Women's Freedom Research Articles

Vozes do bolsa família

O presente artigo visa analisar o material coletado a partir de um referencial teórico diferente, com base em teorias feministas e alternativas ao desenvolvimento com base na obra Vozes do Bolsa Família.Parte-se da seguinte problemática: É possível analisar o desenvolvimento sob o viés contra hegemônico desconsiderando os papeis da liberdade e subjetividades das mulheres? A fim de responder o presente questionamento, a metodologia empregada obedece ao trinômio: Teoria de Base/Abordagem, Procedimento e Técnica. Como Teoria de Base e Abordagem optou-se pela perspectiva sistêmica, utilizando-se autores com visão multidisciplinar e conectando áreas do saber como Antropologia, Direito e Sociologia. Os procedimentos elegidos foram a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental (em meios físicos e digitais). A técnica empregada foi a construção de fichamentos e resumos estendidos. Sendo assim, para pensar uma perspectiva diferente é necessário encarar de frente a problemática. A opressão causada pelo desenvolvimentismo do sistema econômico hegemônico reproduz um discurso colonialista, racista, patriarcal e classista e sem abordar a questão a partir desse reconhecimento não se consegue avançar no debate nem pensar novos caminhos.

ISLAM DAN POSFEMINISME : WAJAH POSFEMINISME DALAM KOMODIFIKASI AGAMA DI MEDIA

The relationship between masculine and feminine is collectively constructed. Both narrative and discourse of feminism has long emerged up to the third-wave. As Foucault has been pointed out that feminism itself has constructed discourse on inequality since it departs from patriarchy. Meanwhile, patriarchy has produced a threat even though it is under the pretext of feminism. The term postfeminism is thus arises after feminism, where there are no sources of oppression that originate from patriarchy.In fact, however, the interpretation of religious arguments (Islam in particular) does not subordinate women. But on the contrary, the religious argument actually wants to make women equal to men in the society. This article offers an analysis of the relation between Islam and postfeminism based on the perspective of religious commodification. It was noted that social media played a pivotal role in raising religion to engage on a global scale.Women from the perspective of postfeminism are seen as independent subjects. Freedom, gender equality, and pluralistic representation are the starting points for postfeminist women. Soft Power owned by social media contextualizes religion (Islam) and disseminates ideas including femininity in a new method, where the religious consumption can be enjoyed every second.Indonesian (Muslim) women campaign for gender equality and postfeminism awareness that is free in all things through social media (Instagram and YouTube). This is usually done in various ways such as lectures and fashion. Religious commodification, in this case is seen when religious understanding is capitalized. This perspective finally bringing Muslim women to say that "I am beautiful for myself". Although some argue that capitalizing religion appear to be less precise, when the commodification of religion can support women's freedom.

Sexual freedoms

Women—still—experience different forms of sexism in their daily lives. After the sixteenth-century Protestant proclamation of the blessings of motherhood and women's bodies, and the women's sexual liberation movement of the 1960s, women's real freedoms and rights with their bodies, including sexual relations and procreation, are still being negotiated. Violence against women's bodies, including sex trafficking, relates to both the lack of appropriate education and fundamentally distorted views of humanity. Considering Luther's teaching on women as imago Dei, and attending theologically to the issues pertaining to misogyny—such as reforming the traditionally male-centered God-language and challenging the culture's implicit permission for ongoing violence against women—are some of the concrete steps that can be taken. Given the revelations with the #MeToo movement, the ELCA's 2018 draft on the Social Statement on Gender and Justice is timely.

Motherhood, Employment, and Life Satisfaction: Trends in Germany Between 1984 and 2015

ObjectiveThis article analyzes trends in the relationships among motherhood, employment, and life satisfaction in Germany and regresses them on changing motherhood norms.BackgroundMotherhood norms have changed in recent decades in Germany, and differences in labor force participation between mothers and women without children have decreased. We research whether differences in life satisfaction have decreased at the same time.MethodAnalyses are based on the German Socio‐Economic Panel (1984–2015) and restricted to women aged 16 to 45 (N = 18,238). A series of hybrid panel regressions was used to determine intrapersonal and interpersonal motherhood and employment effects on life satisfaction over decades. Polynomial regressions were used to relate these effects to changing motherhood norms.ResultsThe negative effects of motherhood on life satisfaction are less prevalent today than they were in the past. The interpersonal maternal happiness gap has disappeared, and the intrapersonal motherhood effect on life satisfaction has increased during the past decades.ConclusionAs restrictive social norms for maternal employment have lost ground, the transition to motherhood has become increasingly conducive to life satisfaction for both working and nonworking mothers.ImplicationNormative and public support of women's freedom to choose among different motherhood roles is key to reducing financial and time pressures of mothers and thereby increasing maternal life satisfaction. Further support is needed for mothers without partners or jobs.

Financial system for a multinational family in Sharia and Law


 The issue of the financial system of a multinational family in shari'a and law is of great importance in the current era of the deterioration of rights in the case of family disputes, which often result in divorce. Hence, Islamic law has taken into account this subject with many rules and provisions that protect both spouses' rights and obligations. Some Arab countries have also taken this approach, but they have not been far from international laws that advocate women's freedom, as we find in Tunisian law, for example. Here we have examined this subject from a legitimate legal point to clarify the problem that some countries have occurred when they put the family laws.
 The family laws have come up with sub-solutions that have made them fundamental issues that would raise the status of women and strengthen their legal and social status. This is the result of satisfying the demands of a predominantly political nature of religion, which made some laws rigid. The obligation of positive laws should not be affected by the purposes of Islamic law and its lofty principles of political, because codification does not prohibit Hara’am things, and it is not Hara’am for Halaal and non-ijtihad.
 

KEBEBASAN WANITA PADA TEKS “WARDAH AL-HĀNĪ”(1908) DALAM ANTOLOGI CERPEN “AL-ARWĀH AL-MUTAMARRIDAH” KARYA JUBRĀN KHALĪL JUBRĀN (KAJIAN SOSIOLOGI SASTRA)

<p>Women and emancipation are two things that can not be separated, both are like two sides of the same coin. One form of women's emancipation is a freedom of determining a spouse. This research aims to describe the several forms of women's freedom of determining a spouse in short story of Kahlil Gibran entitled Wardah Al Hānī based on literary sociology theory of Rene Wellek and Austin Warren. The methodology used to realize that aim is descriptive qualitative. The results reveal that women's freedom of determining a spouse is divided into two perspectives, one relates to the opinion of the character in a story and other determined by his behaviors. In the first side, the character has an opinion that the real happiness in the life only can be brought by love. So, she must choose the man she loved. And in another side, the women's freedom is shown by the way she left her legal husband and went to the other beloved man to make her happiness life.</p><p> </p>

Beyond Intersectionality

Beyond IntersectionalityLise VogelLise Vogelc/o Science & Society, 33 Flatbush Avenue, 4th Floor, Brooklyn NY 11217 / USA. [email protected]Search for more papers by this authorPublished Online:March 2018https://doi.org/10.1521/siso.2018.82.2.275PDFPDF PLUS ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations AboutReferencesAhmed Sara. 2012. On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. Google ScholarBeal Frances M. 1970. “Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female.” Revised from 1969 pamphlet. In Sisterhood is Powerful, ed. Morgan Robin. New York: Vintage Books. Google ScholarBenn Michaels Walter. 2006. The Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality. New York: Metropolitan Books. 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Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. Google Scholar Previous article Next article FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Cited byCited by1. #konstnärligfrihet: reifikation som förtryckshandling och motstrategiOnline publication date: 11 January 2023. Go to citation Crossref Google Scholar2. Rethinking food regime as gender regime: agrarian change and the politics of social reproductionOnline publication date: 7 January 2023. Go to citation Crossref Google Scholar3. Multidimensionality: A Cross-Disciplinary Review and IntegrationOnline publication date: 1 November 2018. Go to citation Crossref Google Scholar Volume 82Issue 2Apr 2018 Information© 2018 by S & S Quarterly, Inc.PDF download

KEBEBASAN WANITA PADA TEKS “WARDAH AL-HĀNĪ” (1908) DALAM ANTOLOGI CERPEN “AL-ARWĀH AL-MUTAMARRIDAH” KARYA JUBRĀN KHALĪL JUBRĀN (KAJIAN SOSIOLOGI SASTRA)

Women and emancipation are two things that can not be separated, both are like two sides of the same coin. One form of women's emancipation is a freedom of determining a spouse. This research aims to describe the several forms of women's freedom of determining a spouse in short story of Kahlil Gibran entitled Wardah Al-Hānī based on literary sociology theory of Rene Wellek and Austin Warren. The methodology used to realize that aim is descriptive qualitative. The results reveal that women's freedom of determining a spouse is divided into two perspectives, one relates to the opinion of the character in a story and other determined by his behaviors. In the first side, the character has an opinion that the real happiness in the life only can be brought by love. So, she must choose the man she loved. And in another side, the women's freedom is shown by the way she left her legal husband and went to the other beloved man to make her happiness life.

Association between plural legal systems and sexual and reproductive health outcomes for women and girls in northern Nigeria: a regional and state-level ecological study from 1990 to 2013

Abstract Background Plural legal systems allow various sources of law to govern simultaneously. Plural legal systems have long been part of Nigerian civil law in 12 northern states, nine of which have added criminal law under Sharia Law jurisdiction since 2000. Disparities in education and wealth within Nigeria are reflected in disparate regional health outcomes, with southern Nigeria often faring better than northern Nigeria with regard to maternal and child, and sexual and reproductive health (SRH). Discriminatory legal systems can reinforce and worsen pre-existing health disparities in SRH by limiting women's civil and socioeconomic freedoms. Consequently, we expect to find a relation between adverse customary law (ie, religious or traditional law) and negative SRH outcomes in northern Nigeria. Methods SRH outcomes for women and girls were compiled from five Nigerian Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) in 1990, 1999, 2003, 2008, and 2013. Selected indicators included, but were not limited to, fertility (eg, total fertility rate, age of first marriage), SRH (eg, contraception use, knowledge of HIV/AIDS), and maternal health (eg, antenatal care, delivery location). A time-trend analysis was done to consider the percentage change in indicator outcomes for five regions over time. We did the same time trend analysis with state-level data available for 2008 and 2013. For 2013 data, t-tests were done between states with customary and religious laws and those without. A secondary analysis was done with northern states only to account for differences in baseline education and wealth levels between northern and southern states. Education level is hypothesised to be a moderator of the relationship between living in a state with customary and religious laws and laws that impede access to SRH services and poor health outcomes. Simple linear regression was carried out to investigate the relationship between current use of contraception among married women and living in a state with customary and religious laws and laws that impede access to sexual and reproductive health services. To test for mediation, we conducted a multivariable linear regression adding education level as another predictor of contraception use. Findings Our time trend analysis suggests regions with customary and religious laws and laws that impede access to SRH services see fewer improvements in women's health outcomes over time, whereas outcomes for women's health in regions without such laws see marked improvements. For example, the percentage of married women using any type of contraceptive method in southeastern states went from 8·8% in 1990 to 29·0% in 2013, while the percentage increased from 1·2% to 4·3% in the northwest. States with customary and religious laws saw on average a 0·28% change increase in current use of contraceptive method by married women, whereas states without such laws saw a 5·3% change increase from 2008 to 2013. In 2013, women in states with customary and religious laws had significantly lower levels of HIV knowledge (p=0·05), received less antenatal care (p=0·001), and had higher fertility rates (p 2 =0·55, p 2 =0·71, p Interpretation Nigerian states with customary and religious laws and laws that impede access to SRH services have seen fewer, if any, improvements in women's health outcomes across the years, and education mediates this relationship. Further research on the effects of plural legal systems on the health of women and girls is needed. Funding None.

Organizing Micro Economic Scale through Women Empowerment Group (Descriptive Study in Pesanggrahan Village)

The unemployment problem is triggered by the imbalance of job opportunities and the number of job seekers, especially in rural areas. Besides, restrictions on working women based on customs and norms in the village make it difficult for women to find work. The view that women should focus on domestic and family matters. It limits women to work to help improve the family economy. Thus, empowerment for women through community empowerment group is needed to be able to carry out economic activities without having to leave their duties as a housewife. The theoretical framework of this study is the theory of liberal feminism gender based on women's freedom and equality. This study uses a qualitative method and purposive sampling. Data collected through observation, interviews, and documentation. The results of this study are that empowering women can do business on a micro-scale to help increase family income; Also, this research explains about equality between women and men, and forms of women's participation, democracy, transparency, and accountability in women's empowerment programs. 
 Keywords: Self-help groups, Gender equality, government programs
 Referensi:
 Idrus, Muhammad. 2009. Metode Penelitian Ilmu Sosial. Cetakan Kedua.
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 Irwan, P. 2006. Penelitian Kualitatif dan kuantitatif untuk ilmu-ilmu sosial. Depok: FISIP UI PRES
 Jamaluddin, Dr. Adon Nasrullah. 2015. Sosiologi Perkotaan. Surakarta : Pustaka Setia
 Materi Pelatihan Tim Vrifikasi PNPM-MP Keamatan Jangkar Tahun 2010
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 Profil Desa Pesanggrahan Tahun 2018
 Satori Djam’an, Komariah Aan. 2012. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung :Alfabeta
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PROTOCOL: Impact of financial inclusion in low- and middle-income countries: a systematic review of reviews.

PROTOCOL: Impact of financial inclusion in low- and middle-income countries: a systematic review of reviews.

Patterns of Modernity in Transnational Perspective

Patterns of Modernity in Transnational Perspective Elisa Camiscioli and Jean H. Quataert This issue explores the transnational networks and cultural forces shaping key components of modern women's politics and subjectivity at the end of the long nineteenth century and in 1970s America. It opens with two complementary studies about advocacy of women's sexual freedom and identity. The next two articles address expanding opportunities for women through missionary education and nursing training. The final two are on women's political activism and mobilization in ideological struggles. We also have a new component in our book review section, an essay which compares three digital humanities' collections on the history of women's suffrage in the global context. Broadcasting individual women's sexual desire was a decisively brazen act in the later nineteenth-century Anglophone world—and in East Asia as well. In time, it became an attribute of modern women's identity and a central component of "erotic romantic love." The first two articles explore the cultural politics that surrounded the advocacy of heterosexual intimacy through the life work of two notorious public women whose careers tangentially overlapped. Their self-crafted prominence demonstrates a changing landscape for gender norms in predominantly urban bohemian neighborhoods. Richly sourced and engagingly written, Hilary Hallett's article examines the British author Elinor Glyn, who took her "sex novel" Three Weeks (1907) on tour throughout America in the first decade of the twentieth century. Hallett argues for an "alternative feminist historiography" found in "women's performances" by popular but lesser-known authors. Their celebrity status and cultural glamour "not only challenged orthodoxy" but "shaped popular knowledge," Hallett writes. The author makes a strong case that Glyn capitalized on inherent ambivalences in scandalous talk both to challenge and deny new ideas about respectable married women's sexuality. In this way, she pushed discussion in the mainstream culture to deal more "frankly" and openly with such topics as eroticism, dating, premarital sex, and romantic love. Before the 1920s, Glyn helped make women's heterosexual satisfaction "a subject for mass culture." She was indeed "a mother to the modern girl." Perhaps unsurprisingly, America's "Queen of the Anarchists," Emma Goldman, was a fan of Glyn, calling Glyn's fictional heroine's rejection of monogamy "magnificent," according to Hallett. The importance of sexual liberation to human liberation in "anarchist communist" philosophy takes center stage in the next article on Emma Goldman by Rachel Hui-Chi Hsu. Emma Goldman, of course, is well known in women's history as a tireless [End Page 7] proponent of free love, birth control, and free speech. But Hsu makes new contributions to this literature by addressing the underlying logic of Goldman's philosophy, what Hsu calls her "sexual political reasoning." Goldman integrated European sexology into anarchist thinking to lay bare the political implications of liberated intimacies. Hsu carefully parses the differences between reformers and radicals in the Progressive Era, comparing anarchist thought to progressive feminists' gender assumptions and to those advocating birth control (with its slippage into eugenics). Like Glyn, Goldman also crafted her public persona. She, too, took her message on tour, seeking out new supporters for her philosophy of life, notably the young urban intellectuals, and capitalizing on a "tide of . . . iconoclastic bohemianism." And, through the translation and circulation of her magazine Mother Earth, this commitment to individualism as a "powerful defiance of traditional gender norms" accounted for Goldman's popularity in China and Japan. There was a downside to all this success, however: it diluted the essential socioeconomic and anti-authoritarian messages of anarchism. The next two articles, temporally extending into the first half of the twentieth century, explore other aspects of modern women's increasingly shared life experiences: expanding educational and professional opportunities. But each option was mediated by countervailing cultural and political forces that complicated the workings of the modern. Amy Holmes-Tagchungdarpa takes us to several educational institutions in the Himalayan borderlands of British India accessible to elite women of Tibet, Bhutan, and Sikkim. Reflecting the growing importance of this area for global commerce, trade long had served as a transnational linkage between the different cultures, polities, and languages of the area. Elite families used the new...

Freedoms for Women as Outlined in the Freedom Charter: The Progress of Women in Education

Women at all levels of South African society began articulating their interests in the 1950s, with the Women’s Charter preceding the Freedom Charter by a year. Since 1994 South Africa has taken bold steps to advance the interests of women and made great strides in the quest for gender equality and women’s empowerment. However, persistent disparities remain in South Africa between women and men with regard to senior positions in the higher education sector. Drawing on a number of dialogues and discussions, this paper seeks to analyse the reasons behind gender inequality in education and reveal whether patriarchal values and stereotypes related to women in certain sectors of South African society are a factor. This paper will contend that despite legislation protecting women, both subtle and overt forms of discrimination still exist in the sphere of higher education. The paper also seeks to analyse challenges still being faced as well as offer possible solutions to the gender inequality that continues to prevail in the education sector.

For emergency contraception, political gaps are not scientific gaps.

Emergency contraception (EC) is the only opportunity for women to prevent an unwanted pregnancy after unprotected intercourse. Simple compassion for women who are in this situation combined with solid scientific data to support the safety of oral EC should be enough to promote strategies to expand access to these medications as well as the most effective method of EC, the copper IUD. A wide array of women's healthcare organisations promote increasing EC access to improve clinical care, a position clearly supported by the four foundations of biomedical ethics: autonomy, nonmaleficence, beneficence, and justice. Ironically, in the political sphere, conservative morals are the foundation for limiting access, despite the conflict with scientific evidence. In this issue, Drs. Cameron, Li, and Gemzell-Danielson present an opportunity for clinicians to review the data behind public and scientific oral EC controversies. These controversies can easily be divided into two groups. The first group contains issues that despite scientifically sound evidence remain controversial because of religious and political opposition. In essence, these issues are not scientifically controversial. Contention exists only because EC provides greater reproductive autonomy and thus clashes with conservative sexual values, which aim to shame women having sex for pleasure and not for procreation. Limiting effective methods of post coital contraception supports this position and limits women's sexual freedom. This scientifically uncontroversial group includes the oral EC mechanism of action, excellent safety, lack of population effect, and inability to serve as an abortifacient. The second group contains topics where scientific evidence is lacking or imperfect. This group includes the potential decrease in progestin containing contraception efficacy when initiated with ulipristal, methods to manage the potential negative effect of obesity on EC efficacy, and whether the oral EC mechanism of action is important to users. Ironically, despite sound evidence, it is this first group which forms the foundation for opposition to implementing EC best practices. As scientists and clinical researchers have done their work here, this realm is now the work of policy experts, advocates, and politicians. There are many examples of politics influencing good clinical care, which for oral EC means improving access and affordability. Inexpensive over the counter (OTC) availability of oral EC is the target for advocates and politicians on both sides. Whereas oral levonorgestrel and ulipristal EC products are available OTC in Europe, a long political battle has been waged on this issue in the USA, where OTC ulipristal is not even on the horizon. However, promoting regulatory approval is not enough. Politics can also support pharmacists who refuse women access to EC or prevent this behaviour. Sexual assault victims are a critical group in need of EC and several entities have passed legislation mandating offering EC when these women present for medical care. Finally, EC coverage can be mandated or restricted through private and government-sponsored medical coverage. In the USA, a Supreme Court decision enables private companies to forego EC insurance coverage for employees based on moral beliefs even though the court has acknowledged these are not scientifically valid. In areas of medical controversy, scientific evidence and biomedical ethics can lead both clinicians and policy makers in the right direction. In this case the road clearly leads to increasing EC access and affordability. Dr Turok reports grants and personal fees from Teva pharmaceuticals, outside the submitted work. Teva distributes the Paragard copper IUD, a method of emergency contraception. The ICMJE disclosure form is available as online supporting information. Please note: The publisher is not responsible for the content or functionality of any supporting information supplied by the authors. Any queries (other than missing content) should be directed to the corresponding author for the article.

महात्मा फुले यांचे शेती व शेतकरीविषयक विचार (Thoughts of Mahatma Fule's on Agriculture and Farmers)

Marathi Abstract: भारतातील परपरागत समाज ससथचया विरदध बड करणार पहिल बडखोर, भारतीय सतरी-शिकषणाच जनक, सतरी-सवाततरयाच आणि हककाच उदगात, शतकरी-कामकऱयाची चळवळ उभारणार पहिल पढारी महणन जयोतिराव गोविदराव फल ह ह खयातीपरापत आहत. महातमा फल ह चारवाक, बदध, सत कबीर, सत तकाराम आणि लोकराजा शिवाजी याची परपरा जोपासणार विवकवादी होत. समाजसधारणा, सतरीदासय विमोचन, सरवाना शिकषणाचा हकक याविषयी त आगरही होत. शिकषण हा माणसाचा तिसरा डोळा आह, ह तयानी ह तयानी ‘ततीय रतन’ या नाटकातन दाखवन दिल आह. शिकषणानच मनषय विवकशील व सवदनशील बनतो. शिकषणाअभावी माणस मानवी हकक, परतिषठा, दरजा हयाना पारखा होतो. समाजसधारणचा परीघ वयापक होणयासाठी शिकषणाशिवाय परयाय नाही, याची तयाना जाणीव होती. अशिकषितपणामळ शतकरी, कामकरी याच जीवन शोचनीय झाल आह. अजञान, अधशरदधा, कपरथा यामळच मानवी समदाय दःखाचया छायत लोटला आह. ‘शतकऱयाचा असड’ मधन तयानी शतकऱयाचया अवनतीच समरपक चितर रखाटल आह. English Abstract: Jyotirao Govindrao Phule is well-known as the first rebel to rebel against the traditional society in India, the father of Indian women's education, the origin of women's freedom and rights, and the first leader of the peasant-workers movement. Mahatma Phule was the conscience keeper of the traditions of Charwak, Buddha, Sant Kabir, Sant Tukaram and Lokaraja Shivaji. He was passionate about social reform, liberation of women and the right to education for all. He has shown that education is the third eye of a human being. It is only through education that one becomes sensible and sensitive. Lack of education recognizes human rights, dignity and status. He realized that the scope of social reform was not an option without education to become widespread. Due to illiteracy, the lives of farmers and workers have become miserable. Because of ignorance, superstition and misconduct, the human community has fallen into the shadow of misery. From the Shetkaryacha Asud’ he paints a relevant picture of the decline of the peasantry.

Women's status and global food security: An overview

AbstractScholars are increasingly examining how gender interacts with food security, with specific attention given to women. This is not surprising, given that women make up 43% of the global agricultural labor force and are responsible for producing almost half of the global agricultural food supply. Since women tend to be disproportionately responsible for taking care of household activities, including the production, purchase, preparation, and allocation of food‐based resources—particularly in the developing world—there is a scholarly consensus that an improvement in women's status has a positive impact on nutritional outcomes. Current scholarship on gender and food security is thus broadly divided into relationships between food security and women's economic freedoms, legal opportunities, and both formal and informal education via improved knowledge of agricultural procedures. In this review, I draw attention to the role that sociologists can play in engaging these topics, and I specifically highlight the need to conduct more cross‐national and longitudinal analyses of women's status and food security. Finally, I point towards recent studies that assess the impacts of Information and Communication Technologies on food security, and suggest the need to explicate the role of gender within such processes.

Kurniawati Hastuti Dewi. Indonesian Women and Local Politics: Islam, Gender and Networks in Post-Suharto Indonesia. Singapore: NUS Press in association with Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2015, xxi+246p.

Indonesian Women and Local Politics: Islam, Gender and Networks in Post-Suharto IndonesiaKURNIAWATI HASTUTI DEWISingapore: NUS Press in association with Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2015, xxi+246p.Indonesia began its political reform almost 15 years ago following the collapse of Suharto's authoritarian administration in 1998. As in many other democratizing countries, increasing gender equality in government became an important reform agenda in Indonesia and greater democratic freedom and increased demand for gender equality were believed to move women's issues to the center of social policymaking. The newly democratic Indonesian government introduced Law No. 31/2002 on Political Parties and Law No. 12/2003 on General Elections, as part of an affirmative action policy which set quotas for women's representation. These two laws were later revised into Law No. 2/2008 and Law No. 10/2008 regulating women's wider participation in politics and obliging political parties to nominate at least one woman in every three candidates to run in legislative elections.To date, women's representation in the national legislature has increased from only 8.8% during the Suharto administration to 17.3% in 2014. This means there are now 97 women out of a total of 560 members in the national parliament. In addition, Law No. 32/2004 on Direct Elections has lifted structural barriers to women running for leadership positions in local elections. This Law has helped a number of women to become district Mayors (Regent), Vice Governors, and Governors. In Java, the most populated island in Indonesia, there were five women elected as Regent, one Vice-Governor, and one Governor as the result of the 2005 direct election (p. 18).Yet, regardless of the increase in women's representation in government, Indonesian women continue to receive unfair treatment and are discriminated against in many social policies and practices. To name a few, the introduction of sharia-based regional regulations in the Province of Aceh and in 52 districts and municipalities since 2001 has expanded discrimination against women and limited women's freedom of expression (Bush 2008, 176). Misogynist policies continue to be put in place. In 2013, the National Ulama Council (MUI), for example, supported the initiative of some Regents to require female students to undertake a virginity test in order to get into high schools (Kompas 2013). Meanwhile, Indonesia's Military and the National Police continue to require female candidates to pass virginity tests before joining (Russin 2015). It was only recently that Indonesia's Constitutional court rejected an application made by women activists to increase the marriageable age for girls from 16 years old, as stated in Article 7(1) of the 1974 Marriage Law, to 18 (Sciortino 2015). The legislative review was initiated due to the increasing risks of unwanted pregnancies, sexual disease, maternal health hazards, and violence as girls at the age of 16 are not mentally and physically ready to enter marriages. Women and human rights activists argue that this continuing discrimination against women is the result of many contributing factors, from Indonesia's misogynist socio-cultural tradition and poor gender-based policy making to a lack of women's representation in government.The issue of whether or not an increase in women's representation in government will lead to the advancement of women's issues, in fact, has become a subject of scholarly debate among political scientists. The debate centers on the role of democracy in improving women's access to political positions, thereby enabling the women elected to pass more women-friendly policies (Fallon et al. 2012). Researching women's representation in the legislature and its impact on advancing women's issues into women's friendly policies in the United States, Osborn (2012, 1, 6) argues that while many people expect women elected to public office to address women's policy concerns and represent women's needs, it is, in fact, political parties that work in shaping and influencing women legislators in addressing their agenda and producing policies that affect them positively. …

A father’s legacy ignites a daughter’s fire

No abstract available.

A Modest Apostle: Thecla and the History of Women in the Early Church by Susan E. Hylen

Hylen argues against previous interpreters who have understood 1 Timothy as work that seeks to restrict leadership of noting that this perspective assumes that 1) letter points to celibate groups of women as opponents; 2) letter presents a consistent set of norms for women's behavior that were strictly enforced; and 3) marriage restricts women's freedom (70).Hylen rejects notion that letter must address a single group of opponents and finds in 1 Timothy inconsistency-familiar from Greco-Roman sources-whereby women are called upon to be modest (and thus restrained in speech), yet are also depicted as playing leadership roles in community (according to Hylen's reading of 1 Timothy 3.11-13).Furthermore, Hylen argues that if marriage, as she argued in Chapter Two, is an avenue toward leadership for women, not a simple roadblock (69), then it is possible that the author [of 1 Timothy] validates most common path for women to accrue honor and social status: they should marry, bear children, and manage their households (69).

Offloaded: Women's Sex Work Migration across the South China Sea and the Gendered Antitrafficking Emigration Policy of the Philippines

Economic globalization has increased the accessibility and scope of sexual labor markets in various parts of the world, which have become increasingly reliant upon migrant labor. This essay examines the labor migration of independent sex workers from the Philippines who turn to sex work in global cities as a form of livelihood otherwise denied to them at home. Analyzing how the Philippine government's antitrafficking emigration policy has hampered women's ability to work in other countries, this essay illustrates how antitrafficking policies can result in a paradoxical limitation of women's freedom of movement.