Wartime Mobilization Research Articles

Two statisms of Putin’s ideology: from proclamations of patriotic values to welfare promises of wartime mobilization

ABSTRACT The article explores how the ideology of Putin’s regime is configured depending on the purposes for which it is used. It examines how the Kremlin’s attempt to mobilize the nation through ideology after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine aligns with its broader strategies of utilizing ideology. To understand variations in the Kremlin’s discourse, the study contrasts two conceptual configurations: patriotic statism (state as the ultimate value, requiring citizens to make sacrifices) and welfare statism (state as a means to provide people’s well-being). This framework enables us to analyze how different configurations of Putin’s ideology are employed in various political genres. The analysis reveals that while the genres of ideological proclamation, ideological indoctrination, and declarative justification are dominated by patriotic statism, welfare statism proves essential for the genre of mobilizing invocation. When Putin aims to mobilize the nation, the promises of welfare appear more reliable than mere rhetoric of patriotic self-sacrifice.

The Position and Role of Women in the Private Sphere of the Slovene Counter-Revolutionary Camp

This study delves into the transformative effects of World War II on women’s lives on the home front in what is now the Republic of Slovenia. It focuses on the Slovensko domobranstvo (Slovene Home Guard), a counter-revolutionary movement, and examines women’s roles within the family and their contributions to the movement’s ideology. The movement used anti-communist propaganda to emphasize women’s roles as key supporters of the regime’s social model. Despite traditional gender norms confining women to roles as wives and homemakers, this paper explores how women managed their dual responsibilities during wartime. Utilizing journals such as Slovensko domobranstvo and Domovina in Kmetski list, which were crucial educational tools for the anti-communist camp, the study highlights the daily lives of women linked to the Slovene Home Guard. The research contextualizes the division of roles between private and public spheres, emphasizing women’s adaptability and contributions within the broader narrative of wartime mobilization and ideological indoctrination. This exploration enhances our understanding of gender roles, the home front, and women’s positions during World War II in Slovene territory.

Canaries, camouflets, and carbon monoxide: making ‘Proto Man’ in Britain’s tunnelling war 1915–1918

ABSTRACT Focused mainly on the gas mask, historians of technology have paid little attention to the use of oxygen breathing apparatus in World War I. This article explores how an assemblage of technology, avian life, and experimental physiology resulted in the ‘Proto Man’ – a militarized mine rescuer vital for fighting Britain’s tunnelling war. Wartime mobilization of science pushed the improvement of oxygen equipment and the study of human performance. The success of ‘Proto Man’ was not narrowly limited to technical refinements of equipment or discoveries in physiology. Instead, this article argues for the centrality of the canary as a living gas detector endowing ‘Proto Man’ with more-than-human sensing of carbon monoxide. Easily surpassing chemical testing methods in utility and practicality, the trench canary provided an essential role for the non-human amidst the broad militarization of extreme environments during the twentieth century.

Change of the Management System and Formation of the Russian Wartime Mobilization Economy Model during the First World War

The problem of the economic transformation has always been one of the main issues for the economists of all times. Nowadays it gains particular relevancy. The first experience of transforming the peacetime market economy into the economy based on the wartime mobilization principles was acquired by Russia during the First World War, which is considered the first total war in history. To provide the army with all the necessary weapon, ammunition and food a concentration of all the powers, resources and assets was needed. To win it was necessary to change the system of the governmental administration by filling it with new content. The article highlights the main stages of the new management structure formation, which could face the challenges of that time; a characteristic of the new administrative bodies is given as well as the general range of problems which the government faced while reforming the administration system.

Gertrude Atherton’s WWI Propaganda to the Home Front: Mrs. Balfame, The Living Present and The White Morning

Abstract Gertrude Atherton’s Mrs. Balfame (1916), The Living Present (1917) and The White Morning (1918) address the home front audience about the war front of World War I. Atherton chronicles American political transition from isolationism to new internationalism with her pro-Ally and pro-American agenda. In her novel Mrs. Balfame, Atherton reflects political polarization in American society during the U. S. neutrality and anti-German stance, referring to the impacts of war reports on public opinion. The Living Present underlines French women’s wartime services on the home front and transatlantic collaboration through Atherton’s recollections. In her novel The White Morning, German women’s suffering and sense of duty gradually carry them to the war front with women’s revolution that brings their war to an end with Prussian militarism and patriarchal oppression. Thus, Atherton’s propaganda literature encourages women’s political awareness and wartime mobilization for their postwar progress and demands as citizens.

이용악 시 주제의 연속성 문제 진단

This paper aims to analyze Lee Yong-ak’s poems written during the wartime period in the Japanese colonial era, raise a question about the continuity of Lee Yong-ak’s literature, and investigate the phenomenon. The thematic criterion of literary continuity assumed in this paper is Lee Yong-ak’s political stance on social reality, and the periodic category is the wartime period (1937-1945). This setting implies that some of Lee Yong-ak’s poems written during the wartime period deviated from the flow of consistency in Lee Yong-ak’s entire literature. Lee Yong-ak, who used poetry to give shape to Korean people’s suffering in the Japanese colonial era through the life history of northern immigrants, faces the wartime period’s writing situation that forces wartime mobilization and the unity of Japan and Korea. It can be summarized that Lee Yong-ak evades the subjectification mechanism of the Japanese Empire by means of three methods. The first one is a versification error in poems themselves. By writing such poems, Lee Yong-ak achieves the purpose of publishing his works in pro-Japanese media as part of his survival and at the same time sets his works free from the field of evaluation. The second one is to list both pro-Japanese content and content that denies it in one work. The so-called “included outside” subjects camouflage each other inside and outside. Censorship approves the subjects of Lee Yong-ak’s poem as tools for the wartime mobilization system, but the subjects themselves slip from the net of such a mechanism in his own strategy. The third one is the arbitrariness of the subjects of ‘Orangkaeggot (Violet)’, which were utilized in Lee Yong-ak’s own consciousness, in the political group he belonged to, and also posthumously in the criticism pursuing the continuity of Lee Yong-ak’s literature. After the liberation of Korea, Lee Yong-ak chooses the subjects who are attacked and oppressed by attackers among the various characteristics of identification that ‘Orangkaeggot (Violet)’ makes possible. With this strategy, Lee Yong-ak’s literary world, which advocates nationalism after the liberation of Korea, secures the minimum justification for taking nominally nationalistic continuity. He restores the former northern locality and strengthens the literary continuity during the liberation period and in the North Korean literary circles after going to North Korea. By literary continuity diagnosis, this paper intended to say that the duality of Lee Yong-ak’s literature should be revealed in the horizon of evaluation rather than defining Lee Yong-ak’s literature in a certain direction.

이북명 소설에 나타난 노동 현실 연구

The purpose of this study is to examine the changes in the labor reality in Lee Buk-myeong's novels according to social situations. Novelist Lee Buk-myung started as a literary writer who embodies the vivid reality of workers lives in relation to the Bolshevik line of KAPF in the colonial era. His literary flow can be brought up by the following periodical segmentation. First, in the novel by Lee Buk-myung, the oppression mechanism that he directly or indirectly experienced while working as a worker at the Joseon Nitrogen Fertilizer Factory in Noguchi(野口) Konzern for three years from 1927 is concretely embodied. This is embodied labor reality of factory environment full of noise and stench, industrial accidents related to injuries, diseases and deaths, layoffs and unauthorized dismissals through physical examinations, and ethnic discrimination resulting from duties, wages, and various types of treatment. Second, it is possible to find the labor reality symbolized by the accumulation mechanisms in which capital and imperial ideology continuously tame workers and the aspect of worker resistance at the points of awakening that reject it. These acclimation mechanisms are achieved in the Joseon Nitrogen Fertilizer Factory through religious magazines that exhort integrity and diligence based on Protestant ethics. However, the tragedy of a colleague who eventually dies due to an industrial accident and unlawful dismissal becomes a trigger for the workers to start the May Day struggle. In addition, it criticizes the acclimation mechanisms of the imperial educational ideology through the narrative in which an individual who has been disciplined by the ethics of integrity and honesty under the general education system of Japanese imperialism quickly turns to an action based on traditional and instinctive agent in a dramatic crisis situation. Third, Lee Buk-myung's work, written as part of a production novel, a national literature that was forced on writers under the wartime mobilization system at the end of the colonial period, was intended to be a narrative of irony in order to indirectly criticize it under the oppressive situation of patriotism in the rear. It seems to follow the logic of the Japanese imperialist patriotism in the rear by using a sick engineer with no field experience, but implicitly, not only was I touched by the tenacious life of grassroots, not the spirit of protecting the country with electricity. Ironically, he criticizes the labor reality of wartime mobilization under the new system of Konoe(近衛)'s cabinet by causing bitter laughter by his weak and sloppy behavior as an engineer. Fourth, the period of peaceful construction that came along with the liberation and the rapidly changing labor reality under the post-war reconstruction construction and socialist political system is eloquent as the typical form of labor ethic of state socialism. This leads to the strengthening of a work ethic of selflessness that taboos individual desires and turns all labor into social work, and leads to a monolithic leadership system that follows it like a halo. Therefore, whole society is transformed into a factory state in the state of unity of ‘life=labor’ and ‘individual=nation(people)’ by driving all individual lives into a social plaza. In order for this work ethic to permeate all parts of society and for the state to become a factory for production, education and agitation work must start from the family, the smallest unit of society, and the ячейка unit within the factory. Public labor as a product of forced ideology and refinement, and propaganda novels written in the dimension of public-refinement, to reinforce it, can be said to be another acclimation mechanism that forms the fundamental basis of North Korea's view of labor and art.

Climax thinking on the coast: a focus group priming experiment with coastal property owners about climate adaptation

Coastal communities face increasingly difficult decisions about responses to climate change. Armoring and defending the coast are being revealed as ineffective in terms of outcomes and cost, particularly in rural areas. Nature-based options include approaches that make space for coastal dynamism (e.g., through managed retreat) or leverage ecosystem services such as erosion control (e.g., by restoring coastal wetlands). Resistance can be strong to these alternatives to hard infrastructure. Nova Scotia, off Canada’s Atlantic coast, is a vulnerable coastal jurisdiction facing such decisions. The emerging climax thinking framework was used to design 14 experimental online focus groups. These focus groups explored how three priming treatments influenced discussions about adaptation options and urgency and quantitative pre/post-tests, compared with information-only control treatments. A future-focused priming strategy seemed most effective since it fostered discussions about duties to future generations. The altruism-focused priming strategy involved reflections of wartime mobilization and more recent collective action. It also worked but was more difficult to implement and potentially higher risk. Past-focused priming was counterproductive. Further research should test the future-focused and altruism-focused strategies among larger groups and in different jurisdictions, reducing some of the biases in our sample.

아시아태평양전쟁 말기 일본의 군수동원법제 정비와 조선인 동원의 강화

This paper studied on the legislation process for national mobilization of the company and laborers, especially focused on Munitions Companies Act(Gunjukaishaho), and its legal operations both in japan and Korea, which led to intensive mobilization of colonial Koreans. The results of studies are as follows. 1. Legislative process - The concept of national mobilization originated from the Munitions Industry Mobilization Law in 1918, which was made after the model of German wartime mobilization system, and was actualized by legislation of National Mobilization Law in 1938 just after the Sino-Japanese War, finally reinforced by the legislation of the Munitions Companies Act in October of 1943, which was made for the reverse the tide in the Pacific war by producing munitions including air fighters in a high speed, which led to more intensive mobilization of women and adolescents as well as japanese men. 2. Logistics mobilization in colonial Korea - The Japanese Government General in korea initiated a logistic mobilization policy in October of 1944, which was similar to Munitions Companies Act in Japan, which was the result of the enormous pressure from the japanese government, munitions corporate group(Zaibatsu), and military powers. This was the very crucial trigger to intensify the nation-wide forced mobilization(Choyo) 3. Influence on korean mobilization - After the introduction of Munitions Companies Act in korea, koreans mobilized into munitions company in north area of korean peninsula and japanese islands increased in a high speed, which brought about under population in south korea. Nevertheless, The Japanese Government General in korea mobilized more koreans including women and adolescents in the name of Jyosei Kinro Teishintai or Kinrohokokutai to fill up the labor shortage in japan. The mobilized koreans were put mainly into japanese munitions companies, which were granted a number of favors for their pains and cooperations. That is the reason why the japanese munitions companies as well as japanese government won’t be free from the responsibility and compensation for mobilized koreans.

아시아태평양전쟁 말기 일본의 군수동원법제 정비와 조선인 동원의 강화

This paper studied on the legislation process for national mobilization of the company and laborers, especially focused on Munitions Companies Act(Gunjukaishaho), and its legal operations both in japan and Korea, which led to intensive mobilization of colonial Koreans. The results of studies are as follows. 1. Legislative process - The concept of national mobilization originated from the Munitions Industry Mobilization Law in 1918, which was made after the model of German wartime mobilization system, and was actualized by legislation of National Mobilization Law in 1938 just after the Sino-Japanese War, finally reinforced by the legislation of the Munitions Companies Act in October of 1943, which was made for the reverse the tide in the Pacific war by producing munitions including air fighters in a high speed, which led to more intensive mobilization of women and adolescents as well as japanese men. 2. Logistics mobilization in colonial Korea - The Japanese Government General in korea initiated a logistic mobilization policy in October of 1944, which was similar to Munitions Companies Act in Japan, which was the result of the enormous pressure from the japanese government, munitions corporate group(Zaibatsu), and military powers. This was the very crucial trigger to intensify the nation-wide forced mobilization(Choyo) 3. Influence on korean mobilization - After the introduction of Munitions Companies Act in korea, koreans mobilized into munitions company in north area of korean peninsula and japanese islands increased in a high speed, which brought about under population in south korea. Nevertheless, The Japanese Government General in korea mobilized more koreans including women and adolescents in the name of Jyosei Kinro Teishintai or Kinrohokokutai to fill up the labor shortage in japan. The mobilized koreans were put mainly into japanese munitions companies, which were granted a number of favors for their pains and cooperations. That is the reason why the japanese munitions companies as well as japanese government won’t be free from the responsibility and compensation for mobilized koreans.

Wartime Civilian Mobilization: Demographic Profile, Motivations, and Pathways to Volunteer Engagement Amidst the Donbas War in Ukraine

Abstract This article examines civilian mobilization amidst the Donbas war, Ukraine. It focuses on ordinary residents of the frontline regions who voluntarily got together to address the humanitarian and military consequences of war in the environment of lacking state support. It explores the micro-level dynamics of mobilization, particularly the demographic profile of civilian volunteers, their motivations to join, and pathways to engagement. In so doing, it provides an account of how ordinary residents of seemingly passive regions – Southern and Eastern Ukraine – become active in times of crisis. Contrary to the mainstream accounts that credit civilian mobilization to the rise of patriotism in wartime, it demonstrates that local security concerns and affective reactions to the heightened precarity of others are crucial factors that propel collective action at the rear. In the case of Ukraine, the efficiency of wartime mobilization was increased through the structures that emerged during the proceeding Maidan protests, as well as preexisting private and entrepreneurial networks. By employing ethnographic tools of inquiry, the article interrogates the mobilizing potential of seemingly latent communities in times of crisis and contributes to the literature on wartime collective action at the rear.

Generosity Betrayed

Between 1941 and 1945, Americans expressed outrage over Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor and subsequent military aggression. Numerous commentators, citizens, and opinion-makers looked beyond wartime atrocities and regularly vilified Japanese for the crime of “ingratitude.” Japan, they argued, had not merely attacked the country that had opened it to the outside world a century earlier, but had also declared war on the people who had saved its citizens in 1923. This article explores why, amidst the great whirlwind of wartime inhumanity, Americans harkened back to their 1923 humanitarian engagement with Japan following the Great Kantō Earthquake. Many did so, I suggest, to assist wartime mobilization, to lionize America’s righteous global stature, and to forge and reinforce constructions of their enemy’s sub-human character. Only humans, many angry Americans argued, understood or could express feelings of gratitude. Highlighting Japan’s supposed “ingratitude,” and their “betrayal” of America’s humanitarian generosity served as an emotive way to dehumanize all Japanese beyond the well-documented discussions of wartime aggression, treachery, or “innate racial characteristics.” Elites employed these constructions drawn from their enemy’s supposed ingratitude to help legitimate a brutal war waged without mercy against soldiers and civilians alike.

『총동원』을 통해 살펴본 전시체제기 ‘국민’ 형성 기획의 특징과 성격

This article analyzes the ‘Korean Federation for Total Mobilization of National Spirit(國民精神總動員朝鮮聯盟)’ and its organ ‘General Mobilization(總動員).’ Among the process, in particular, it focuses on the method and characteristics of making ‘National People’ in the wartime period. The ‘Korean Federation for Total Mobilization of National Spirit,’ a wartime mobilizing organization, which was launched in July 1938, focused on the administrative and spiritual systematization of Korea by mobilizing its administrative power. Therefore the Federation made efforts to attract Korean people into the wartime mobilization system by applying external pressure such as mobilizing laws, administrative bodies, and bureaucrats. However, this method of external pressure faced opposition and rejection from them. To their response, the Federation simultaneously tried to gain control of the inner world of Korean people via non-compulsory and cultural means, such as the official organ General Mobilization. These movements were aimed to encourage colonial Korean people to participate the war actively as members of the Imperial Japan and to reduce their antipathy toward wartime mobilization through non-forced means. In particular, General Mobilization was published to promote the wartime mobilization policy to the expanded patriots, and accordingly, the Federation wanted to recruit women, senior citizens and students who were staying outside the existing wartime mobilization policy.

A World Lifted off Its Hinges: The Social Impact of World War I on Hungary

As was true virtually everywhere, World War I brought about significant social changes in Hungary. As a consequence of the wartime mobilization of the economy, the relationship between employers and workers in industry was transformed, as was the relationship between owners of different sizes of estates and farms and agricultural workers in rural areas. In both spheres, groups emerged which were much better organized than before. Some of them were capable of coordinated political action, and the balance of power between them changed rapidly over time. The wartime government tried to ensure continuous coordination and reconciliation of interests between the various ownership and labor groups in agriculture and industry, but it ultimately failed. Beyond the military defeat, this failure was the primary determining factor of the events of 1918–19 in Hungary. By analyzing the group dynamics of wartime society and the wartime economy in Hungary, this paper seeks to outline the social and historical background of the political struggles that came in the wake of the war. It ventures two core contentions. First, the emergence of various agricultural and industrial interest groups and their coordination with one another and with the government in the aftermath of the war constituted mechanisms of integration that had not existed before the war. As a result, the diverse socio-professional groups in Hungary became more integrated into one society within the framework of the state. The second finding contention is that the counterrevolutionary regime that took over in late 1919 was more successful than previous governments had been in establishing a balance between the different groups of owners and workers and learning from previous experience, and this was why it was able, ultimately, to consolidate its hold on power.

MODERN TRENDS IN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF THE MOBILIZATION SCENARIO

The study focused on the current price trends in the development of the Russian economy in the context of the sanctions policy of unfriendly countries in the context of the economic security of the state. Pricing factors analyzed as indicators that significantly affect the provision of economic security. The author explores the historical experience of foreign countries during the wartime mobilization economy. The concepts of mobilization economy, mobilization scenario and strategic directions in appropriate conditions revealed in order to level and maintain macroeconomic stability. A critical assessment of the ongoing monetary policy in the process of the mobilization economy given from the standpoint of price factors that affect the achievement of goals and impede economic development, thereby reducing the level of economic security. Methods proposed for neutralizing threats to the Russian economy in the context of a price regulation policy under the conditions of a mobilization scenario.

코시긴과 그의 동료들 – 코시긴 개혁의 인적 요소 형성 과정

Alexei Nikolayevich Kosygin served as the most crucial figure in undertaking the economic reform of 1965 in the Soviet Union. The whole process of the 1965 economic reform, which was carried forward by a group of cadres with Kosygin as the center, had been closely related to a human network materialized through his political activities in Moscow. Kosygin was chosen as one of the principal economic managers by the central authorities of Moscow in the late 1930s. This promotion stemmed from not only Kosygin’s performance in works, but also a human network he endeavored to create with high-profile cadres in the Party against the background of generational transition in the Soviet society based on larger societal upheaval in the 1930s. The most crucial turning point of Kosygin’s political career was when he began to take charges of wartime mobilization and distribution of resources as well as asset transfers in the Second World War. As the war approached to an end, Kosygin took charge of reforming currency and abolishing the ration system, both of which were key post-war reconstruction policies, starting to collaborate with currency and financial experts hailing from the Soviet Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank of the Soviet Union. During this period, Kosygin accumulated experience in addressing the central issues of finance, budget, and monetary circulation in the post-war reconstruction of the Soviet economy and simultaneously familiarized himself with various attitudes of currency and financial experts regarding the future direction of the Soviet economy. Though Kosygin was out of the central posts as he was involved in “Leningrad affairs” for 4 to 5 years, he rather made a larger human network working in various economic offices and departments. Kosygin began to work in the State Planning Committee in 1957 and then as the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, which were directly related to his career in drawing the 1965 economic reform. During this period, Kosygin directed the planning and management of the Soviet economy in general, constructing the fundamental frame of economic reforms through especially working together with groups of economic experts at varying levels up until 1965.

Industrial Transitions in the Black: US Government-Business Relations in the Mobilization of Carbon during World War II

This article examines government–business relations in the context of World War II mobilization of the US carbon black industry. The topic contributes to the ongoing debates about whether this relationship laid the foundation for postwar US prosperity. The primary research question is: What role did wartime mobilization and the US government play in carbon black industrial transitions and changes in technology and productivity? The evidence from wartime records of the carbon black program shows that industry dominated the government–business relations during the period. The War Production Board was unable to effectively resolve or even report on disputes between synthetic rubber and carbon black industry factions or resist carbon black industry control over product prices and specifications and approval of government-financed plant construction projects. Behind the transition was prewar and wartime carbon black industrial research and development. Through the federal government’s cooperative research, procurement, and sponsored construction contracts, the carbon black industry applied its industrial research discoveries to transform its business model to high-efficiency production in the context of postwar expansions of transportation infrastructure, economic growth, and natural gas pipelines.

Against Parasitic Capital: Ending the Coronavirus Pandemic and Climate Wartime Mobilization

In Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency: War Communism in The Twenty-First Century vertritt Andreas Malm die These, dass der Klimawandel mit zoonotischen Ausbruchen in einem sich selbst aufrechterhaltenden System verflochten ist, das wahrscheinlich neue Pandemien auslosen wird und bezeichnet unsere gegenwartige Situation als ‚chronischen Notfall‘. In diesem Sinne verteidigt der Autor, dass staatlich gefuhrte Sofortmasnahmen gegen den Mechanismus des ‚parasitaren Kapitals‘ auf globaler Ebene und synchron ergriffen werden mussen, wobei auf die okologischen Lehren des ‚Kriegskommunismus‘ zuruckgegriffen wird.

Wartime Mobilization and “Improvised” Performance: A Discussion of the Drama Revolution of the Northwest Front- Line Service Corps

Wartime Mobilization and “Improvised” Performance: A Discussion of the Drama Revolution of the Northwest Front- Line Service Corps

The Mangement and Ruling Ideology of Government-General of Korea during the Incumbency of Governor-General Koiso (May, 1942.5 to July, 1944)

In this paper, the personnel matters during the period of Governor-General Koiso dominated by Shintoist supporters of Kokutai-ron(discourse on national body) from the Ministry of Colonial Affairs and of Imaizumi, the reality of the comprehensive administrative power, and propaganda(Kokutai no Hongi, moral Joseon) were examined taking the changes in ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ into consideration. The incumbency of Governor-General Koiso(1942.5-1944.7), who assumed the Governor-General of Joseon right after the announcement of the enforcement of the conscription order, was when the war situation became worse, and the correction of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ represented by Greater East Asia Conference and ‘Declaration of Great East Asia’ was tried in order to encourage the occupied areas to spontaneously cooperate in the war because the full-scale counterattack by the Allied Powers had been anticipated since the autumn of 1943. In addition, with the participation in the war of student soldiers, the implementation of conscription, severe delivery of foods, the mobilization of human and material resources such as conscription, and brutal exploitation in Joseon, the people of Joseon whose right to live were being threatened expressed their resistance and hostility toward the colonial rule. Koiso selected talented men who had been the former officials of the Ministry of Colonial Affairs, had personal connections with Imaizumi, or had been from Yamagata Prefecture, and assigned them the center of rule, and also in order to win over and conciliate Joseon officials in charge of the first line of wartime mobilization, he appointed some officials to the head office, and reformed the Gabong system. On the other hand, as the Japanese Government-General of Korea re-organized the administrative organizations and accepted the unitary control by the cabinet following the productivity boosting policies in order to simplify the administration of the cabinet, unify the administration inside and outside of Joseon, and strengthen the attitude to fight in Korea, ‘the distinctiveness of Joseon’ gradually decreased. Finally, when Shōwa Emperor and soldiers of Joseon objected political rights given as the price for the implementation of conscription, Koiso brought the thoroughness of Kokutai no Hongi and the foundation of moral Joseon, which had been affected by Imaizumi’s Shintoist Kokutai-ron(discourse on national body), to the forefront as the ruling ideology in order to suppress the resistance against the colonial rule and to reinforce wartime mobilization, As the ways to realize this, he established a leader training center, a science lab to investigate Joseon spirit, a special training center for young men of Joseon, a training center for young women and others, forced Shintoist cultivation and training represented by Misogi(禊), and made frantic efforts to implant the ideology of subjects and Tenno. However, the thoroughness of Kokutai no Hongi, the foundation of moral Joseon, a leader’s cultivation and training unilaterally proceeded by Koiso rather intensified many conflicts and resistance in Joseon society.