Bible Translation Research Articles

Functional equivalence: Eugene Nida’s theory, its challenge for Bible Translation, and its theological burden

The paper describes and evaluates the theory of Nida’s translation approach, its significance and its shortcomings.

Litany of Excruciatingly Difficult Choices: The Making of Bibelen 2020

Two events have the potential to define a Hebrew scholar's career. One is if a major text find (such as Qumran) takes place. The other is if a major bible translation project is launched. It has been my great fortune and misfortune that this did in fact happen on my watch.

Rabbi Jesus in Martin Luther’s Bible Translations

Abstract This article explores the figure of Jesus as teacher in Martin Luther’s translation of the New Testament by analysing Luther’s translation of the word “rabbi.” In three of the four Gospels, several interlocutors call Jesus “rabbi.” In his earliest translation (1522), Luther rendered the word as “master” in almost all the verses where the word appeared. However, in the editions of the New Testament that appeared in 1526–30, Luther revised the translation and reinstated “rabbi” as a valid title of Jesus. In order to understand Luther’s meaningful reconsideration of one of the main biblical titles of Jesus, the article discusses Luther’s translation practice, his general view on biblical titles and his employment of the term “rabbi” in polemics. The article suggests that rather than anti- or pro-Jewish sentiments, Luther’s view on the figure of Jesus as teacher enabled the revision in the translation. For Luther, the word “rabbi” was a locus where the Jewish and the Christian met, where the historical Jesus could by glimpsed and the unique qualities of Jesus as a teacher, as the only teacher, could be expressed.

Słownictwo religijne a reformacja. Głos w dyskusji nad konfesyjnym zróżnicowaniem polskiej leksyki w XVI w.

RELIGIOUS VOCABULARY AND THE REFORMATION: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE DISCUSSION ON THE CONFESSIONAL DIVERSITY OF THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY POLISH LEXICON The article addresses the problem of the confessional diversity of sixteenth-century Polish religious vocabulary. It revises the arguments put forward by other academics and formulates new research recommendations. Focusing on the lexicon of Polish Lutheranism, which has so far received little scholarly attention, the article examines the vocabulary used in the polemical texts by one of the main representatives of the Polish Reformation: the Lutheran Erazm Gliczner. Based on the analysis of two groups of confessional terms: 1. repentance [pokajanie] – reflection [upamiętanie], 2. the Catholic church [Kościół] – the Protestant church [Zbór], we claim that the author does not avoid words that belong to the Catholic lexicon, but distances himself from the terminology used by representatives of radical, anti-Trinitarian denominations. Our findings help to revise certain popular ideas, conclusions drawn from the analysis of Polish translations of the Bible, as well as linguistic commentaries of the translators. It is thus essential that the research in the field of the sixteenth-century Polish religious vocabulary should be continued and should include texts other than Bible translations, i.e., texts whose authors’ word choice was determined by different factors.

COVID-19 vaccination hesitancy in South Africa: Biblical discourse

Churches have always been regarded as a safe haven during calamities. This changed during COVID-19 lockdown when churches were forced to shut down. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed a new normal to the world at large, calling for immediate action from authorities and introducing vaccination as an antidote. However, some religious practitioners as a vehicle of change through the institution of the church have been acting on the contrary because it discourages the uptake of vaccines, leading to vaccine hesitancy. COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy has been observed in the Christian community because Christians use Bible verses as a scapegoat for not getting a jab. There is a chasm that exists between faith and science, and it perpetuates the discourse of vaccine hesitancy.Contributions: This article applies a qualitative descriptive phenomenological approach and seeks to address the conspiracy theories and the use of Bible verses as discourse on vaccine uptake.

Making the Bible French: The "Bible historiale" and the Medieval Lay Reader by Jeanette L. Patterson

Reviewed by: Making the Bible French: The "Bible historiale" and the Medieval Lay Reader by Jeanette L. Patterson Erika E. Hess Patterson, Jeanette L. Making the Bible French: The "Bible historiale" and the Medieval Lay Reader. UP of Toronto, 2022. ISBN 978-1-4875-0888-3. Pp. 249. First written in 1295, with a prologue added in 1297, Guyart des Moulins's Bible historiale would be revised and modified innumerable times over the following centuries to address the changing culture of the times and the interests of medieval lay readers. Through his translation into vernacular French of the historical books of the Latin Vulgate Bible, along with chapters from Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica, Guyart created a Bible for French medieval lay readers and clergy illiterate in Latin. It would become "the most widely disseminated and most influential French-language Bible translation for over two hundred years" (4) as well as one of the "most widely owned books of any kind in French throughout the later Middle Ages" (28). In Making the Bible French, Jeanette Patterson emphasizes that Guyart did not simply translate the Latin Bible into French and create a static book. Rather, he foregrounded his role as author-translator to engage in dialogue with his readers, as he also invited readers to supplement the book with their own religious experiences and stories, and invited scribes to modify the work as well. The result, Patterson notes, is a "dynamic text" that is "sensitive to the variability of readers and of the cultural contexts in which they read" (160). Guyart's translation included glosses to assist medieval readers in the interpretation of biblical historical events, incidents supplying information on non-biblical historical events, prologues, translator notes, illustrations, and diagrams. Later scribes made additional changes, for example, combining other translations of the Bible with Guyart's histoires, adding new translations of prologues, or additional glosses from a Bible moralisée (160-61). The "modular structure" of the Bible historiale allowed it to be easily adapted to changing times (13). In her study, Patterson first examines Guyart's translation project, focusing on how the "interventions of its first-person translator work to construct the subject-position of the reader as a function of the text" that also opens "a space for actual readers to inhabit" (11). In chapters 2 and 3, Patterson studies the way in which the French Bible reflects and incorporates medieval literary norms, including courtly romance. In the final chapters (4 and 5), Patterson considers the "dynamic tension" at play as the narrator invites readers to "interrogate the text" and "complete the narratives in their own imaginations" while also, at other times, discouraging "readers' questions and active interpretation" (161). Patterson connects this concern for the risks of "reading and misreading" to themes frequently found in later medieval literature (161). Throughout her work, Patterson demonstrates that making a French Bible that would be "intelligible" and "enjoyable" for its readers required "not only translating its language, but also enacting a cultural translation" (162). Guyart's translation and its later variations [End Page 215] provide invaluable insights into the changing political, social, and cultural perspectives and preferences of its readers. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of medieval history, religion, and literature. [End Page 216] Erika E. Hess Northern Arizona University Copyright © 2023 American Association of Teachers of French

Denmark Vesey’s Bible: The Thwarted Revolt That Put Slavery and Scripture on Trial by Jeremy Schipper

Reviewed by: Denmark Vesey’s Bible: The Thwarted Revolt That Put Slavery and Scripture on Trial by Jeremy Schipper Jason R. Young Denmark vesey’s Bible: The Thwarted Revolt That Put Slavery and Scripture on Trial. By Jeremy Schipper. (Princeton, N.J., and Oxford, U.K.: Princeton University Press, 2022. Pp. xxxiv, 181. $26.95, ISBN 978-0-691-19286-4.) In 1822, Denmark Vesey, a formerly enslaved man living in Charleston, South Carolina, fomented an ill-fated insurrectionary plot against slavery. Subsequent court records make clear that Vesey was convinced (and successfully convinced others) of the incommensurability of slavery and Christianity. Perhaps more important, Vesey found in the Bible justification for the violent overthrow of the system. In Denmark vesey’s Bible: The Thwarted Revolt That Put Slavery and Scripture on Trial, Jeremy Schipper offers a novel account of the Vesey plot through a close reading of extant court records, sermons, newspapers, and personal papers. Much of this material implies that Vesey appealed to biblical texts to justify his use of violence, but the particulars of his antislavery theology remain shrouded in mystery. Schipper hopes to reconstruct something of the biblical verses and interpretations that Vesey might have relied on in support of a general slave uprising. Part of Schipper’s challenge, of course, was that “no writings by Vesey survive” (p. xxix). Indeed, as Schipper observes, “slaveholders’ extensive writings related to Vesey from the early 1820s provide much more documentation of their own use of the Bible to condemn his plot than of Vesey’s use of it to support his plot” (p. xxix). Despite its publication at the two hundredth anniversary of Vesey’s conspiracy, Denmark vesey’s Bible reads primarily as a review of early- nineteenth-century proslavery Christian thought. As a result, the title does little to convey either the contents or the basic framing of the book. To be sure, Schipper offers a close reading of antislavery Christian theology, especially in a convincing review of arguments related to Exodus 21:16. Still, proslavery Christian ideologues take center stage in this book. [End Page 350] In part, this focus reflects the author’s reliance on written and textual sources. Many African Americans living during the era of slavery experienced the Bible as an aural or oral scripture rather than as a literary text. It is quite possible, then, that Denmark Vesey’s Bible—that is, the textual sources from which Vesey drew inspiration—was only partially located in the text itself. Because enslaved African Americans were largely prohibited from accessing literacy, the Bible was, for many Black people living in the South, less a book to be read and more a series of stories to be told and songs to be sung, often outside the purview of the slaveholding class. One thinks here of Olaudah Equiano’s Talking Book episode. In this sense, Vesey’s Bible might be better located outside the authorized textuality of court records, printed sermons, or legal treatises. In the concluding pages of Denmark vesey’s Bible, Schipper argues that his book “has told a story of some early efforts—both hopeful and horrific—to define and control the Bible’s implications in the midst of racial terror and violence in an American city” (p. 127). He notes, “We could ask who interpreted the Bible correctly: Vesey and his fellow conspirators or proslavery apologists” (p. 127). Instead, Schipper proposes a curious equivalency in which Vesey as well as his proslavery adversaries “were not as invested in determining what the Bible means in the abstract as they were in what it implies for the deadly struggle against or the brutal enforcement of American white supremacy” (p. 127). But the violent, if authorized, theology of proslavery ideologues was in no way equivalent—either in its ethics or its effects—to the revolutionary theology of Denmark Vesey and his co-conspirators. The differences between these two positions are perhaps nowhere more elegantly described than in the keen distinctions Frederick Douglass drew between the slaveholding Christianity of the United States and “the Christianity of Christ” (Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass [Boston, 1845], p. 118). As a final word on the Bible’s relationship...

Kritisismo sa New Testament Pinoy version Catholic Edition: Isang suring-salin

It was year 2018 when Philippine Bible Society released a new version of bible that designed in accordance with the language of the new generation. This is a version that deviates from the conventional way of bible translation, bible interpretation and bible writing. The New Testament Pinoy Version Catholic Edition was considered as an alternative document which has a new or different stylistics that defined the biblical contexts i.e., the teachings and words of Jesus Christ. As mentioned, this is different from what has been the standard biblical version. However, this style of translating has been coincided within two languages i.e., Filipino and English. Code-switching is no longer new as a discourse. It was being used either in technical or creative writing or even in some specific pedagogical approaches. Code-switching in this regard may be considered as form or methodology or technique of translation. But what makes code-switching as a stylistic translation different is that it was used as a tool to translate a very significant document or canon that is considered as the greatest and most notable book of all times. Thus it became a linguistic instrument. This may now be considered that the usage of code-switching is already applicable in almost all discourses including a religious text like the bible.

Kent L. Yinger. God and Human Wholeness: Perfection in Biblical and Theological Tradition

Kent L. Yinger. <i>God and Human Wholeness: Perfection in Biblical and Theological Tradition</i>

Making the Bible French: The ‘Bible historiale’ and the Medieval Lay Reader. By Jeanette L. Patterson

In this impressive analysis of the thirteenth-century Bible historiale, Jeanette L. Patterson blends a detailed history of the text’s manuscript tradition with a sharp enquiry into the intellectual priorities that animated its translation into French by Guyart des Moulins as well as subsequent expanded versions produced in later centuries. It is argued that Guyart des Moulins, his successors, and the lay public for whom they wrote shared literary expectations that were determined by a range of historical factors: the waning importance of the Latin Crusader states; the emerging popularity of reading among the laity; and specific understandings of literature’s capacity to convey truth in biblical texts as well as in secular poetry and prose. On this last score, Patterson maintains that the author and his lay readers commonly evaluated the truth of a text by the spiritual edification that the written work produced in the reader. Such an approach to literary truth did not oppose truth and fiction, thereby allowing even the more fantastical stories of the Bible to advance the sanctification of laypeople without compromising exacting standards of credibility. In one especially compelling illustration, Patterson describes how two different versions of the Book of Job (one complete, one highly redacted) were juxtaposed in certain copies of the Bible historiale. By combining the more theologically conservative redaction with the unabridged text, the French translator gave lay readers the power to discern which version of Job they were spiritually equipped to read. Thus, Patterson helpfully uncovers how Guyart des Moulins’s Bible did not simply embody a clerical conservatism but actively empowered the laity through specific redaction and translation strategies. By interpreting the Bible historiale in this way, Patterson identifies a culture of biblical translation and reader reception that valued transformative reader responses above overly literal translation, historical facticity, or the imperatives of ecclesiastical control. The success of these arguments should make this book of interest not just within a range of disciplines in medieval studies but also in hermeneutics and literary theory. In fact, one of the most compelling aspects of Patterson’s argumentative approach is the way that she identifies the latent origins of hermeneutical thinking in the medieval translation practices studied here. We come to learn that Guyart des Moulins and his heirs were not simply rendering sacred text from Latin into the vernacular; they were engaged with the biblical text in playful, nuanced, and even daring ways that prioritized reader response as the engine of translation. Patterson’s project also offers a crucial anglophone counterpart to a growing investment in the study of medieval French Bibles within francophone scholarship, evident in the recent collection Écrire la Bible en français au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance (ed. by Véronique Ferrer and Jean-René Valette (Geneva: Droz, 2016)). Given Patterson’s thorough philology and insightful analysis, one hopes her book will occasion new interactions between francophone and anglophone discussions of vernacular biblical translations and their relation to medieval secular literatures.

Oral Bible Translation and Its Role in the Future of Bible Translation

This article is about oral Bible translation (OBT), its key features, and how it differs from both written Bible translation and oral Bible storying. The author draws on her own experience as a Translation Advisor on an OBT team, and also from interaction with other OBT teams around the world. The article proposes that internalisation is the key component or “ingredient” in OBT, and also discusses emotional exegesis and voice prosody as essential features of the oral translation process. Ideas are offered on how consultant checking of OBT differs from that of written Bible translation. The article ends by recommending intensive training on internalisation for all Bible translation teams, the development of notes on emotional exegesis and performance, and increased training for translation consultants on orality.

Seekers of the Face: Secrets of the Idra Rabba (the Great Assembly) of the Zohar by Melila Hellner-Eshed

Reviewed by: Seekers of the Face: Secrets of the Idra Rabba (the Great Assembly) of the Zohar by Melila Hellner-Eshed Nathaniel Berman Melila Hellner-Eshed. Seekers of the Face: Secrets of the Idra Rabba (the Great Assembly) of the Zohar. Translated by Raphael Dascalu. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2021. 480 pp. “It is time to act for God; they have violated your Torah” (Ps 119:126). It is with this verse’s urgent exhortation that the Zoharic sage Shimon bar Yoḥai announces the project of the Idra Rabba, the “Great Assembly”—the subject of Hellner-Eshed’s magnificent book. This project is nothing less than the tikkun, the “configuration,” of the divine personae. The psalmist’s exhortation, probably intended as a plea for God to act, becomes the Zoharic theurgist’s aspiration to act upon the divine realm. Moreover, Hellner-Eshed asserts, it is only through such a theurgical project that “religion” itself can be “healed” (4)—in our own time, as much as in the thirteenth century of the Zoharic writers. The Idra Rabba is perhaps the most influential composition of the Zoharic literature, largely through its impact on the sixteenth-century Lurianic revision of Kabbalah. Yet its extravagant anthropomorphism has also rendered it inaccessible for many, especially for those under the sway of Maimonideanism. Undaunted, Hellner-Eshed seeks to do more than merely make this composition legible to modern readers. Rather, she seeks to reveal its spiritual depth, imaginative power, and narrative virtuosity—and to enable us to experience, or at least glimpse, its vital stakes. Hellner-Eshed is a renowned teacher and scholar of the Zoharic literature. Her skill in bringing to life the most recondite texts is evident on every page. Indeed, the experiential dimension was central to her own methodology. The Idra [End Page 185] required her “to experience different states of consciousness,” as well as to “internalize a mythic language with a unique syntax, grammar, and inner landscapes” (5). Only thus, she suggests, can a reader engage fully with this strange text. In “configuring” the divine personae, the Idra elaborately depicts their eyes, noses, hair, beards, brains, torsos, sexual organs, and so on. A “surreal—even psychedelic” (4) atmosphere emerges as the text engages in both minute examination of anatomical details and hyperbolic magnification of fantastical dimensions—the latter exemplified by the “120 million worlds” dwelling within the “skull” of the divine persona called ʿAttiqa Qaddisha, the Holy Ancient One. The Idra interweaves these descriptions with theosophical symbolism, midrashic allusions, and biblical verses. “Configuration” is a translation of tikkun particularly apt for Hellner-Eshed’s approach—for the malaise which requires “healing” is what we can call the “disfiguration” of the divine. This disfiguration takes two principal forms. The first is the denial that the divine has a “face” in any sense but the most allegorical. Maimonides’s “profound influence in articulating a radically abstract theology” provoked the Idra’s “bold refutation,” with “personal and fantastical accounts of the Divine” (43). The second is the constriction of the divine face to an exclusively male, nationally specific potentate, the “King of the cosmos and the God of Israel” (69). For Hellner-Eshed, the Idra is impelled by the need to “heal” (22) this constricted divine face, that of Zeʿeir Anpin, the “Small Countenance” or “Short-Tempered One”—as well as the Judaism associated with it, “devoted to its dualistic, legal, systematic, and ethical aspects” (69). Zeʿeir is both the “omnipotent God of the Hebrew Bible” and a “distressed figure, a deficient and diminished deity” (52–53). Nevertheless, the Idra does not reject this deity but seeks to integrate him into a richer divine life. This “reconfiguration” requires bringing Zeʿeir in relation to two other divine personae: ʿAttiqa Qaddisha, “the divine as a primordial and undifferentiated being” (69), and “the Queen,” a female divine persona. Zeʿeir is a lesser progeny of ʿAttiqa, the latter also called the “Elongated Countenance” or “Patient One.” Standing alone, Zeʿeir possesses a “dualistic consciousness” and an excess of judgment (76). By contrast, ʿAttiqa is a “non-dual Divinity” (6) of pure compassion. ʿAttiqa has the power to “heal” his progeny, particularly through his...

A Burglar of the Better Sort: Poems, Dramatic Works, Theoretical Writings

A Burglar of the Better Sort: Poems, Dramatic Works, Theoretical Writings

The exegetical function of the Qurʾān in the Christian-Arabic Pentateuch

The influence of the Qurʾān on the Christian-Arabic translations of the Bible has already been recognized. The purpose of the present article is to take the discussion on the Qurʾānic presence in the Arabic Bible a step further by revealing more evidence of Qurʾānic interpolations and proposing that there is a possible exegetical dimension to the translation’s use of the Qurʾān. In demonstrating this, the article focuses on the first version of the Christian-Arabic translation of the Pentateuch rendered from a Syriac Vorlage . It examines the earliest attested manuscript of this version, Sinai MS Arabic 2 , dated 939–940 CE. The article offers an attempt to explain the various Qurʾānic direct quotations and ingenious allusions on exegetical grounds. More generally, the article contributes to Jewish studies by unearthing insights into the Qurʾān’s potential to interpret the Bible, and by probing the Qurʾān as a resource for Judaism and Christianity.

Translations of the Psalms in Old Polish Biblical-Apocryphal Narrative Texts: The Beginnings of Vernacular Religious Language

The Old Polish New Testament apocrypha are the most extensive written records of a Polish medieval religious language. The aim of this article is to analyze ways in which excerpts from the Psalms operate in these texts. No full Polish medieval translation of the Bible has been preserved, so it is the apocrypha that shape our understanding of the folk Bible in medieval Poland. Medieval authors came up with different translation strategies: formal and dynamic equivalence, as well as paraphrase and summary. The authors used the Latin text freely, adapting it to the subject, removing inconvenient passages and adding others. However, fragments of psalms are almost always translated accurately, word for word, duly accounting for the Latin word order. The manner of translating psalms is different from the way Old Polish authors translated texts they knew as bilinguals.

Almeida Bible—Keeping a Heritage Alive: The Historical Path and Current Challenges of a Seventeenth-Century Translation

Until the seventeenth century, no Portuguese person or any other individual had either planned or accomplished a full translation of the Bible into Portuguese. As research has shown, there is a significant quantity of partial Bible texts in Portuguese during the late medieval period, but it was João Ferreira de Almeida (ca. 1628–1691) who undertook the “first common translation … of the Sacred Books.” Since the mid-eighteenth century, the “Almeida Bible” has been published in different versions, first in the Far East—Java and India—and, from the early nineteenth century, in Europe and America. This paper focuses on the historical context in which the Bible translation undertaken by João Ferreira de Almeida emerged and the main characteristics of the translation. It also provides a historical analysis of the revisions that the initial texts underwent in their different chronological and geographical environments, and ends with suggestions for a new revision of the European Portuguese version of the Almeida Bible.

Doubting Thomas Joad

John Steinbeck in The Grapes of Wrath (1939) tapped a long tradition of biblical symbolism or biblical typology in American literature. As early as 1651 in his history of Plymouth Plantation, William Bradford implicitly compared himself with Moses viewing the Promised Land from the crest of Mount Pisgah. Nathaniel Hawthorne reimagined the Fall in Puritan New England in The Scarlet Letter (1850), casting Hester Prynne in the role of Eve, Arthur Dimmesdale as Adam, and Roger Chillingworth as Satan. Both James Fenimore Cooper in The Prairie (1827) and Herman Melville in Moby-Dick depicted wanderers named Ishmael. Abraham Lincoln described Americans in a February 1861 speech as an “almost chosen people.” Stephen Crane portrayed a Christ-figure named Jim Conklin (J.C.) in The Red Badge of Courage (1895). And so on.Similarly, as Peter Lisca observes, Steinbeck stages in his novel the captivity of the oppressed in Egypt, their exodus, and arrival in Canaan/California, in this case an ironic land of milk and honey.1 Or as H. Kelly Crockett concludes, California “becomes the wilderness through which the Okies must wander indefinitely, the land of promise still a mirage.”2 Steinbeck's cast of characters features a family of twelve, among them two Toms, a Rose of Sharon, a Noah, a Ruth, and a John, who represent both the twelve tribes of Israel and the twelve apostles of Christ. More to the point, Rose of Sharon's husband Connie Rivers corresponds in this scheme to the biblical traitor Judas, who eventually deserts the Joads to return to Oklahoma to become a tractor driver earning three dollars—or thirty silver dimes—per day to remove the drought victims from their land. In the last scene, Rose of Sharon offers her breast to the starving man in the barn (or stable); that is, she is characterized as both a latter-day Madonna nursing the Christ Child and Mary (the “mystical rose”) cradling the body of the crucified Christ as in Michelangelo's Pietà. Most obvious of all: the “preacher” Jim Casy, who not only boasts the name of James, the brother of Christ, but the initials J.C., which identify him directly as a Christ-figure. (As if to reinforce the point, the actor John Carradine, another J.C., was typecast as Casy in John Ford's 1940 movie adaptation.) Or as Martin S. Shockley long ago stated, “Jim Casy unmistakably and significantly is equated with Jesus Christ.”3To this series of allegorical identities I wish to add one more: Tom Joad as Christ's disciple Doubting Thomas. To be sure, Shockley first observed what is now a critical commonplace—“Tom becomes Casy's disciple”4—but no one has ever associated him specifically with Doubting Thomas. Certainly Tom undergoes a conversion in the course of the novel from indifference (“I'm still laying my dogs down one at a time”) to faith and conviction just before he leaves the family. He testifies to his new belief in his final conversation with Ma: “I'll be all aroun’ in the dark. I'll be ever'where—wherever you look. Wherever they's a fight so hungry people can eat, I'll be there. Wherever they's a cop beatin’ up a guy, I'll be there. If Casy knowed, why, I'll be in the way kids laugh when they're hungry an’ they know supper's ready. An’ when our folks eat the stuff they raise an’ live in the houses they build—why I'll be there. See? God, I'm talkin’ like Casy.”Shockley ends his quotation from the speech here—but in the novel Tom delivers two more sentences: “Comes of thinkin’ about him so much. Seems like I can see him sometimes.”5The last statement in particular is critical. According to the gospel of John 20:25–29, Thomas was initially skeptical when the other disciples report that Christ had risen from the tomb and appeared to them. Or as Thomas insists, “Except I shall see” Him “I will not believe.” Eight days later, Christ visits the doubting apostle, who testifies to his newfound faith by declaring, “My Lord and my God.” In the King James translation of the Bible, Christ then says to the previously Doubting Thomas, “because thou hast seen me, thou hast believed”—just as Tom Joad is convinced at last of Casy's omnipresence.

The Mistranslation of 1 Corinthians 11.26 in Vietnamese

This paper is concerned with the mistranslation of the Greek word καταγγέλλετε katangellete “you proclaim” in 1 Cor 11.26 in the first major Protestant translation of the Bible into Vietnamese, a problem that has continued to be reproduced in subsequent translations. The paper identifies the problem and discusses the importance of context in distinguishing the Greek second-person plural present active indicative and imperative forms. A solution to this historical translation problem is also suggested, involving the use of a particle indicating progressive aspect.

Redeeming Self-Awareness in Mental Health.

Kristene Diggins, DNP, RN, MBA, CNE, NEA-BC, FAANP, is a family nurse practitioner working full time in community health nursing. She and her husband are missionaries with Wycliffe Bible Translators. Kris also serves as adjunct faculty at University of Phoenix and Liberty University. The author declares no conflict of interest.

Euphemisms and Metaphors for Menstruation in the Old Testament and Two Ghanaian Bible Translations

Euphemisms and Metaphors for Menstruation in the Old Testament and Two Ghanaian Bible Translations