Representation Of US Research Articles

Guilt and Grievability at War: Military Accountability and the Other in Mark of Cain and Battle for Haditha

This article conducts a critical reading of the British war films Mark of Cain (Munden, M., 2007. Mark of Cain) and Battle for Haditha (Broomfield, N., 2007. Battle for Haditha.). Establishing the significance of cultural representations for politics and collective memory, I first locate both films in their historical and cultural contexts before I offer analyses that focus on the representation of US and British soldiers, Iraqi insurgents, and Iraqi civilians. I argue that Mark of Cain dissects how misunderstood loyalty, peer-pressure, and military organization facilitated abuses by British soldiers against Iraqi prisoners, but at the same time narrowly frames the Iraqi other as either largely invisible threat or hyper-visible helpless victim. In contrast, Battle for Haditha draws a more sophisticated picture of the Iraq war as a complex political economy with shifting allegiances and blurring loyalties that problematizes self-other distinctions. This, I conclude, makes Battle for Haditha an anti-war film proper.

Gaps, guesswork, and ghosts lurking in technology integration: Laws and policies applicable to student privacy

Technology integration and learning analytics offer insights to improve educational experiences and outcomes. In advancing these efforts, laws and policies govern these environments placing protections, standards, and developmental opportunities for higher education, students, faculty, and even the nation‐state. Nonetheless, evidence of educational restrictions, encumbered actions, and archaic approaches pervades the legal literature and case law demonstrating that these laws and policies do not always function well in evolving and emerging technology spaces. To examine these laws and policies of student privacy, the author employs the combination of a critical policy analysis, which derives from critical social research as a means to explore discourse and policy through drawing out the policy contexts, texts, and consequences, and Flood's liberating systems theory, which directs the analysis to a problem‐solving approach by examining the policy discourse from a systems‐thinking lens. Based on a review of 184 court cases, 74 policies from a diversified representation of US states/territories, and seven developed nations or multi‐nation consortia, this examination illuminates how context and text such as the type and setting of the privacy matter (eg, various freedom of information acts, educational records under the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act, and General Data Protection Regulation in the European Union) presents opportunities for protections and standardization efforts; however, they also illustrate significant protection gaps, guesswork and insufficiency around the type and degree of data subject consent, and ghosting effects of data subjects' protections. While the extant literature already supports aspects of these findings, it does not account for this holistic view of these three privacy vulnerabilities—especially in light of the principles to which these laws purport to achieve. Moreover, the three identified privacy vulnerabilities suggest overlooked inclusion of two overarching privacy concepts—transparency and equity. This study recommends that key actors in the policy construction realm (ie, university leaders, policymakers, and judges) should engage in analyses, dialogue, and consideration about transparency and equity by considering contemporary privacy problems in the contexts of artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and cybersecurity as a way to improve transparent and equitable policies in these areas rather than exacerbating the privacy dilemmas already in place. Practitioner notesWhat is already known about this topic In the United States, the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act of 1974 (FERPA) and the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA) are well documented evidence of privacy protections for education and health records, but they fail to offer sufficient protections for students as data subjects with emerging technologies. Existing federal‐level laws in the United States do not offer a systematic or uniform approach in the manner that data users obtain consent, so data subjects are largely unaware of what is being consented. Other than matters of consent, policy strategies based on student privacy laws (ie, voluntary consensus standards, basic practices to maintain privacy, an ethics review board, data/record retention and destruction, and data sanitation of equipment) are significant and informative largely from the university‐perspective, not the students as data subjects. What this paper adds A new comprehensive examination of US laws including statutes, regulations, and cases as well as seven key nation‐state or national consortia laws—especially the EU's General Data Protection Regulation and selected state laws in the United States, which offer consistent and greater student privacy protections. Insights about the principles designed among the laws, which centre around their application, essentiality, consent, and security. Attention to areas in which student privacy laws still present privacy concerns, but specifically identifying issues of significant gaps, guesswork and insufficiency around levels and types of consent, and ghosting effects of data subjects' protections. Implications for practice and/or policy Data subject consent should be established and consistent– whether an opt‐out provision, opt‐in provision, or some extensive engagement. Student privacy policies should incorporate principles of transparency and equity for data subjects and data treatment. Policymakers should consider now how the intersections of data subject privacy matters shall be addressed in the context of artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and cybersecurity.

Representation of Us and the Other in Epics in the 6th Grade Social Studies Textbook

Bu çalışmanın amacı 6. sınıf sosyal bilgiler kitaplarında yer alan destanların içindeki biz ve öteki olgularını tespit etmek ve nasıl/niçin kurgulandıklarını belirlemeye çalışmaktır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda çalışmada nitel yöntemlerden doküman inceleme yöntemi kullanılarak sosyal bilgiler ders kitapları detaylı bir şekilde incelenmiş ve destanların yalnızca 6. sınıf ders kitabında yer aldığı tespit edilmiştir. “Kültür ve Miras” öğrenme alanında, “Orta Asya’da kurulan ilk Türk devletlerinin coğrafi, siyasal, ekonomik ve kültürel özelliklerine ilişkin çıkarımlarda bulunur.” isimli kazanımda yer alan Ergenekon, Göç ve Oğuz Kağan destanlarının tam metinlerine ders kitaplarında verilen kaynaklardan ulaşıldıktan sonra elde edilen veriler söylem analizi tekniği ile analiz edilerek metinlerde yer alan biz ve öteki olgularının kullanımı ve ilişkileri tespit ve idrak edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu analiz neticesinde destanlarda birçok kez biz ve öteki olgularının hayatiyet bulduğu ve farklı şekillerde temsil edildiği tespit edilmiştir. Biz olgusu Ergenekon Destanı’nda bir Türk topluluğu, Göç Destanı’nda değerli bir kaya ve Oğuz Kağan Destan’ında bir halk kahramanı şeklinde temsil edilirken öteki olgusu Ergenekon Destanı’nda bir dağ, Göç Destanı’nda Çinliler ve Oğuz Kağan Destan’ında yabani bir gergedan olarak temsil edildiği tespit edilmiştir.

<i>Soul to Soul:</i> Americans’ Discovery of Yelena Khanga and the Promise of Russian-American Relations

This essay analyzes US press coverage of the Black Russian journalist Yelena Khanga in conjunction with her 1992 memoir Soul to Soul to illuminate how discussions of racism remained central to the late Cold War competition for moral superiority and the nascent Russian-US rivalry that replaced it. Khanga’s Soul to Soul challenged the dominant US (mis)representations of the USSR and her own life story which impeded closer relations between the two countries that her own family proved possible. Khanga advocated that the “connected differences” between Russia and the United States serve as the basis for greater cooperation, solidarity, and respect.

Representation of US, Pakistani Government and its Military after the Operation ‘Neptune Spear’ in The New York Times and The Guardian

This research study looks at the representation of USand Pakistani governments and their military in the coverage of TheNew York Times and The Guardian after the Abbottabad Operation.The coverage of these two newspapers has been studied for theconsecutive ten days. The aim is to show that whether these twonewspapers stayed critical or friendly of the Pakistani and the USgovernments? Will it also demonstrate that was the Pakistanigovernment criticized more in the coverage than its military? Thefindings, based on the Quantitative Content Analysis, demonstratethat The New York Times was more critical of the Pakistanigovernment than The Guardian. It further shows that both thenewspapers criticized the Pakistani military/ Intelligence Agenciesmore than the Pakistani government. The findings also reveal thatboth the newspapers appreciated the US in their coverage.

Successes and failures of football diplomacy. a match between the USA and Iran as part of the World Cup in 1998 and the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic mission of the FIFA president

ABSTRACT The objective of this article is to indicate successful and unsuccessful aspects of football diplomacy. There will be presented two cases: match between US and Iran representations during the World Cup 1998 in France and FIFA president’s Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic mission in 2015. Both of those cases will be analysed in terms of meaning for international relations actors – what was their context and effects. Titular success and failuresare related to those cases, which are ambiguous in the assessment. Also non-political actors’ roles will be underlined, because of their actions which transcended beyond the sport’s sphere. Author will make an evaluation of all these elements with a commentary if the football diplomacy could have other effects in those cases. This subject was presented during the international conference Football: Politics of the Global Game, which was held at the University of Warsaw on November 2018.

1960년대 북한영화 속 미국 표상 연구

1960년대는 남과 북의 정치적 이념 대립이 체제 구축을 통한 이념 대결로 표출되는 시기였다. 국내외적으로 베트남전, 중소논쟁, 박정희 정권의 시작과 이념대립, 한일협정 등 북한 입장에서 압력을 받을 수밖에 없는 정세들이 펼쳐지고 있었고, 북한영화는 언제나처럼 선전 도구로서 이념교양의 역할을 수행해야 했다. 영화의 정치적 역할은 이미 이전 시대부터 주목받았던 사실이고, 1960년대는 산업적으로도 북한영화가 팽창하던 시기였기 때문에 영화의 중요성은 더욱 부각되었다. 김일성의 유일체제 구축과 외세 위협으로부터의 내부 결속 등을 위해 1960년대 북한영화에는 반미반제 주제의 영화들이 다수 등장했으며, 이 영화들은 적대적 존재로서 미국 표상을 활용한다. 반미반제교양 주제는 해방 이후 1950년대 6·25전쟁을 거치며 북한영화에 뚜렷이 자리 잡은 형식이었다. 다만 주로 미군을 등장시켜 물리적 폭력을 행사하는 침략자로서 이미지를 고정시켰던 기존의 영화들과 다르게 1960년대 북한영화에서의 미국 표상은 표면적인 확장 양상을 보인다. 6·25전쟁을 다룸에도 투쟁의 대상인 미군을 직접 등장시키지 않아 인민영웅에 집중하는 형상이라든지 군인이 아닌 민간인으로 설정된 미국인의 등장 등이 그 대표적 사례가 된다. 아예 배경을 남한으로 옮겨 4·19혁명을 비롯한 남한의 역사적 사건을 다루는 영화들도 제작되는데, 이들 영화에서도 주된 적대자는 남한의 정치가나 군대가 아닌 미국인으로 설정된다. 이는 기존의 침략자 표상에 더해 지배자로서 미국의 표상이 강화된 것으로 볼 수 있다. 미군에 한정되지 않고 사업가, 종교인, 정치가와 같은 인물 형상으로 미국에 대한 표상이 확장되며 단순한 힘의 대립 구도가 아닌 교묘하고 정신적으로 남과 북의 민중들을 착취하고 파멸에 이르게 하는 악랄한 존재로 미국을 형상화하는 것이다. 이러한 정치적 수단으로서의 적대적 미국 표상은 어린이를 대상으로 하는 아동영화에서도 발견된다. 직접적으로 미군을 등장시켜 애니메이션 특유의 과장된 표현으로 풍자하는 아동영화를 비롯해 승냥이, 여우 등의 의인화된 캐릭터 표현으로 은유적으로 미국에 대한 적대적 이미지를 교육하고, 우화적 이야기로 징벌하는 이야기가 아동영화에서 재현된다. 이처럼 1960년대 북한영화의 확장 속에서 나름의 방식으로 미국 표상이 다양화 혹은 분화되는 지점들이 있으며, 이는 1960년대라는 시대적 상황 아래 북한의 정치, 예술창작 이념들이 영화로 어떻게 이입되는지를 확인할 수 있는 단서가 될 수 있다. 이에 본 연구는 미국 표상을 영화적으로 확인할 수 있는 특징적인 작품들을 중심으로 하여 이에 대한 영화적 해석을 수행한다.

Walk the Talk

This article explores two Swedish TV shows centred on close, emotional friendships between men, Våra vänners liv (2010) [Our friends’ lives] and Boys (2015), as examples of postfeminism with a Swedish twist, inspired by Swedish ideologies of gender equality. Explicitly referring to feminism and gender equality, both shows explore what can be considered progressive masculine positions, drawing on ideas about sincerity, authenticity, emotionality and insight in men as central but not easily attained. I discuss portrayals of men as well as their friendships and explore the meanings of race, class and sexuality in the shows. Unlike many US and UK postfeminist representations of bumbling, ironically sexist anti-heroic men, efforts at reaching sincerity and authenticity characterize the protagonists of the shows. Similar to other postfeminist cultural representations, both shows portray political problems as individual ones or, alternatively, as issues that already have been dealt with. For instance, Boys portrays a posthomophobic and postracial Sweden where racism and homophobia are of the past, and both shows portray personal development in individual men aimed at becoming progressive as solutions to problems regarding gender justice. Both shows explore masculine positions that are available and unavailable, comprehensible and incomprehensible in contemporary Sweden, said to be one of the most gender-equal countries of the world. New masculine positions and intimacies between men, incorporating and referring to feminist or gender equality discourses, may be imagined and made available in shows like Våra vänners liv and Boys. However, such references and their consequences must be critically scrutinized.

‘Diplomacy is a feminine art’: Feminised figurations of the diplomat

AbstractThe aim of this article is to examine whether and how diplomacy may be gendered, symbolically and rhetorically, using US representations of diplomacy as a case. Prior scholarship on gender and contemporary diplomacy is sparse but has shown that the symbolic figure of ‘the diplomat’ has come to overlap tightly with ‘man’ and be associated with traits often attributed to masculinity. Inspired by queer international relations methods, relying on the concept of ‘figuration’ and focused on US news media and biographies of diplomats from the past decade, this article uncovers and examines a palette of feminised figurations also at play in US representations of diplomacy, including the diplomat as ‘the “soft” non-fighter’, ‘the relationship builder’, ‘the gossip’, ‘the cookie-pusher’, and ‘the fancy Frenchman’. These feminised figurations alternate between configuring the diplomat as a woman and – more commonly – a (feminised) man. The analysis complicates rather than displaces existing claims, highlighting the importance of attention to slippages and challenges to dominant masculinised subject positions.

북한 전쟁영화와 기록영화 속 미국(군) 표상 연구: 6 · 25 전쟁과 그 전후(前後) 시기를 중심으로

북한은 연합군의 한반도 투입 이후 한국전쟁의 개념을 ‘조국해방전쟁’으로 재규정했고, 이 인식은 현재까지도 이어지고 있다. 이는 미국에 대한 북한의 적대적 태도를 엿볼 수 있는 상징적 용어이자 개념으로서 당대 북한의 전쟁영화에서 미국과 미군에 대한 표상이 의미 있게 해석될 수 있는 중요한 이유가 된다. ‘조국해방전쟁’을 다룬 북한의 영화들 중 선전성이 가장 짙게 나타나는 영화들은 당연하게도 전시에 제작된 전쟁 소재 영화들이다. 북한의 조선노동당 지도부는 영화를 통해 미 제국주의와의 투쟁을 강조하며, 미국에 대한 적개심을 바탕으로 하여 조직 통합을 위한 목적성을 선명히 드러낸다. 해당 영화들에서 미국(군)은 필연적으로 적대자의 역할을 맡는다. 전시에 전쟁을 다룬 영화는 크게 기록영화(다큐멘터리)와 예술영화(극영화)로 나눠 살펴볼 수 있는데, 미국은 그 모두에서 가혹한 침략자의 이미지를 드러낸다. 흥미로운 것은 세부적으로 영화의 형식이나 내러티브 양상에 따라 미국의 표상이 세밀하게 차이를 드러내거나 시나리오와 실제 영화적 표현들에서 약간의 간극이 발견되는 지점들이 있다는 것이다. 기록영화에서는 미군의 민간인 학살, 세균전 자행과 같은 비인도적 행위들을 전면화시킨다. 기록영화들에서 주로 묘사되는 것은 피해자인 북한 주민들이며 미국은 가해자인 그 상대자로서 존재한다. 기록영화 내 미군의 실제 등장은 제한적이지만 피해자인 북한 주민들이 괴롭게 그려질수록 미군에 대한 부정적 이미지는 강화된다. 반면 예술영화에는 실제 미군이 실체로서 등장한다. 이들은 부도덕하면서도 잔혹한 절대 악의 이미지를 표상한다. 다만 프로타고니스트에 해당하는 북한인 주인공의 계급이나 지위에 따라 강조되는 미군의 표상이 달라지는 모습이 발견된다. 또한 영화적 표현들로서 미국의 부정적 표상을 극화시키려는 시도들이 엿보이는데, 이는 매우 전형적인 영화적 표현들임과 동시에 때로는 형식주의적 특징을 드러내고 있기에 당시 형식주의 타파를 외치던 당의 지침과 관련해 흥미롭게 살펴볼 수 있는 지점이 된다. 이에 본 연구는 미국의 표상을 영화적으로 관찰할 수 있는 특징적인 작품들을 중심으로 이에 대한 영화적 해석을 시도한다.

Minimum Connectedness Portfolios and the Market for Green Bonds: Advocating Socially Responsible Investment (SRI) Activity

Socially responsible investment (SRI) practices are increasingly widely adopted, and moving into mainstream investment activity. Among the suite of instruments available to responsible investors is a fixed-income offering known as a green bond - a specialized bond in which the use of proceeds are strictly earmarked for projects with an explicit ‘green’ orientation. The market for green bonds was established in 2007, and in recent years is achieving a phase of maturity. Notwithstanding this, there is as yet scant evidence or empirical insights around their potential value to investors. Here we question whether green bonds have a (value-enhancing) role to play in a balanced fixed-income investment portfolio. We phrase our analysis around international bond indices, for green versus black bonds in the three major market regions for green bonds, namely the US, Europe and China. A time-varying parameter vector auto-regression (TVP-VAR) econometric framework is applied to daily data - spanning July 2016 to April 2019 - to examine aggregate network, and pairwise dynamics as they have evolved through time and illustrate the evolving nature of connectedness between these core bond-market benchmarks. Following this, bond portfolios are constructed with dynamic weighting schemes (including a novel ‘minimum connectedness’ portfolio) to question, if, when and to what extent green bonds are part of an international fixed-income investor’s portfolio. The results indicate a non-trivial role for green bonds, with weights ranging from approximately 40% to 80% depending on time, and portfolio construction choice. Chinese green bonds typically have the largest weight of the green bond indices, especially under minimum-variance portfolios, while in the preferred ‘minimum connectedness’ portfolio there is a much more balanced representation of US, European and Chinese green bonds. Our analysis contributes unique evidence to the literature on the role of SRI practices as a complement to mainstream investment.

Gringo in Mañanaland: Latin America in Hollywood

ABSTRACT: This article presents an analysis of Gringo in Mananaland , a 1995 documentary by the American media activist and producer DeeDee Halleck. This documentary offers a revisionist perspective about the US representations of Latin America especially by Hollywood films. Thus, Halleck’s production is representative of the reflexive aesthetics of contemporary documentary production. Such aesthetics is revealing of a fruitful political, economic and cultural debate, as an alternative to the commercial film production. As support for the discussion of Gringo in Mananaland as a revisionist documentary, this analysis relies on the studies about Hollywood films and their representations of Latin America by Robert Burgoyne, Tunico Amancio and David Bordwell, as well as on Robert Rosenstone’s studies on film as tools to revision of history.

Hispanicism and Early US Literature: Spain, Mexico, Cuba, and the Origins of US National Identity by John C Havard

Reviewed by: Hispanicism and Early US Literature: Spain, Mexico, Cuba, and the Origins of US National Identity by John C Havard Maria A. Windell HAVARD, JOHN C. Hispanicism and Early US Literature: Spain, Mexico, Cuba, and the Origins of US National Identity. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 2018. 224 pp. $44.95 cloth; $44.95 e-book. The president of the United States is an avowed nationalist who constructs his position as such most consistently through xenophobic screeds against (im)migrants from Latin America. In such a political moment it is vital that we both produce and attend to scholarship that explores the US’s relationship to the Americas. John C. Havard’s Hispanicism and Early US Literature: Spain, Mexico, Cuba, and the Origins of US National Identity undertakes this task by tracking how the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century US defined itself through and against depictions of Spain’s imperial presence in the Americas. Havard posits the Hispanicism of his title as a counterpart to Edward W. Said’s and Toni Morrison’s more familiar formulations of Orientalism and Africanism. His use of Hispanicism builds on Ed White’s earlier coining of the term as a hemispheric parallel to the exoticism of Orientalism, and his argument more generally builds on developments in transamerican studies that highlight the necessity of nuancing nationalist and transatlantic framings of US literary traditions. In particular, he emphasizes Hispanicism’s “political dimension,” arguing that it “had a special role” in developing “the idea that Anglo-Americans were racially fitted for liberal-democratic self-government,” an idea that he insists goes beyond Africanism’s “constructi[on of] whiteness as a prerequisite for freedom and agency” (15). He thus asserts, “It is no coincidence that US representations of Hispanic difference focus on what is construed as the metaphysical aversion to liberty of the Spanish and their New World descendants in a period in which US expansionists turned their eyes toward Spanish Louisiana, Mexico, the Caribbean, and Central America” (18). Hispanicism and Early US Literature covers the aftermath of the American Revolution through the late nineteenth century, working to explain how the nation arrived at 1898 and the Spanish-American War, so often seen as a turning point in the development of US imperialism, with a discourse fully prepared to promote US intervention in Spanish America. In tracing Hispanicism across the long nineteenth century, Havard engages an array of canonical and noncanonical authors and texts—at times crossing these categories by, for instance, working with lesser-known novels by authors such as James Fenimore Cooper. The study includes poetry, novels, novellas, and essays, thereby demonstrating Hispanicism’s breadth, depth, and duration. Havard’s argument balances its formal, temporal, and geographic range with a focus on literature’s relation to US political discourses, particularly liberalism. Each chapter of Hispanicism and Early US Literature close reads its central text(s) while questioning how Hispanicism related to developments within liberalism. Havard notes that Hispanicism and liberalism were not, as we might presume today, opposed in the nineteenth century: “For many early national and antebellum whites, it seemed obvious that the capacity to establish liberal institutions was a specifically Anglo-American faculty. Liberalism and racialism were not at odds for these US Americans” (17). By locating Hispanicism within liberal political discourse, Havard illustrates not only the literary but also the cultural, social, commercial, and governmental impact of US tendencies to paint the Spanish (Americas) with a broad brush. The book is organized into an introduction, conclusion, and five chapters divided in two parts. The introduction offers an historical and critical framework [End Page 320] for Hispanicism. Part I of the book examines “The Black Legend, Hispanicism, and the Emergence of National Identity in the Early United States.” The three chapters that compose this section cover ways US authors positioned the nation in relation to ideas, perceptions, and images of Spain, Mexico, and Spanish(-American)ness from the 1780s through the years preceding the US Civil War. The first chapter reads Joel Barlow’s epic poems The Vision of Columbus (1787) and The Columbiad (1807) as establishing an Hispanicist ideology by juxtaposing a rising, cosmopolitan, commercial US against a greed-driven...

‘Collective memories’ of global media events: Anniversary journalism of the Berlin Wall and Tiananmen crackdown in the Anglo-American elite press, 1990–2014

This study applies a most similar systems design to examine ‘anniversary journalism’ of two epic global events in the year 1989 – the fall of the Berlin Wall and the Tiananmen crackdown – as reported by the elite press in the United States and Britain from 1990 to 2014, through the combined methods of computerized network-based text analysis and critical historical discourse analysis. Findings suggest that the elite press in both countries continued to view these two events through the lenses of the lingering anti-Communist ideology in the post–Cold War era and shared an increasingly converged cosmopolitan vocabulary primarily in terms of the universal rights of global citizens. Most commemorative anniversary coverage drew on the memory of correspondents who had covered the events. We argue that both US and British representations have become central political-cultural icons facilitating the emergence of a memory transcending national boundaries. Meanwhile, results indicate that elite press discourses in the United States and United Kingdom still varied significantly with their respective national concerns and global position.

Claiming Bruce Lee's Sex: Memoirs of the Wholesome Wife, Memories of the Salubrious Mistress

Claiming Bruce Lee's SexMemoirs of the Wholesome Wife, Memories of the Salubrious Mistress Celine Parreñas Shimizu (bio) The book cover of Bruce Lee: The Man Only I Knew (1975) features him bare-chested on the right with big, black, bushy hair topping a dark handsome face, lips pursed together and eyes intent with confident purpose. Bruce Lee, a man known for his small, slight stature and perilous strength, appears large as he leans into the frame, extending his fist toward us. We can clearly see the rippling texture of his torso and chiseled, muscled arms. The flexing of his body reveals adherence to a disciplined physical regimen and affirms his reputation of brute strength made famous by his one-inch punch. Below his medium-shot image and to the left, a very large close-up of the book's author Linda Lee's dewy and blushing face appears. She has a short, blonde, no-nonsense hairdo, coral lipstick on full half-smiling lips, and blue eye-shadowed lids; her long lashes emphasize the wideness of her eyes as she looks up at her husband's figure with adoration. The foregrounding of her image as a wholesome white woman is juxtaposed against his iconic visage as the most celebrated Asian male in global popular culture. His smaller image renders the book's premise in visual terms: we will hear about him through her intimate perspective from inside a celebrated interracial marriage. From the title of the book and its byline, "By his wife Linda Lee," the marital connection between writer and subject appears as its central conceit. The dedication to their children, "that they might know the rich legacy which is theirs alone," shows how the book's author takes specific ownership of Bruce Lee. This possession further extends with the subtitle: "the man only I knew." Published two years after his death at the age of thirty-two, Linda Lee's book promises to reveal the man behind the star as a husband and father devoted to domesticity. To envelop Bruce Lee in the domesticity of family counters the descriptions of him as hypermasculine but asexual. That is, Bruce Lee's sexuality is understood as macho in narcissistic, nationalist, and ascetic terms by scholars and critics.1 So Linda Lee's claiming for her husband the role of American hero, in [End Page 92] terms of an upright and proper heteronormative and hegemonic manhood, certainly contrasts with the legacy of the Oriental coolie and Fu Manchu as outlined well in the work of Robert G. Lee. Rendering Bruce Lee as the ideal husband provides a different sexuality for Asian men, whose subjectivities are usually anxious, insecure, and disprized in US representations of marital and romantic capital. In terms of Asian North American men lacking masculine virility and sexual power in representation, scholars Jachinson W. Chan, David Eng, Richard Fung, Hoang Tan Nguyen, Mimi Thi Nguyen, Viet Nguyen, and Eng Beng Lim have called for feminist and queer readings of Asian manhoods so as not to fall into the trap of romanticizing Asian masculinity.2 Indeed, what is so striking in Bruce Lee's appeal and what is so understudied in his image is his sexuality, which Linda Lee definitively binds within the normative bounds of heterosexuality, marriage and fatherhood. This wifely and motherly claim is significant because of Bruce Lee's purported mistress, the Hong Kong B-movie star Betty Ting Pei, who stars as herself in a controversial film about his life. Released just three years after his death, the film Bruce Lee and I (1976) is a fictionalized account of its subtitle: "His Last Days, His Last Nights."3 The film, directed by Mar Lo, famously includes explicit sex scenes and bacchanalian drug consumption of both pills and pot, in the narrative context of an all-consuming, frenzied, and torrid love affair. The Chinese theatrical poster for the film, released in the United States in 1979 as I Love You, Bruce Lee, features a full-figured Bruce Lee kicking his leg high as his upper body bends down almost horizontally. In contradistinction, to the right of this powerful pose, another image shows him relaxed. Bare...

Outing the Pakistani queer: Pride, paranoia and politics in US visual culture

This article draws on the 26 June 2011 US embassy-sponsored Gay Pride parade in Islamabad, Pakistan alongside popular US visual cultural moments (2008–2012). I use visual culture to reread US intrigue in Pakistani queer subjects through specific images of terrorist/feminized masculinities – images that elucidate the conspicuous shifts in the technologies of power and sexuality in the context of contemporary Pakistani LGBT visibility. I move through popular US representations of Pakistan, Muslim masculinity and US LGBT visibility – all of which attempt to capture homoerotic desire (and dread) in the transnational landscape of sexuality-racial-gender politics and all of which, I argue, are embroiled in US national identity (and ‘security’). My analysis is two-pronged. First, I look closely and critically at the narrative and visual character of the knowledge the US has created around defining Pakistan and Pakistani (sexual) subjects. Second, I demonstrate that in Pakistan queer resistance is often produced and animated from below the state and articulated against US hegemonic practices of visibility and representation.

The Myth of Representations of Africa

This paper presents the results of a comprehensive scoping review of empirical research into US and UK media representations of Africa published between 1990 and 2014. The results show that existing research has a remarkably narrow focus on a specific number of countries, events, media and texts. Research into representations of North Africa, Francophone Africa, non-news genres, non-elite media and radio content, is particularly scarce. This, I contend, provides an insufficient basis for reaching any firm, generalisable conclusions about the nature of media coverage of Africa. The common assumption that representations are dominated by Afro-pessimism, for example, may be accurate – but it is not currently substantiated by the existing evidence. In short, the widespread belief that we know how Africa is represented in the US and UK media is shown to be a myth. This paper also discusses how this myth has been maintained through certain citation practices and interpretations of evidence as well as the implications of these findings for the many corporations, governments, non-governmental organisations and researchers whose activities depend upon, or have helped to preserve, this myth.

Competing Cultural Narratives: Gender and the Representation of US K-12 Teachers in Contemporary School Reform Policies

Cultural narratives about the proper scope and focus of teaching are embedded in contemporary school reform policies. This review examines literature related to two competing cultural narratives about US primary and secondary teachers: that “good teachers” are autonomous saviors, defined by their abilities to act independently and against great odds to improve academic outcomes for low-income and minority students, and that “good teachers” are disempowered technicians who follow the guidance of externally-recognized experts in their efforts to reduce educational inequalities. A review of literature critiquing these narratives finds that scholars have often analyzed these narratives using theoretical frameworks associated with race, class, and/or neoliberalism. This review examines what historians of education and feminist scholars can contribute to a critical analysis of the representation of US teachers in political speech and popular culture. It demonstrates that gender, as part of an intersectional approach, is important to understanding how White middle-class women teachers can be positioned simultaneously as “autonomous saviors” and as “disempowered technicians” and how these narratives influence the professional status and autonomy associated with the work of teaching.

The Brown Threat: Post-9/11 conflations of Latina/os and Middle Eastern Muslims in the US American imagination

In the post-9/11 American imagination, stereotypical images of the terrorist from the Middle East and the illegal migrant worker from south of the US border consistently appear in media and rhetoric. Dominant US representations of Latinos and Middle Eastern Muslims shape not only how US government and media construes them as “Brown Threats,” but also how citizens in the US interpret these minority groups as dangerous, foreign, inauthentic and brown(ed) Americans. By analyzing law, rhetoric and visual culture, the concept of the Brown Threat interrogates contemporary conflations of Latinos and Middle Eastern Muslims.

A New “Special Relationship”?: Power Transitions, Ontological Security, and India-US Relations

This article argues that power transitions generate not just physical security concerns for states, but also “ontological” insecurity, as established identities, hierarchies, and relationships are revised and challenged. It is suggested that seeking out “special relationships” with others is one way in which states seek to mitigate this uncertainty. Through an analysis of the discourse on the “rise of India” from policymakers and commentators in the United States, it is shown that recent US representations of India seek to consolidate a particular US identity, based on the notion of American exceptionalism, and attempt to construct a new “special relationship” with India in order to ameliorate the challenge posed by the rise of China to a US-dominated world order and the assumption of the universality of US ideas and institutions. However, while India–US relations have improved, the relationship continues to be hampered by their differing world-views and self-perceptions, which, as in the past, undermine each other's sense of ontological security.