shedding would have been averted. The workers have also highlighted that cheaper electricity is a basic need for the development of national industries, agriculture and commerce. Therefore, the Government, instead of following the conditionalities of the World Bank and IMF, should place the matter before the national Parliament and the Senate of Pakistan to discuss all of the pros and cons in the public interest. All Pakistan WAPDA Hydro Electric Workers’ Union has been observing protest days and holding rallies all over the country. More than twenty thousand workers gathered...

Is physical Distance Important in Economic Regional Integrations? Utilizing a Method for measuring political distance

There are many evidences that regional integrations in middle east are not so efficient, many experts believe that political distance among integrations members is one of the most important reasons of integration inefficiency. Hence the main object of this paper is exploring a method for measuring political distance in economic regional integration. For this purpose an index has been made for measuring political distance basis on AHP technique for Iran and its selective neighbourhoods during 1999–2008.

HARMONIZATION OF THE ELEMENTS OF THE SECURITY AND DEFENSE SYSTEM OF UKRAINE IN THE RELATION TO THE UKRAINE’S COOPERATION AND CONVERGENCY IN THE FIELD OF FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

Проаналізовано питання гармонізації елементів системи безпеки та оборони України й ЄС стосовно Укладеної угоди про асоціацію у 2014 р. Наголошено на сучасному стані розвитку Спільної зовнішньої політики та політики безпеки й Спільної політики безпеки та оборони ЄС, зокрема, на тих особливостях, що впливають на відносини з державами- партнерами поза ЄС. Серед них можливість залучення у спільні цивільні та військові місії, необхідність спільного координування таких місій, особливо на територіях третіх країн та спільне ресурсне залучення. Зазначено про ретроспективні політичні засади формування взаємовідносин України та ЄС у контексті безпеки та оборони, також виокремлено постатейно ті механізми, які повинні визначати сучасну співпрацю України та ЄС згідно з Угодою про асоціацію. Запропоновано необхідні зміни в системі національного законодавства України з метою узгодження співробітництва з питань безпеки та оборони між Україною і ЄС та реформи систем, пов’язаних із безпекою та обороною держави. Ключові слова: Спільна зовнішня політика та політика безпеки ЄС, Спільна політи­ка безпеки та оборони ЄС, політична частина Угоди про асоціацію між ЄС та Україною 2014 р., гармонізація законодавства та реформування системи безпеки й оборони України. This article underlines the peculiarities of the harmonization of the security and defense system of Ukraine and the EU in the course of due fulfillment of the Association Agreement, 2014. The present state of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy of the EU are emphasized, particularly regarding those features that affect relations with partner states outside the EU. Among them, the possibility of engaging in joint civilian and military missions, the need for coordination of joint missions, especially in a territory of third countries and shared resource involvement are underlined. Retrospective political basis for the formation of the relations between Ukraine and the EU has been stressed upon in the context of security and defense issues as well as the treaty-based mechanisms that should determine the current cooperation between Ukraine and the EU under the Association Agreement are outlined. Necessary changes in the national legislation of Ukraine aimed at the compliance with the EU standards and the suggestions for reforming Ukrainian systems related to the security and defense issues are offered. Key words: Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU, Common Security and Defense Policy of the EU, “political part” of the Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine, harmonization of legislation and reform of the security and defense system of Ukraine.

Implementation of a new model for TB-care in a low endemic setting: A challenge in vain?

Aim and objectivesTo evaluate the implementation of an outpatient TB-clinic in a low-endemic setting. BackgroundIn May 2014 the World Health Organization (WHO) approved the post-2015 global tuberculosis (TB) strategy including the plan for elimination of TB in low-endemic countries. Sweden is a low-endemic country, but accepts large numbers of immigrants (e.g. 116,000 in 2013) and a majority from countries where TB is common.In order to prevent TB and ensure accessibility a new outpatient clinic for adults was initiated at a specialist hospital in a suburb of Gothenburg, Sweden, in February 2014. The population living in this suburd is overrepresented among the active cases of TB and in some subgroups the incidence is equal or even higher than in high-endemic countries. The objective is early detection and treatment of active disease and latent TB infection (LTBI) in a social medical perspective. MethodsA descriptive approach made from the experiences of the authors. ResultsThe TB-care in Gothenburg has, before 2014, been centralized to the university hospital. A political decision was taken in 2012, in line with the global TB strategy, to start an outpatient clinic where TB is overrepresented in the population. The decision was to be implemented through collaboration with all healthcare providers. The new clinic was aiming to promote redistribution of patients between the hospitals with an emphasis on accessibility for the patient. The decision was made without the involvement of management and clinical staff. As a result the clinic has solely been able to focus its care on finding LTBI and spreading knowledge and awareness of TB in high-risk groups. ConclusionA new approach of specialist healthcare is decentralization with emphasis on accessibility, improved preventive possibility and knowledge about the setting. This approach is well suited for TB elimination in order to target high-risk groups. The transition does not occur automatically, and commitment and knowledge is needed on every level in the healthcare system. A political basis is necessary, but for success and change the decision has to be established and anchored among management and healthcare staff. To treat TB-patients at an outpatient specialist clinic is economically beneficial and above all causes a positive effect on the patient’s psychosocial well-being and adherence to treatment. Unfortunately, the present infrastructure of TB-care in Sweden, as well as the will and knowledge of the staff to adapt and change according to the political decision, is preventing optimal care for TB-patients based on the global TB strategy for elimination. AcknowledgementNone to declare.

Religious Education, Social Inclusion and Interreligious Literacy in England and Australia

This article examines the contentious nature of religion in relation to questions of interreligious literacy and education. It connects the concept of cultural tolerance to a particular interpretation of ‘religious literacy’ in the education policy environment, and examines religion-related education governance structures. I draw on examples from state-funded Australian government schools, against a backdrop of ‘social inclusion’ policy. First, two different, ideologically based, styles of ‘inclusion’, and their variant styles of governance, will be de?ned. These two styles can be described as ‘passive’ (economically focused and inherently limited) inclusion, and ‘active’ (socially focused, and critically, consciously broad) inclusion. The article explores the political basis of these two styles of inclusion and how they encourage or discourage minority voices within democratic processes. The article then analyses how these styles of inclusion affect contributions, from minority voices, to policy development and practice in relation to religion in state schools. Inclusive policies in education in the past few decades have targeted socio-economic (often racial and location-based) and ability differentials. A lack of inclusion policies which specifically address cultural (particularly religious) barriers highlights the limitations of an economically focused social inclusion agenda.

Climate Change Mediated Archaeal Overgrowth and Neanderthalisation: A Biological Basis for Philosophy, Economics, History, Politics, Literature, Social Movements, Feminism, Alternate Sexuality and Globalisation

Introduction: The homo neanderthalis society was matrilineal and the homo sapien society was patrilineal. The homo neanderthalis as described in previous papers had increased actinidic archaeal growth and archaeal magnetite/porphyrin mediated quantal perception. This gave a feeling of collective unconscious and universal oneness. The homo sapiens had decreased actinidic archaeal growth and archaeal magnetite/porphyrin mediated quantal perception was minimal. This gave rise to individuality in homo sapiens as opposed to societal consciousness in homo neanderthalis. The study evaluated actinidic archaeal growth in individuals with different personal characteristic features of socialistic, capitalistic, democratic, dictatorial, feminist, male chauvinist, artistic, creative literary characters, alternate sexuality, eco-conscious, nationalistic and globalised outlook. The results are presented in this study. Materials and Methods:The blood samples were drawn from two groups (a) the neanderthalic matrilineal population with outlook of altruism, primitive communism, socialism, democracy, female dominance, alternate sexuality, creativity in art and literature, spirituality, eco-consciousness, peaceful co-existence and a globalised world (b) the homo sapien patrilineal population with outlook of selfishness, primitive capitalistic, undemocratic, dictatorial, patriarchial, more masculine, less creative in art and literature, non-spiritual and material, heterosexual, exploitative, polluting, nationalistic and with an increased propensity to war. The estimations done in the blood samples collected include cytochrome F420 activity. Results: The results showed that the population with neanderthalic features and characteristics of altruism, primitive communism, socialism, democracy, female dominance, alternate sexuality, creativity in art and literature, spirituality, eco-consciousness, peaceful co-existence and a globalised world had increased cytochrome F420 activity.The results showed that the population with homo sapien features and characteristics of selfishness, primitive capitalistic, undemocratic, dictatorial, patriarchial, more masculine, less creative in art and literature, non-spiritual and material, heterosexual, exploitative, polluting, nationalistic and with an increased propensity to war had increased cytochrome F420 activity. Discussion: The basis of the features of homo neanderthalis society is primitive communism, socialism, democracy, female dominance, alternate sexuality, creativity in art and literature, spirituality, eco-consciousness, peaceful co-existence and a globalised world. The homo sapien society was selfish, primitive capitalistic, undemocratic, dictatorial, patriarchial, more masculine, less creative in art and literature, non-spiritual and material, heterosexual, exploitative, polluting, nationalistic and an increased propensity to war. The phenomena of global warming leads to increased extremophilic actinidic archaeal growth and neanderthalisation of homo sapiens leading to the resurgence of neanderthalic features in society.

A network approach to migratory whale conservation: Are MPAs the way forward or do all roads lead to the IMO?

The objective of this paper was to analyse the challenges and prospects of regional MPA networks as an effective tool for the protection of wide-ranging cetaceans, focusing on the potential of the Specially Protected Areas of Mediterranean Importance (SPAMI) network initiative to contribute to the conservation of the Mediterranean fin whale (Balaenoptera physalus). One of the main threats to this vulnerable population is mortalities through ship strikes. It is argued that a SPAMI network does not have the potential to effectively reduce the threat of ship strikes on a firm legal, scientific and political basis, particularly given uncertainty over fin whale seasonal movements. Instead, an alternative sectoral approach to landscape-scale protection is discussed. Building on examples from North America, it is proposed that a wider spatial scale threat-based approach should be adopted, and that a regional network of restrictions of shipping activities through the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) will more effectively reduce the risk of ship–whale strikes. This is also more consistent with the ecosystem approach, since the emphasis is on ecological scales that cross administrative boundaries, even though it is within a single sector. It is concluded that mechanisms exist to address the challenges of implementing such an approach, and that sectoral measures through the IMO represent an important way forward for improving the conservation prospects for Mediterranean fin whales.

Sinéad Mooney A Tongue Not Mine: Beckett and TranslationA Tongue Not Mine: Beckett and Translation. Sinéad Mooney. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Pp. viii+278.

<i>Sinéad Mooney</i> A Tongue Not Mine: Beckett and Translation<i>A Tongue Not Mine: Beckett and Translation</i>. Sinéad Mooney. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Pp. viii+278.

Garcilaso y Peralta: una historia, dos interpretaciones

Este artículo plantea un análisis de la obra de dos de los autores fundadores de la historiografía peruana: el Inca Garcilaso de la Vega y Pedro Peralta Barnuevo. La obra histórica de Garcilaso y Peralta muestra la competencia que caracteriza a la historiografía peruana desde sus inicios pues sus versiones se contraponen al punto de ser excluyentes una de la otra. En efecto, mientras a inicios del siglo XVII Garcilaso presenta una versión incaísta-encomendera que tiene al Cusco como el centro de la civilización andina, Peralta responde un siglo después con una versión que parte desde Lima y que hace énfasis en el componente hispánico para resaltar el protagonismo del criollo en la formación de la nacionalidad peruana. El contrapunto entre ambas interpretaciones históricas permite apreciar mejor el origen de las imágenes contradictorias y contrapuestas que rigen la historiografía peruana en los siglos posteriores. El artículo muestra cómo las versiones de Garcilaso y Peralta corresponden al sustento histórico de sus opciones políticas.

Lo spazio della critica sociale. La sinistra e l'idea di eguaglianza

The Left is defined by the idea of equality. Although this is the basis of all modern politics, modern Right and Left have different interpretations of equality, which refer to a different moral kernel of it. This moral content is shown by the distinction between «abtreating persons equally» and «abtreating persons as equal». Treating as equal is different from treating equally when, in order to respect the equal dignity of persons, simple equality becomes unjust. The Left preserves its identity if it thinks that moral content as an idea of absence of domination, not only apparent, but also latent, mediated by opaque social relations.

Analysis on Environmental Protection from the Perspective of Environmental Democracy

Environmental democracy is the political basis of the sustainable development of the environment. From the perspective of political science, the public needs to be involved both in the process of the making of environmental policies and in avoiding government failures in environmental protection. From the perspective of economics, sustainable development of the environment requires a democratic production mode and in avoiding “the tragedy of public land” the public needs to be involved. From the legal perspective, solving environmental hazard incidents involves environmental hazard litigation. From the perspective of the international political science, in order to build a society in which the individual rights of us and our responsibilities to the neighborhood, the community and the earth are deemed to be intrinsically connected, we need to democratize the decision-making process of the social policies.

In the wake of politics: the political and economic construction of fisheries biology, 1860-1970.

As an environmentally focused, applied field science, fisheries biology has recently been marked by its failed promise to enable sustainable exploitation. Fisheries biology's origin through state support raises many questions. How did fisheries biologists get this support? Did political considerations and economic ideals fundamentally shape the science? Why has it been perceived as fundamentally conservation oriented? New evidence indicates the political basis for Thomas Henry Huxley's contention that the deep-sea fisheries were inexhaustible; this essay shows how his influence extended to recent neoliberal resource management solutions. It also explores how fisheries biology acquired the ideal of maximum sustained yield (MSY) via Progressive Era efficiency conservation and German scientific forestry; how American Cold War foreign policy made this ideal paradigmatic of mid to late twentieth-century fisheries biology; and how emerging bioeconomics in the 1950s imposed a troublesome misunderstanding of fisheries biology's earlier mission.