War In Spain Research Articles

„Potem przemówił komendant Brygady naszej tow. Hiszpan w języku niemieckim i tow. kapt. tłumaczył”

And Then the Commander of Our Brigade, Comrade Spanish, talked in German and Comrade Captain Interpreted. Interpretation in the International Brigades during the Civil War in Spain 1936-1939
 The aim of the present article is to describe multilingual interactions at the XIII Jarosław Dąbrowski International Brigade between volunteers of different nationalities, mainly Poles, and the Spanish population as narrated by Boruch Nysembaum, a communist from Warsaw and a participant of the Spanish Civil War. At the same time, it is the first presentation of onthe- spot memoirs written by a volunteer who did not return from this war. On the basis of his narrative, the article tries to answer the questions concerning the way volunteers, who lacked adequate foreign language skills, communicated with the Spanish population and with other volunteers, the forms of their communications, and finally, the specific characteristics of this multilingual communication.

Arguing Americanism: Franco Lobbyists, Roosevelt's Foreign Policy, and the Spanish Civil War

November 01 2021 Arguing Americanism: Franco Lobbyists, Roosevelt's Foreign Policy, and the Spanish Civil War Arguing Americanism: Franco Lobbyists, Roosevelt's Foreign Policy, and the Spanish Civil War. Stanley G. Payne Stanley G. Payne Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Stanley G. Payne Online Issn: 1531-3298 Print Issn: 1520-3972 © 2021 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology2021by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Journal of Cold War Studies (2021) 23 (4): 255–257. https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01050 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Search Site Citation Stanley G. Payne; Arguing Americanism: Franco Lobbyists, Roosevelt's Foreign Policy, and the Spanish Civil War. Journal of Cold War Studies 2021; 23 (4): 255–257. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_01050 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAll JournalsJournal of Cold War Studies Search Advanced Search The escalating aggressiveness of Nazi Germany in the late 1930s has logically absorbed the attention of historians dealing with those years, obscuring the fact that from 1936 to 1938 the European issue that often generated the most discussion was the civil war in Spain. During that period, according to Michael Chapman's tabulation, The New York Times devoted one-third more headline space in column inches to the Spanish Civil War and the “Great Debate” raging over it than to reports about Nazi Germany. This finding roughly accords with the results of studies of the amount of attention given to Spain, compared with Germany, in the debates during the same years in the British House of Commons and the French Chamber... © 2021 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology2021by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology You do not currently have access to this content.

War in the Air from Spain to Yemen: The Challenges in Examining the Conduct of Air Bombardment

Abstract Air power is a dominant factor in both past and modern battlespace. Yet, despite its undisputed importance in warfare, its legal framework did not correspond with the significance of the air military operations, especially before the adoption of the Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 1977. Even after this date, not all the particulars of air warfare are regulated by the positive rules, as the law is scattered in norms of customary character. Even more challenging process than reconstruction of the legal architecture of the air warfare is the evaluation of the specific incidents containing the elements of military aviation activity. The aim of the article is to present possible challenges arising from very complex normative and operational background of the air warfare and air bombardments in particular. The pivotal point in considerations is the forgotten inquiry conducted by the military experts operating within the established by the League of Nations commission reviewing the conduct of air bombardment during the Civil War in Spain. The adopted methodology of the commission could be considered as a reasonable and balanced approach of analyzing the cases including the involvement of the air power and a relevant reference in contemporary investigations.

El derecho a interponer recursos y a obtener reparación de los familiares de personas desaparecidas durante la guerra civil española

Este estudio se centra en el derecho a reparación económica y el derecho a saber la suerte o el paradero de las personas civiles desaparecidas durante la Guerra Civil en España y a recuperar sus restos. El objetivo es explicar qué recursos existen en derecho español para que familiares de las víctimas civiles de las desapariciones relacionadas con la Guerra Civil y la represión franquista puedan reclamar una investigación judicial sobre los hechos acaecidos, la localización y exhumación de las personas desaparecidas y, además, una reparación del daño sufrido, en concreto por el trato inhumano y cruel infligido por acción o por omisión a estos familiares tanto durante los períodos mencionados como incluso en la actual democracia. Planteo si estos recursos son efectivos de acuerdo con los estándares internacionales y si la reparación prevista resulta adecuada, efectiva y rápida.

Soviet-German Military and Economic Supplies in 1939–1941 and the Motives of the Soviet Leadership

The article examines the Soviet-German economic and military cooperation in 1939–1941 and the motives behind the position adopted by the Soviet leadership at that time. The author believes that the Soviet leaders' choice of military supplies was determined by both the experience of the war in Spain and their ideas about the potential theatre of military operations in Eastern Europe. The defeat of France, the territorial changes of 1940, and the growing threat of a military clash with Germany were among significant influences on the adjustment of the Soviet position. The Soviet leadership's ideas about the beginning of the war turned out to be largely erroneous, which led to a different contribution of German military supplies to the Soviet victory. The role of the Navy in the coming war was overestimated. A bid to overcome the technical backlog of Soviet aviation, demonstrated during the war in Spain, was successful. The role of tanks was underestimated. The author traces the course of negotiations on supplies and demonstrates the role of Soviet intelligence in reaching an agreement. Germany invested in the current needs of the population's consumption and supplying industry, primarily military. The USSR invested mainly in the future, which in the conditions of the Second World War, the Soviet leadership linked to the development of weapons production. German supplies played a role in the further general technical modernization of Soviet industry, which was a valuable contribution to the victory and contributed to the post-war development of Soviet industry.

Narratives of a Pandemic: The Year in Spain

Narratives of a PandemicThe Year in Spain Ana Belén Martínez García (bio) Looking back over the developments, events, and publications related to life writing in Spain between mid-2019 and mid-2020, I cannot help but focus on the second half of this period to account for the significant boom in life writing during the COVID-19 pandemic, which has had an enormous impact on how people behave, how they see themselves and others, and how they narrate their experiences. But before dealing with pandemic life writing, I will provide a brief overview of pre-pandemic lifewriting publications. What Happened in the Lifewriting Scene in Spain June–December 2019? In line with the Spanish taste for polemical memoirs and diaries from politicians, the second half of 2019 saw the publication of Mariano Rajoy's Una España mejor, José Bono's Se levanta la sesión, and Jorge Fernández Díaz's Cada día tiene su afán. These three memoirists share an effort to look back on their political pasts while redeeming themselves. The three politicians have been accused of complicity in various crimes, including fraud, embezzlement, corruption, and conspiracy. Although none of them has been tried for those charges, suspicions surely remain. The lengthy Una España mejor, coming from former President of Spain Mariano Rajoy, invites comparison with current President Pedro Sánchez's Manual de Resistencia, which appeared earlier in 2019, and which I reviewed last year ("Giving Voice"). Each politician gives their own version of events, some of which allow for easy contrast and comparison. Whereas Sánchez claims he practically saved Spain from the brink of collapse, Rajoy defends his presidency by arguing he left "a better Spain" than the one he found upon being elected. Former Minister of Defense José Bono's memoir is meant to shed light on some recent discoveries about former monarch Juan Carlos I, and former Minister for Home Affairs Jorge Fernández Díaz's book reads as a confessional, as he admits to having known of police recordings of Catalan independentist leaders. [End Page 147] Life, Interrupted—COVID-19 In the middle of March 2020, life—and life writing—were interrupted by the global crisis emerging from the COVID-19 pandemic. Active participation on the part of Spanish government officials in mass demonstrations to celebrate International Women's Day on March 8 made it hard to foresee what would happen in less than a week. Refusing to see the evidence offered by the scale of the virus's spread outside its place of origin and the speed of its transmission throughout the world, officials told citizens to go about their business as if there was nothing to fear, which was far from the truth. As it later became clear, they knew full well the scope of the crisis and the chances that it would quickly worsen. Failing to make this knowledge public right away, the Spanish authorities were a bit too late to react. President Sánchez announced a state of emergency or "Estado de Alarma" on March 13, 2020. In his brief statement, he repeated the phrase "Estado de Alarma" four times, while a cognate word, "emergencia" [emergency], featured a further four times ("Declaración"). The idea of military exceptionality was clearly emphasized with a discourse heavily imbued with war tropes, such as Sánchez's calling on his "estimados compatriotas" [dear compatriots] to do their "deber" [duty] and "combatir" [combat] "unidos" [in a united front] in order to "vencer" [overcome] the virus ("Declaración"). As if leading a country at war, government officials started giving daily news briefings, and a novel fixture of TV programing was the presence of military personnel at press conferences, informing the public in full uniform. Far from being perceived as maintaining law and order, the quite unusual appearance of the military in the media was scrutinized, and particularly in consonance with the martial language deployed, parallels were drawn with the legacy of the Civil War in Spain (Olza, "#ReframeCovid," "40 guerras"; Martínez García, "Memories"). Ever since the post-dictatorship advent of democracy in Spain in the 1970s, it has become a sort...

The Red Army and the war in Spain: a new collection of documents

The Red Army and the war in Spain: a new collection of documents

La nación contra el fascismo: PSOE y SFIO, 1933-1936

Este artículo propone un estudio del antifascismo socialista en España. Al respecto, se apuesta por situar la nación como referente cultural y político en el centro del análisis, y aplicar una perspectiva comparada con el caso de Francia. Dicho análisis se plantea para el período inmediatamente anterior a la Guerra Civil en España y toma como principal fuente a la prensa socialista.El artículo se desarrolla en dos grandes bloques, con la Revolución de Octubre de 1934 como hito. A partir de entonces emergió en el seno del PSOE un enfrentamiento por el control de la organización. El artículo se centra en el estudio de la corriente caballerista, considerada el ala izquierdista, a la cual se contrapone el caso del socialismo francés y, especialmente, el de la facción de la Bataille Socialiste, situada también a la izquierda de la SFIO. La comparación puede resultar relevante para observar la concepción del antifascismo diseñada por dichos sectores y la articulación entre las identidades de clase y de nación. De esta manera, el artículo pretende acercarse a qué había más allá de la divisa del antifascismo, qué referentes e ideas hubo en su forja y crecimiento.

La Casa de España: un fallido proyecto institucional del falangismo en Buenos Aires (1940-1942)

This paper studies the constitution of Casa de Espana (House of Spain), an entity that operated in the city of Buenos Aires between 1940 and 1942 with the purpose of providing a new institutional framework to the Falange Espanola Tradicionalista and the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista in Argentina and bringing together different supporters of Francoist regime existing in the city after the end of the Civil War in Spain. Resistance and oppositions generated by this associative project imposed from Spain are analyzed in the nucleus of the Spanish immigration community of Buenos Aires.

Frida Stewart in Spain: Administering humanitarian aid during the Spanish Civil War

When a failed military coup provoked civil war in Spain in July 1936, the Spanish government made a worldwide plea for assistance. More than 2500 British men answered the call, taking up arms in defence of the democratically-elected Republican government. While this show of international solidarity has been widely documented, much less attention has been given to the massive response made by British women. Thousands of women organized nationwide campaigns to send aid to Spain. One of these women was Frida Stewart (1910–96), a young musician with a strong social conscience. As is the case with so many other women, Frida’s recollections, her memoir and correspondence, upon which the following essay is closely based, constitute a valuable historical resource for the analysis of women’s experiences during the war and give voice to those whose stories have previously gone unheard.

The Academic Resizing of the War in Spain

Eighty years after both the end of the war in Spain and the beginning of a new war on European soil, we are facing a situation of both accelerated information and of reductionism in the stories about the past, often for very ‘presentist’ motivations. In such a context, it is even more difficult than usual to anticipate the place that the Spanish conflict will occupy in academic study and social debate in the next two decades, the period remaining until the conflict's 100-year anniversary. But historians seeking to re-evaluate or ‘re-size’ the Spanish war face two primary tasks: to place Spain back at the heart of our understanding of the interwar European crisis and to develop a robust interpretation of the war, one which can challenge presentist distortions of its history and help Spain build a healthier society around a fairly shared understanding of the past.

On Historicising the War in Spain

In the early 2000s a popular British history magazine commissioned me to write a historiographical essay on the war of 1936–9 in Spain, only then to say that they wouldn't be able to publish my text because their readers ‘wouldn't recognise in it the war they knew’. The essay I'd written analysed the conflict in 1930s Spain in the context of the many cognate ones catalysed across continental Europe by the war of 1914–8. All these conflicts were, in one way or another, conflicts between those who wanted to preserve the hierarchical social and political structures of the pre-1914 European world, already shaken by the First World War, and those who sought to effect some form of levelling social and political change, whether by reformist or revolutionary means. Everywhere, including in Spain, such conflicts arose from a common hinterland of accelerating urbanisation, industrialisation and, crucially, from the accompanying processes of increasing migration from countryside to city.

The Holy See's policy in Spain in 1832-1835: between Carlists and Cristinos

The present article studies some aspects of foreign policy of the Holy See in Spain during the First Carlist War (1833-40). The paper is based on materials from Vatican secret archives (Secretariat of state archives, international policy fund). Some previous investigations in that field are shown and discussed. Letters of the apostolic nuncio in Spain in 18271833 F. Tiberi and of the nuncio in 18331835 (not recognized by the Spanish government) L. Amat to the secretary of state cardinal T. Bernetti are studied. The attitude of the Pope's representatives towards the Carlist movement is shown. The article states that F. Tiberi was against the direct interference of the Holy See in the war in Spain. L. Amat sympathized with the Carlists, but did not believe in their victory. Therefore, he considered that the Holy See should not officially recognize neither side of the conflict. After the suppression of the Society of Jesus in Spain in July 1835, the nuncio was recalled from Madrid. The diplomatic relations between the liberal government in Madrid and the Holy See were broken. The break of relations led to negative consequences for the positions of Church in Spain.

МЕСТО И РОЛЬ СССР ПО РАЗРЕШЕНИЮ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА В ИСПАНИИ (1936–1939)

Nowadays, there is a strong need for the multidimensional socio-political comprehension of the Russia’s modern stage development. This stage allows us making a research on the reforms’ results in the context of the state institutions. The process of the certain results and meaning rethinking of these changes both on the post-soviet space en bloc and in Russia in particular. This article in this sense is aimed at the investigation of the state’s role and place in the historical dimension. The permanent interest to the state’s role and place as well as the variety of its interactions with other countries is caused in the modern world by the modern states’ crisis. The article in this case is very topical and does cover the military political conflict in Spain and the participation of the USSR in it throughout 1936–1939. The main reason of the republicans’ defeat, according to the authors’ opinion, was the change in the USSR’s foreign policy line and as a result the cease of the economic and military help to the republicans government, the remoteness of the civil war combat fields in Spain and also the all-round military and economic help of the fascist coalition which did take part in the direct intervention on the Iberian peninsula. Alongside with this during the period since august 1939 until march 1939 USSR by lending the military and economic help to Spain did clearly demonstrate its priorities which were the fight against the international fascism and trotskyism, militarism and the unhidden aggression against the republic. The military counselors under the conditions of the modern state war did gain the experience in the planning and participation in the big-scale strategic operations. Lastly, on the threshold of the World War ΙΙ the civil war in Spain is considered to be the largest military political conflict of the mid-30s in the 20th century. The subjects of this conflict was from one side the Spanish republic and from the other one the united forces of the coupists and their allies whereas the object of the conflict was all the absoluteness of the political power.

La Red Telefónica de Guipúzcoa durante la Guerra Civil Española

Son conocidos los análisis sobre la economía, finanzas y algunos sectores industriales en la Guerra Civil Española. En cambio, ha sido relativamente poco estudiado el papel jugado en dicha contienda por el sector de las telecomunicaciones. Analizamos aquí un caso concreto: la gestión durante el conflicto de la Red Telefónica Provincial de Guipúzcoa (RTG), que estuvo desde finales de septiembre de 1936 bajo control franquista excepto la central telefónica de Eibar que siguió en zona republicana hasta marzo de 1937.En base a documentos de diferentes archivos, se analizan diversos aspectos que ejemplifican la importancia estratégica de las redes telefónicas en la Guerra Civil, en este caso la guipuzcoana.En conclusión, se valida parcialmente, con el caso concreto de la RTG, la importancia del estudio de las redes telefónicas para entender globalmente el desarrollo del conflicto, haciéndose necesario extender el análisis a la Compañía Telefónica Nacional de España.

Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War

Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.

The Beginning of the Civil War in Spain (1936-1939) in the Russian Emigrant Vision

The article examines the assessments given by the Russian Overseas’ press, in connection with the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. The main reasons related to the internal and international aspects of the events in Spain, the adequacy and depth of their coverage by the leading Russian political emigrant press of the main socio-political trends are analyzed in a comparative context.

The Development of Blood Transfusion in Spain during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939): The Contribution of British Doctor, Reginald Saxton

When a failed military coup provoked civil war in Spain in July 1936, the tremendous numbers of casualties obliged the Spanish government to make a worldwide plea for medical assistance. Many thousands of people around the world rallied to the call, transforming the Republican Medical Service into a truly international effort. Some of those volunteers worked in emergency blood transfusion facilities, carrying out pioneering transfusion work in primitive and often dangerous conditions. Among the most notable of these volunteers were Canadian surgeon Norman Bethune and British doctor Reginald Saxton. Working alongside them were American, Italian and Spanish assistants, many of whom remain nameless. All played vital roles in the saving of lives and all took their lead from one man—the young Catalan haematologist, Frederic Duran Jordà, director of the Blood Transfusion Service of the Republican Army, and indisputable pioneer of Civil War blood transfusion medicine.

The First Carlist War (1833–40), insurgency, Ramón Cabrera, and expeditionary warfare

ABSTRACT The period 1833 to 1840 witnessed a brutal civil war in Spain waged between insurgent Carlists and the government Cristinos. The Carlists managed to secure reliable territorial control only over one part of Spain (upland Navarra and rural parts of the neighbouring Basque provinces). Although pockets of armed Carlism flourished elsewhere in Spain, especially in Catalonia, Aragón and Galicia, these insurgents were ineffective at coordinating actions. The Carlist court in the Basque country tried to break its strategic blockade by launching a series of expeditions into Cristino-held territory in the hope of destabilising the Madrid regime and consolidating distant insurrections. This article explains how and why these expeditions scored tactical victories but strategic failures. In particular it argues that Carlist raiding strategy was a failure, for its use of violence against real and imagined enemies in marginal and Cristino areas of control alienated civilian support.

Guerra española, guerra santa: apuntes a partir de una controversia conceptual en Argentina (1936-1937)

En el siguiente artículo exploramos, a partir de una breve, pero intensa controversia intelectual en torno al concepto de guerra santa para comprender la Guerra Civil Española en la revista católica argentina Criterio, el conflicto en la península ibérica como una instancia usada por el nacionalcatolicismo para legitimar su propia batalla contra el liberalismo argentino. Luego de proponer la hipotesis que guia el presente artículo, describimos los rasgos fundamentales del catolicismo argentino hacia la década de 1930 para comprender el contexto sobre el cual el conflicto español vino comprendido en el país del Cono Sur. Además, en la misma sección, presentamos brevemente la revista Criterio, nacida en el contexto de un renacimiento católico, siendo la fuente principal de la presente reflexión. En último lugar, exploramos la controversia conceptual entre los colaboradores de Criterio y el filósofo francés Jacques Maritain para, atendiendo especialmente la trayectoria intelectual de Julio Meinvielle uno de los mediadores católicos más importantes del siglo XX, realizar una propuesta para futuras pesquisas.