Women's Freedom Research Articles

Resilience, Alienation and Female Friendship: Resilient Women in Toni Morrison's 'Paradise' and Khaled Hosseini's 'A Thousand Splendid Suns'

This study explores the resilience of women, their alienation (spiritual or physical detachment from others), and the use of female bonding as a tool of resilience in Toni Morrison's Paradise and Khaled Hosseini's A Thousand Splendid Suns. The theoretical framework includes the Alienation Theory by Charles Reitz (2000), the Resilience Theory by Luthans et al. (2006) and the concept of Female Friendship by Elizabeth Abel (1981). The wearisome experience of the women in both of these novels is such a situation that they form mutual connections to compensate for the loss of mother/father love, face harsh social circumstances, and fight against the challenges created by gender differences. Female friendship becomes a powerful tool that helps women in combatting patriarchal oppression and a weapon of struggle to be free from societal pressures which give them a sense that they are objects. Toni Morrison's Paradise, by portraying the failure of women's relationships, exposes the ubiquitous power of patriarchy and relevant challenges. Even then, there is a spiritual kind of optimism that the death of women is in fact a future prediction of women's freedom from patriarchy. Similarly, Khaled Hosseini ends A Thousand Splendid Suns on an optimistic note that a woman builds a home for abandoned and deserted women. Thus the women show resilience in hard times by making mutual bonds and then struggling for liberation. It signifies that both of these writers have affiliations with feministic ideals of women's liberation. This study lays the foundation for further research in resilience studies in combination with alienation and female friendship in these novelists.

Presence of the Female Persona in the Poetry of Nizar Qabbani

This article revolves around the female poet's ego in the poetry of Nizar Qabbani, and we have concluded that the death of “Wesal,” the poet's sister, had an impact on him, as he became a supporter of women's rights, pushing them to control their lives, bodies and destiny, and making the cause of women the most loyal and important rank in his collections until 1967. Qabbani chose to speak for women and to be persuaded by her mask so that his poetry would have the strongest impact on people, to reflect many types of women's pains and issues in Eastern society, and to freely reveal the feelings, thoughts and anger in his chest that were considered forbidden at that time. The cause of freedom, which was adopted by Qabbani was limited in its first stage to women's freedom, and for this reason, the poems of the female poet ego abounded, so that we receive the voice of women who demand freedom in all its colors and spectrums and in various fields. Diary of an Indifferent Woman, published in 1968, was dedicated by the poet to the female poet's ego to speak with the voice of women, summarize all their issues, and declare a revolution against society in the face of all the injustices they face, summarizing a partial stage, which is the stage of the absolute women's freedom in order to move to a more comprehensive and broader stage, which is the stage of mankind at large. After the 1967 war, the issue of freedom expanded to the level of the Arab nation and the human being in general, male and female, so the voice of the female poet ego representing women decreased, and the voice of the masculine poet ego, which represents human beings at large aroused.

The Ethics of Freedom in Consumption: An Ethnographic Account of the Social Dimensions of Supermarket Shopping for Moroccan Women.

This research brings together insights from philosophy, political theory, and consumer research in conceptualizing and empirically examining the social dimension of negative and positive freedom in consumption. Drawing from ethnographic observations and interviews with Moroccan women regarding their shopping at the supermarket, the findings detail the roles of husbands, store employees, extended family members and friends as constrainer, protector, enabler, facilitator, indulger, and witness. The discussion explains a 'domino effect' in such innovative marketplaces, as these market and social actors together enact positive and negative forms of freedom in consumption in ways that co-disrupt social traditions. Implications for business ethics emphasize the need for greater theoretical understanding and practical transparency and accountability regarding the shared, yet disparate responsibilities among businesses and consumers for the changes to social traditions that result in the joint enactment of women's freedom in consumption.

Religion, morality, law, and abortion policy

The abortion controversy often affects both religion and politics. Abortion is a highly politicized issue, as governments often seek to amend abortion laws according to elected leaders' preferences or the electorate's mood. However, few studies establish a causal relationship between leader preferences and abortion outcomes. In this article, we reveal whether the religious affiliation of legislators affects the number of abortions in the districts they elect, provided their party affiliation. The question is why the debate about abortion does not stop, why it becomes an arena of intense struggle not only around changes in the family, where politics is at stake. Regulation of abortion was not widespread at the time of the republic's founding, but it became pervasive within the next century. By the twentieth century, abortion had become strictly regulated throughout the nation. As time progressed, numerous states relaxed their laws in response to pressure for political change. Typical grounds for allowing abortion included pregnancies that presented a danger to the mother's life, resulted from rape or incest, or carried the likelihood of congenital disabilities, to establish a woman's freedom to choose as a fundamental national right, advocates for a woman's freedom to choose expanded their plan from the legislature to the courts. A natural person explains this by a lack of political commitment. We investigate the role of preferences of legislators around the world. In particular, since Muslims express more tremendous opposition to abortion than Hindus, we ask whether Muslim legislators are more effective in reducing sexual intercourse. Keywords: abortion rights, politics, liberal views, conservative views, embryo.

Hak Perempuan Dalam Memilih Calon Suami Ditinjau dari Perspektif Madzhab Syafi’i dan Madzhab Maliki

The problem raised in this research is to give freedom to women in choosing a future husband. In general, this can be put forward in the thinking of people whose relationships are still traditional, marriage is suggested as a necessity for every human being who has a desire for this because of encouragement from the closest person or is part of the inheritance of social traditions. This article also aims to find out the views of several Maliki and Syafi'i schools regarding women's freedom in choosing a husband-to-be. The choice of a husband-to-be is part of a woman's rights absolutely or there is interference from her parents. Because the incidents of arranged marriages and the practice of forced marriages by parents are still often encountered in everyday life in Indonesian society. The Syafi'i and Maliki schools have different opinions regarding women's freedom in choosing a husband. In the Syafi'i school, it is argued that for immature girls, a father, in this case, according to him, may interfere in choosing a future husband even without his permission, and for women who are married and then divorced (widows), according to him, there must be clear approval from concerned. Meanwhile, according to the Maliki school of thought, he argued that women are obliged to marry prospective husbands who are willing and have religion and good behavior, otherwise it will make a person a maker of slander and violence on earth. piety and piety
 Key Words: Women, Freedom To Choice Husbands, Parents, Madzhab Syafi’I And Madzhab Maliki

Impact of Algeria's Reservation to CEDAW on the Freedom of Muslim Women

It is well established that the international community, and particularly Western society, follows the belief that women, especially Arab Muslims, do not enjoy a measure of freedom, for the reason that they are not considered to have de facto equality with men in rights before duties. This has resulted in suffering regarding all forms of blatant discrimination and this is not in line with the principles preached by the human rights advocated by international organizations and conventions. The latter clearly necessitated the enactment of a convention guaranteeing women's freedom through equality between the rights of women and men and the elimination of all discrimination between them. All this aforementioned discrimination and lack of freedom resulted in the Convention on Elimination. On this basis, the rationale of the present research paper and its objectives aim to shed light on the issue of women's empowerment regarding their rights at both, the level of international conventions as well as legal texts. In addition to this, the Algerian legislator had attempted to reconcile with the provisions of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms such as Discrimination against Women whether through the rules of family law or those rules that are derived from Islamic law.

Post-Colonial Indian Woman: Journey from Subjugation to Emancipation

In terms of emancipation, gender equality, female individuality and identity have become prominent themes in Indian feminist writings in the recent decades. The literary canon is dominated by men in most post-colonial countries. Patriarchal intellectuals did not pay serious attention to early feminist writings and ridiculed their radical ideas regarding women's freedom. It has become a natural social evil that a woman should not think about her freedom in India. This paper explores journey from subjugation to emancipation of Indian woman. Before independence of India, the Indian woman is not given higher education, not given social and political rights, not given economic security and she has to be dumb to ask anything for her existence. Unlike men, Indian feminist writers have been able to shine their subtle talents in the literary world. Indian feminist writers gave a new spirit to the Indian woman with the inspiring works of radical female protagonists in their novels. These works gave Indian woman new ideas, socio-political rights and economic freedom and she gained great confidence to stand with a man to show her influence in all walks of life.

Investigation of femicide in Turkey: modeling time series of counts.

This study aims to reveal the relationship between the number of femicide in Turkey, the female unemployment rate, the male unemployment rate, and inflation. The contribution of the study to the literature is that it estimates the relationship between femicides and macroeconomic variables with a method that incorporates the count data. The dataset was analyzed by using the INGARCH model, one of the most popular approaches for count time series data. This model is particularly attractive for dealing with serial dependence and over-dispersion. The findings revealed that an increase in the female unemployment rate and a decrease in the male unemployment rate increases the number of femicide. In addition, it was observed that the number of femicide in the previous month had a negative effect on the current month's number. Increasing the employment rate of women, and women's economic freedom generally, are essential factors in reducing femicide. To prevent femicides, policymakers should aim to increase women's employment.

Population, abortion, contraception, and the relation between biopolitics, bioethics, and biolaw in Iran.

The Islamic government of Iran recently passed and announced a new law titled "Rejuvenation of the Population and Protection of the Family." This legislation is a noteworthy example of biopolitics-influenced biolaw. In terms of abortion, contraception, prenatal screening, and population control, this law clearly contrasts with women's fundamental rights and freedoms and has significant health-related consequences for different sectors of the population. A historical review of the population policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran shows the occurrence of multiple abrupt and radical changes in such policies over the past four decades. This new law, promoted by religious biopolitics, is the most recent example, and places stringent limits on abortion. According to it, all decisions concerning abortion must be made in courts rather than in health clinics. Such courts are typically presided over by male religious scholars. This law also limits prenatal screening to the degree that will increase the rate of genetic defects, especially in the population's lower socioeconomic strata. By strictly limiting access to contraception, this law will increase the rate of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. This paper argues that such an influence of biopolitics on biolaw contrasts with the principles of bioethics. Still, Iran's current institution of bioethics cannot address it effectively. Therefore, a new model of interaction between bioethics, biopolitics, and biolaw is needed to prevent the detrimental consequences of such pieces of legislation. Such a paradigm shift is demanded by the current "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement of the Iranian people.

Under Construction: The Female Gaze in Women Director’s Film

Film or cinema is known as a powerful medium of communication across the world. As a result, the discussion of gender issues related to men and women in films has come up in various studies. The construction of women in the language of men in a patriarchal society results in women being seen in commercial films as neglected, omnipotent, male-dominated entities; Commodification of women is also noticeable in most cases. Because of this, it is not easy to find stories that glorify women and embody their power on the film screen. Several women filmmakers are working in the film world of Bangladesh. Therefore, it is important to see how the representation of women, women's aspirations, personal freedom, economic freedom and contribution are being highlighted in the films of domestic women producers. To find the self-identity of female characters, it is necessary to research the female gaze in films by women filmmakers. In this study the film Under Construction directed by Rubaiyat Hossain has been selected through purposive sampling using qualitative research method. Then the data obtained through the method of representation. This study shows that women have been searching for their identity in society for ages. The matter is still in process, women also want to stand tall as human beings but women are not able to come out easily from the enclosure of patriarchy. Modern day women are being stifled by tactics and cannot move forward without male support. Along with this, the trend of hindering the advancement of women by being a woman has also been observed. Women's struggle for economic independence and personal freedom continues under the control of men.

Catholic social teaching and the peripheries: the case for addressing prostitution

ABSTRACT Catholic social teaching (CST) has shown little interest in structural and social forces that impact negatively on the dignity and flourishing of women. Such inattention diminishes CST's credibility and neglects its liberative potential. This article examines an area of structural violence against women, the social reality of prostitution, to illuminate the imperative to expand normative CST to address specific experiences of women. Given the inadequacy of the Catechism's treatment of prostitution as an area of personal moral failing, a reading which fails to understand how cultural and legislative structures bear down on women's freedom and agency, a task for CST emerges. When CST principles are brought into dialogue with empirical attention to women's experience of prostitution, the tradition stands in solidarity with those who inhabit an existential and social periphery. The article argues that CST perspectives should nudge the Catholic Church towards proposing an abolitionist ethic in relation to prostitution.

Women Liberty through Colonial Oppression: A Short Study on M. K. Gandhi and R. S. Hossain

The point of the current paper is to reveal insight into women's condition within Indian Subcontinent during the colonial period. The investigation will fixate on the gendered place that women had to take, and on the male developed generalizations to which they were oppressed from an Enlightenment Feminist viewpoint. Begum Rokeya brought the social condition of women into mindfulness how a lady was obliged to comply with social built biases which made of her an item; all chances for education, prospect, freedom and improvement were shut to her. When the people of colonial India could feel the independence, they could realize the essence of women education. Colonialism not only depress men but also became the key factor to trap the women into a case-house. The permission of women’s education did not come automatically, but with a long struggle and well leading campaign. Only for Hindus, Mahatma Gandhi played an imperative part to support the dignity of women folk by stating that women were neither mere figures in the hands of male nor their opponents. Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, for both Muslims and Hindus, shouted the women's consciousness and women's freedom through education could play a vital issue to strengthen the man's heart for colonial freedom. They, both, wanted women's empowerment and equality in society; at the workstation; at the community, and even at family for sustainable-development of a nation. Their activism inspired modern women gliding to economic, political and mental growth. Nowadays, women is involving in all sphere of national or international sectors in the Indian Subcontinent

Black Ecologies (Humanity, Animality, Property)

Black Ecologies (Humanity, Animality, Property)

Woman, Life, Freedom: The Origins of the Uprising in Iran

Woman, Life, Freedom:The Origins of the Uprising in Iran Janet Afary (bio) and Kevin B. Anderson (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution An Iranian protester holds up a shirt with the name Mahsa Amini during the World Cup on November 25, 2022 in Qatar. (Charlotte Wilson/Offside via Getty Images) [End Page 82] In March 1979, urban Iranian women and girls and their male supporters took part in a week of demonstrations in Tehran, beginning on International Women's Day, to protest the new Islamist regime's edict compelling women to wear hijabs. The demonstrators expressed a deep sense of betrayal at the direction being taken by the Iranian Revolution, then just weeks old. "In the dawn of freedom, we have no freedom," they chanted. Their ranks grew by the day, eventually reaching at least 50,000. The movement attracted international solidarity, including from Kate Millet, who famously traveled to join them, and Simone de Beauvoir. At home, Iranian feminists gained support from the People's Fedayeen, a Marxist-Leninist group that had engaged in armed resistance against the American-backed monarchy before it was overthrown by the revolution. For a few days, the Fedayeen formed a protective cordon, separating the protesters from crowds of Islamists who were trying to physically attack them. But in time, influenced by a visiting Yasser Arafat and others, the Fedayeen withdrew its support for fear of weakening the revolution at a time when, it was widely believed, the U.S. government was ready to pounce and restore the shah. Over the next few years, the Iranian feminist movement seemed to die, or at least go underground. More than forty years later, Mahsa (Jina) Amini, a twenty-two-year-old Kurdish woman, arrived in Tehran with her family on vacation. Soon after, on September 13, 2022, agents of the country's infamous morality police arrested her on charges of wearing her hijab improperly. Despite her vigorous protestations, they took her into custody, whereupon, according to eyewitnesses, she was severely beaten. Three days later, she died from brain injuries. Amini's death struck a nerve throughout the nation. The state's refusal to look into the causes of her death, or to offer an apology, further fanned the anger of protesters. Demonstrators soon began to chant, "Don't be scared, don't be scared, we are all together." Demonstrations have taken place in more than eighty cities and towns throughout the entire country. As the protests have spread, young [End Page 83] women, even high school and middle school students, have ripped off their headscarves and cried, "Death to the dictator!" The uprising is rooted in red-hot anger against gender apartheid, and not only among women. As the renowned actress Golshifteh Farahani told Le Monde, what has made these protests historically novel is that "men are willing to die for women's freedom." Demographically, Iran, with a population of 85 million, is a very different country than it was in 1979. Fully 75 percent of the country is urbanized, literacy stands at almost 100 percent among people under twenty-five, and there are 4 million university students, the majority of whom are women. Meanwhile, the fertility rate has fallen to 2.1 births per woman, from 6.5 in 1979. Many issues besides women's rights are bound up in the protests: authoritarianism, economic stagnation and severe unemployment, climate disaster, and various religious-fundamentalist impositions. The current uprising also represents the public's response to the regime's colossal cronyism and corruption, and to its confrontational foreign policy and regional expansionism, which have isolated Iran and contributed to extremely high inflation in the country. These grievances have fueled other protests over the past few years, but the 2022 uprising is also distinguished by an ethnic dimension: Mahsa Amini was from Iranian Kurdistan, an impoverished, marginalized area with a long history of revolutionary resistance. When she was born, her family had wanted to give her a Kurdish name, Jina, but the policies of the Islamic Republic restricted their choices to Persian and Arabic names. In Kurdistan, the 2022 uprising has taken over whole towns—and the regime has not hesitated to use live...

Pandemic within a pandemic! Policy Implications of community-based Interventions to mitigate violence against women during COVID-19 in Urban Slums of Lucknow, India.

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought an unprecedented adverse impact on women's health. Evidence from the literature suggests that violence against women has increased multifold. Gender-based violence in urban slums has worsened due to a lack of water and sanitation services, overcrowding, deteriorating conditions and a lack of institutional frameworks to address gender inequities. The SAMBHAV (Synchronized Action for Marginalized to Improve Behaviors and Vulnerabilities) initiative was launched between June 2020 to December 2020 by collaborating with the Uttar Pradesh state government, UNICEF and UNDP. The program intended to reach 6000 families in 30 UPS (Urban Poor settlements) of 13 city wards. These 30 UPS were divided into 5 clusters. The survey was conducted in 760 households, 397 taken from randomly selected 15 interventions and 363 households from 15 control UPS. This paper utilized data from a baseline assessment of gender and decision-making from a household survey conducted in the selected UPS during July 03-15, 2020. A sample size of 360 completed interviews was calculated for intervention and control areas to measure changes attributable to the SAMBHAV intervention in the behaviours and service utilization (pre- and post-intervention). The data analysis showed a significant difference (p-value < 0.001) between respondents regarding women's freedom to move alone in the control and intervention area. It also reflected a significant difference between control and intervention areas as the respondents in the intervention area chose to work for the cause of gender-based violence. The SAMBHAV initiative brought an intersectional lens to gender issues. The community volunteers were trained to approach issues based on gender-based violence with the local public, and various conferences and meetings were organized to sensitize the community. The initiative's overall impact was that it built momentum around the issue of applying the concept of intersectionality for gender issues and building resilience in the community. There is still a need to bring multi-layered and more aggressive approaches to reduce the prevalence of gender-based violence in the community.

Doria Shafik: A Staunch Egyptian Feminist Ahead of Her Time—Damnatio Memoriae

Doria Shafik:A Staunch Egyptian Feminist Ahead of Her Time—Damnatio Memoriae Samia I. Spencer (bio) I was getting more and more conscious that Freedom is one entity—Freedom of Women being inseparable from Freedom of the Nation. I was convinced that there would be no free women in an occupied country and no occupied country with free women. Doria Shafik1 I decided to fight to the last drop of blood to break the chains shackling the women of my country in the invisible prison in which they continued to live, a prison, which being invisible, was all the more oppressive. Doria Shafik2 Today, if you ask educated and well-informed Egyptians who is Doria Shafik (1908-1975), no one is likely to know. If you ask the same question of Middle Eastern scholars or international feminists, the great majority will also have no idea. Yet in the middle of the twentieth century, Shafik was a household name in Egypt and beyond, not only as a dashing and controversial figure but, more importantly, as a renowned journalist, published poet and novelist, militant feminist, and political activist. Unlike [End Page 39] her distinguished mentor Huda Shaarawi (1879-1947)—the eminent grande dame of Egyptian and Arab feminism, and founder (1923) of the Egyptian Feminist Union (EFU)—whose name has made it into academic circles and textbooks, Shafik has gone from the pinnacle of celebrity to the oubliette of history.3 This article will focus on the consistency of Shafik's principles and action throughout her life, and her unparalleled determination and courage as she sought to achieve equality, freedom, justice, and political rights for Egyptian women. The Early Years (1908-1928) Doria was born at the dawn of the twentieth century, December 14, 1908, when harem life was nearing its end and slavery recently banned (1889) and totally abolished (1904), yet her grandmother still owned two slaves. The third of a brood of six, she grew up in a middle-class Muslim family, her childhood spent between two provincial towns in the Nile Delta: Mansoura, where her father, a civil engineer, worked for the railroad; and Tanta, with her grandmother, to attend Notre Dame des Apôtres, the same French school where her mother was educated. In this conservative environment, the precautious and perceptive child developed the unique aspects of her identity: aesthetics and feminism. A gentle and affectionate daughter, Doria was close to her mother with whom she shared an appreciation for beauty and the arts. Watching the Nile from her window, she bonded with the river, its eternal flow arousing in her a yearning for the absolute and enhancing her predisposition for poetry. Socially, she was surrounded by women: a score of female servants, including her French-speaking Syrian nanny, and numerous relatives, friends, and family members. The conversations they shared and the stories they told raised many questions in the mind of [End Page 40] the bright young girl: Why were boys always more privileged than girls? Why did women resort to witchcraft to have sons, not daughters? Why was she not allowed to go to mosque, but her brothers could? Why did husbands take second wives? Reflecting on her observation of the prejudice, humiliation, and injustice experienced by women, especially within the institution of marriage, she hoped to evade that fate. Early on, the seeds of feminism were rooted in her mind and continued to grow as various events and encounters magnified it. Shortly after the traumatic experience of losing her mother at age thirteen, the teenager went to live with her broadminded and understanding father, whose job had taken him to the port city of Alexandria, Egypt's commercial and financial capital, its most modern and most cosmopolitan center.4 Discovering a different world and starting a distinct chapter of her life, Doria relished a newfound freedom in a vibrant multicultural urban setting. Moving to another French school, Saint Vincent de Paul, she focused on her studies, passing the Brevet national exam—equivalent to ninth grade in the United States—with highest honor. Beyond that level, no secondary education was available for girls.5 Undeterred, Doria and a friend decided to study on...

WOMEN'S RESISTANCE IN THE NOVEL A THOUSAND SPLENDID SUNS: A MIDDLE EASTERN STUDY FROM THE ISLAMIC FEMINISM PERSPECTIVE

&lt;p&gt;This study examines women's resistance in the novel A Thousand Splendid Suns by Khaled Hosseini. The narrative of resistance was caused by women's rebellion against the culture restricting women's freedom in Afghanistan. The object of the study addressed in this novel is the life of Afghan women living in the confines of men and also patriarchal culture and struggle for freedom and escape from patriarchal culture. This study used a feminist approach conceptualized by Barlas feminism about gender equality between men and women. Data analysis involved several stages: data reduction, presentation, and concluding. The result revealed Afghan women's resistance to patriarchal culture in Afghanistan, a form of the cultural revolution in the novel A Thousand Splendid Suns analyzed using Barlas's feminist perspective.&lt;/p&gt;

The early marriage of the Tolaki Konawe community in the perspective of critical Islamic law

The Konawe people have a unique tradition of early marriage. Research from a critical Islamic perspective has yet to be widely studied in this tradition. This study investigated the initial legitimacy process as an ethnic tradition in early marriage. A legal ethnographic case study design was used in this study. Thirteen individuals participated in the study, including four community leaders, three indigenous peoples, two academics, and four parents of early marriage doers. In-depth interviews and observation were used to collect the data. Reduction, presentation, and interpretation are all used in data analysis methods. The study revealed three key findings: First, the chieftain decides on early marriage in the Tolakiness community. Second, decisions and agreements must be followed and upheld by everyone in the community. Thirdly, different legal systems—such as Islamic, Indonesian, or Western civil law—impact these judgments and agreements, which alters the relationship between law and freedom. This article argued that the Tolakian community needs to undergo cultural reconstruction to accommodate women's rights and freedoms and avoid coercive judgments from tribal chiefs.

Al-Quran as Arabic Text and Women's Rights in Public Space; A Pragmatic Study of Women's Contributions to Overcoming the Corona Virus Outbreak

Currently, women play an indispensable role in social life. Many have positions of strategic importance. Their contribution is not restricted to the private domain but extends to the public sphere. Not insignificant numbers of people become leaders of organizations, social institutions, political parties, and even nations. However, it is regrettable that many religious leaders continue to place women in subordinate positions, particularly in religion and social life. This study examines the influence of the interpretation of the Arabic text in the Al-Quran on women's freedom of expression in the public domain. This study focuses on their right to join social institutions that help overcome the coronavirus (Covid-19) outbreak. The question is, how does the Al-Qur'an view their freedom to express themselves in the public sphere? To answer this dilemma, we must first return the Al-Quran to its text as general meaning, then reinterpret it to fulfill a different context-appropriate purpose. The question is, how does the Al-Qur'an view their freedom to express themselves in the public sphere? To address this question, we must first return the Al-Quran to its general meaning before transforming it into another purpose that is appropriate for the context. As a result, the research employs linguistics as a science to evaluate interests from numerous angles.

Isabel Käser. The Kurdish Women's Freedom Movement. Gender, Body Politics and Militant Femininities. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2021. xvi, 240 pp. Ill. Maps. £75.00. (E-book: $80.00.)

Isabel Käser. The Kurdish Women's Freedom Movement. Gender, Body Politics and Militant Femininities. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2021. xvi, 240 pp. Ill. Maps. £75.00. (E-book: $80.00.) - Volume 67 Issue 3