United Nations Mission In Kosovo Research Articles

Spomenici svetske kulturne baštine na Kosovu i Metohiji - problemi i perspektive zaštite

In 2006, the UNESCO World Cultural and Natural Heritage Committee inscribed four Serbian medieval shrines from Kosovo and Metohija on the World Heritage List, in danger due to difficulties in their preservation and management, as well as the damage they suffered during ethnic conflicts, namely: the Church of Bogorodica Ljeviška in Prizren and the Peć Patriarchate, Dečani and Gračanica monasteries. In accordance with United Nations Resolution 1244, they are currently under the control of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo and Metohija. However, in addition to these monuments, the cultural and demographic identity of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija is illustrated by over 1,500 established cultural assets (monasteries, churches, cemeteries, etc.) that testify to the centuries-old presence of the Serbian people and Orthodox faith in this area and their material and spiritual culture, as works of the overall European cultural heritage created in the intertwining of the influences of Eastern and Western Christianity and culture. The inclusion of these four cultural assets of great importance for Serbia in the international system of protection and monitoring has led to initiating the consideration of a comprehensive and long-term view of cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija at the international level as a key element in establishing better cultural and overall relations between Serbs and the Albanian population. The paper discusses the problems and possibilities of improving the protection and presentation of World Cultural and Natural Heritage in Kosovo and Metohija, as well as the expansion of the list, through the integration of international, national and local protection, and understanding of this area as a specific cultural landscape. Presenting the value of the heritage as a comprehensive cultural landscape which combines natural tangible and intangible aspects, as well as the organization of cultural, educational and other activities, would encourage respect for the diversity, integrity and identity of others, which is an unavoidable condition in the process of European integration currently opposed by ethnic groups.

Kosovo's social policy during self‐management, UNMIK and independence: Persisting high inequality and social exclusion

This study examined: (i) Kosovo's social policy's poverty and inequality outcomes in recent history, namely during Yugoslav self‐management socialism (1952–1989), the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) (1999–2008) and independence (2008 onwards), and (ii) the impact of local politics in the more recent trajectory of social policy. The study shows that the poverty rate after the war (1999) is significantly lower than it was during socialism, but that there is persistent high and deepening Gini inequality and social exclusion. Transfers and taxes of the residual‐liberal policy have reduced more pretransfer–pretax inequality, and especially poverty, compared with self‐management's insurance‐dominated socialism, but their effectiveness is declining due to the policy's underlying long‐term, pro‐market logic and its increasing particularism with respect to short‐term transfers. The article argues that the main local political cleavages have originated from self‐management socialism's extensive stratification. These cleavages matter in distributive conflicts, and they mattered also during the UNMIK period by easing the pathway for the unprecedented influence international organisations have had on policy formation.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION’S ACTIVITY FOR SECURITY AND BUILDING PEACE IN KOSOVO

The ethnic conflict between the Serbs and the Albanians in Kosovo led to the outbreak of armed conflict accompanied by violence and acts of genocide. It forced international organizations to take decisive action to end the conflict, as well as start a process of building peace and stabilize the situation in the region. NATO, the UN, the OSCE and the EU played a major role in these activities. The author of the article has analyzed the role of these organizations in efforts to restore peace and stabilize the political situation in the region undertaken as part of Operation Allied Force, KFOR and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK).

The Authority–Identity Relation: Symbolic References and Interpretative Authority in Postwar Kosovo

ABSTRACT In postwar Kosovo, international and Kosovar political actors claiming authority in the democratization and statebuilding process lacked a long-standing ‘authoritative relation’ with each other and the citizenry. To analyse the structural conditions for the emergence of political authority, the article suggests applying the analytical framework of ‘interpretative authority’, which captures the relational character and simultaneity of authority generation by international and Kosovar actors. Given that Kosovo had unsecured symbolic conditions for authority – no commonly shared symbols of unity for all communities and no commonly agreed interpreter of symbols of unity – political actors were competing intensely for the identity and symbolizations of the ‘new’ Kosovo in their attempts to gain authority in various institutional opportunity structures. The competition over authority and the attempts to denationalize public communications made by the international administration, the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), led to the reimbursement of particularistic symbolic references of Kosovar actors, thereby keeping the unsecured symbolic conditions and the weakness of interpretative political authority in Kosovo stable.

Fighting Organized Crime in Kosovo

Organized crime can endanger the security of any country, but particularly those with fragile democracies that lack experience effectively managing it. Such crime is a considerable threat to the security of every country in the Balkans, to the region in general and specifically to Kosovo. Events in the former Yugoslavia in 1990-1999 created great difficulties not only for the new states that emerged, but also for their integration and development. The region is known as an “organized crime haven.” While this epithet may be an exaggeration, the truth is that for the last 20 years, while various industries have failed, the organized crime “industry” has been thriving, working day and night at full capacity. Since 1999, Kosovo has gone through three phases of institutional transition: the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) period in 1999-2008; the declaration of independence on February 17, 2008; and the arrival of new European Union Rule of Law (EULEX) mission in 2009 that was established to facilitate the integration process with the EU. Nonetheless, the international community still considers the region to be fragile and challenging. This has caused a major shift in the geostrategic assessment of the Balkans’ importance. The region is now seen not for its natural or military advantages, but for the risks that it can export. Predominant among them is the phenomenon of organized crime.

Human Rights Violations in Post-Conflict Areas as a Threat to Peace and Security: UN Mission in Kosovo

Human Rights Violations in Post Conflict Areas as a Threat to Peace and Security: a Mission in Kosovo

UNsatisfied? Public Support for Postconflict International Missions

Public opinion in postconflict societies toward international missions is widely believed to be important. We offer a theory that local satisfaction critically depends on an individual’s perception of whether the mission is furthering the wartime political agenda of his or her social group. To test this theory and competing hypotheses, we examine Kosovo Albanian satisfaction with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). We use data from seventeen different representative surveys conducted in Kosovo from 2002 to 2007 as well as focus group and other primary and secondary sources. Consistent with our theory, we find that aggregate satisfaction over time reflected UNMIK’s growing acceptance of Kosovo’s independence and individuals with more radical views tended to be less satisfied with UNMIK. Our analysis implies that missions can achieve greater local satisfaction by doing what is possible to be responsive to, or at a minimum recognize, the wartime political agendas of the key social groups.

An Unfinished Justice: How International Community Traded Justice for the Stability in Kosovo

Although, there is a considerable literature which analyzes the UN Mission in Kosovo from different perspectives, limited attention has been given to the mission’s contribution in confronting with war crimes and crimes against humanity in Kosovo committed by the Milosevic regime against Kosovo Albanians during the 1998-1999. This article intends to provide a comprehensive analysis of international justice mechanisms – UNMIK and the ICTY – in dealing with the past injustices in Kosovo by identifying their flaws and shortcomings, as well as exploring factors that impacted their performance and effectiveness. By using the existing literature, international organizations’ reports, governmental documents, and media articles, the article argues that international community failed to deal with transitional justice issues in Kosovo – fighting impunity and delivering justice to victims as well as strengthening the rule of law and achieving reconciliation between the communities. In its endeavors to documenting the past crimes, international mechanisms relied mainly on retributive justice whilst ignoring restorative and reparation measures under justifications to preserving peace and stability in Kosovo. Regretfully, seventeen years after the war, justice in Kosovo remains an “unfinished business,” with a potential of negative implications to peace and reconciliation amongst the ethnic groups.

The Kosovo Education for Sustainable Development's Role in Promoting the Decade of Education for Sustainable Development in Kosovo

The Republic of Kosovo declared its independence in 2008 following almost a decade of administration by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo. During the United Nations administration the first initiatives towards Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) were taken, particularly with the Millennium Development Goals agenda. Following the idea of the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (DESD) in Kosovo, the Kosovo Education for Sustainable Development (KESD) was started as a local non-governmental organization. KESD has worked hard in promoting the DESD in Kosovo at different institutions dealing with education, environment, sustainability, and so forth, so that ESD principles might be considered and included in their work and activities. KESD has also increased citizens’ awareness about ESD, active citizenship, and volunteering throughout Kosovo. In this article, I will present the current progress of the DESD in Kosovo; its achievements, challenges and obstacles; and KESD's contribution to developing ESD in Kosovo.

A Case Report on Herpes Simplex Encephalitis

This is the Case report of a 53 years old male Retired Major of Nepal Army. He was diagnosed as a case of Herpes Simplex Encephalitis while he was in UN Mission in Kosovo as an observer on June 2005. He was treated in a Neurological Centre in Vienna, Austria for 13 months and was transferred to Shree Birendra Hospital on1st of august 2006. Since then he is in the state of Tetraparesis with cognitive defects and kinetic mutism and he is receiving continuous medical and nursing care at Shree Birendra Hospital till date. Though he is in the vegetative state continuous medical and nursing care has prevented him from the further complications. Thus the nursing management of this case is successful which has promoted job satisfaction among the nurses. Medical Journal of Shree Birendra Hospital; Jan-June 2012/vol.11/Issue1/46-48 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/mjsbh.v11i1.7790

The Particularism of Cosmopolitanism

Cosmopolitan political theorists model their aspirations for global democratic politics on international organisations. But how cosmopolitan are international organisations? Based on a survey of civilian staff of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo, the UN headquarters and other organisations working in Kosovo's post-conflict environment, the current article will show that staff in international organisations are not only cosmopolitan. Their world views confirm the individualist-liberal pedigree of cosmopolitanism but also show a strong tendency towards conservative values and a continued appraisal of the state's role. Their historical narratives are, furthermore, distinctively based on the historical experience of Western Europe and North America. The article concludes that cosmopolitanism is politically firmly rooted in the historical and ideological experience of the West, and hence is not universal.

Function Follows Form: The Organizational Design of Peace Operations

This article challenges the view that peace operations are rationally designed to select an optimal organizational structure for operational performance. Instead, two dynamics lead to the adoption of dysfunctional organizational structures. First, different preferences among state and organizational actors involved in planning a peace operation (‘heterogeneity of the sponsoring coalition’) lead to diffused authority (‘heterarchical design’) in peace operations structures. Second, characteristics of the organizational environment (‘ambiguity’ and ‘stickiness’) in which peace operations are authorized and planned cause the adoption of dysfunctional organizational structures. Investigating briefly the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in Bosnia, the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), the article finds the hypothesized relationships consistent with the finding of the cases. While function does not always follow form there are strong indications that it often does in the international context.

Local Impact of ‘UN Accountability’ Under International Law: The Rise and Fall of UNMIK's Human Rights Advisory Panel

The internationalized exercise of public power in Kosovo's peculiar legal order is characterized by the interplay between local and international legal norms, traditional concepts of immunity and the lack of a coherent legal framework. Within this setting the overall accountability framework that usually applies to UN missions proves insufficient. This article reflects on the Human Rights Advisory Panel – a sui generis body established with the aim to improve the accountability record of the UN mission in Kosovo – as well as on the strained relationship between this oversight body and the UN mission, which culminated in the ultimate demise of the panel. The article argues that the accountability of missions engaged in international territorial administration cannot be guaranteed through ad hoc mechanisms. Rather, accountability should be regulated in advance, through ‘fit-for-purpose’ mechanisms and by institutions independent of the administering missions.

Kosova’da Yeniden Yapılandırma Çalışmaları Kapsamında Bugünkü Durum

Kosovo won her independence subsequent to internal state conflicts came to an end in the Balkan geography after the Cold War. Based on a structure of ethnic and religious majority, it is a situation that not only affects Kosovo itself but also the stability of the region as a whole. After the disintegration of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1991, the Albanian and Serbian intransigence between 1998 and 1999, and as a result of the clashes that subsequently took place due to this intransigence dealt a political and economic blow to this country, which at the pinnacle of ethnic nationalism, entered a new phase after the end of the conflict with the intervention of the international community and in particular NATO. After NATO’s intervention on 24 March 1999, the country began to be administered by the international community through the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in accordance with the UN Security Council’s Resolution No. 1244 of June 1999. Again in line with the resolution adopted by the UN, a Peace Keeping Force was deployed under NATO command that continues to this day. In accordance with Resolution No. 1244, the country emerged as a separate entity if not officially but de facto from the Serbia and Montenegro Federation. The theoretical framework of the Restructuring Model of the Kosovo State embodied and sustained by the international community; its realization and application in Kosovo proper; its status after twelve years; the provision of peace and stability that forms the basis of this model as well as the point reached and its future in the process of integrating with the international community are the main topics of this article. However, while undertaking these issues, the basic deadlocks and questions regarding the construction stage that is being attempted and the point reached today by this administrative model set by the international community in the 21st century will also be considered. In undertaking this analysis, the point of departure will be based on the thesis that success will be difficult in attaining peace and stability and its continuity that is within the coverage of this Reconstruction Model and implemented within Kosovo proper, due to the ethnic nationalism existing in the country.

The problematic legitimacy of international-led statebuilding: challenges of uniting international and local interests in post-conflict Kosovo

Legitimation of power through institutions is not new in world politics. Yet, the dynamics of the conferment or withdrawal of legitimacy through the work of international administrations in the context of contemporary statebuilding policies remains – to date – insufficiently explored. This article aims to narrow such a gap by analysing attainment of legitimacy and its deficit through the work of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo following the ending of hostilities in 1999. Emphasising the political complexities involved in domestic–international exchanges, the analysis shows that the international administration and the local elite have pursued alternative views with conflicting implications for the local society. The resulting disaccord related to priorities and expectations of the international administration and those of domestic actors has hindered the local population's acceptance of the international mission and benefited claims for self-governance. The dynamics of domestic–international interactions in the context of Kosovo resonate with those in Bosnia, Iraq, Afghanistan, and East Timor. Given that domestic circumstances have had a key impact on the evolving relationship between the international and local actors, paying more attention to the domestic setting is likely to save more time, energy, and resources in achieving sought goals.

The Planning and Implementation of the Rule of Law Mission of the European Union in Kosovo

This article evaluates the planning process and initial implementation of the Rule of Law Mission of the European Union in Kosovo (EULEX). It shows that the original intention was to have a smaller presence than the predecessor United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Yet as a result of a lack of settlement on the international status of Kosovo, the European Union ended up with a robust mandate and it was unable to make a fresh start in order to distinguish itself from the United Nations. EULEX has, nonetheless, successfully established itself, but it remains too early for a final judgment.

Laboratory of the International Community? Role of International Organizations in the Re-establishment of the Rule of Law in Kosovo

INTRODUCTION (1) Various interventions of an international community in failed states or otherwise unstable territories have showed the crucial importance of the rule of law in re-establishing order in post-conflict societies. The territorial status of the world's newest state, Kosovo, was resolved by its unilateral declaration of independence on February 17, 2008. The current situation in Kosovo brings many points of major legal interest. This paper discusses the roles and goals of international and local organizations and institutions in Kosovo and evaluates their impact upon post-conflict capacity-building efforts. However, the effectiveness of these institutions is undermined by various challenges which erode respect for the rule of law in Kosovo. There are many areas undermining the rule of law efforts, such as organized crime and corruption, serious deficiencies in the justice system (including, inter alia, lack of witness protection), human rights violations, and high unemployment. This paper focuses on two of these areas--organized crime and human rights concerns. First, the legal basis of the European Union Rule of Law Mission (EULEX) and its task in fighting the organized crime will be briefly examined. Second, the role of a newly established Constitutional Court of Kosovo acting also as the final arbiter of the interpretation and application of European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) will be assessed. The final chapter offers some recommendations for the future since it is argued that most of the challenges which were faced by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) still exist in Kosovo. WHAT ROLE DOES THE EULEX MISSION PLAY IN KOSOVO? EULEX is the EU's largest civilian operation ever deployed, both in terms of personnel and budget. (2) In order to strengthen stability in the region, the European Union shall assist Kosovo by means of a European Security and Defence Policy mission. EULEX is a technical rule of law mission which covers three main components: police, customs, and justice. EULEX should assist Kosovo authorities by mentoring, monitoring, and advising while respecting the local ownership. The legal basis for the establishment of EULEX is the Council Joint Action 2008/124/CFSP (Joint Action) supported by all twenty-seven EU member states. In addition to the Joint Action, EULEX is also claiming to be operating under the general framework of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999), (3) which is explicitly mentioned in the Joint Action. One could argue that this is a rather broad interpretation of Resolution 1244. Resolution 1244 was clearly adopted in a different time (1999) and a different context (UNMIK as an international administration, and KFOR as international security force entered Kosovo as the part of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia/Serbia), i.e., in a situation which in no way anticipated the independence of Kosovo. Obviously, there is no reference in Resolution 1244 to EULEX as such. At the same time, the UN Security Council did not replace Resolution 1244; therefore, the legal basis of a new mission from an international law point of view was not clear-cut. This can be illustrated by the fact that the Kosovo authorities have repeatedly stated that Resolution 1244 is no longer relevant and that the institutions of Kosovo have no legal obligation to abide by it. The relationship between and EULEX has often been described as EULEX taking over from UNMIK or replacing UNMIK. However, a change of the legal status of Kosovo has and will continue to have a significant impact on a different role and mandate of EULEX. EULEX is not a successor of UNMIK; accordingly, there was no formal handover. In addition, the issue of the (non)recognition of the independence of Kosovo has an impact on EULEX status and effectiveness in the whole territory of Kosovo, including the parts with the Serbian majority. …

Getting the Property Questions Right: Legal Policy Dilemmas in Post-Conflict Property Restitution in Kosovo (1999-2009)

The restoration of property rights after a conflict involves key legal policy decisions, such as using the domestic courts or creating ad hoc commissions, which determine the extent to which the interests of displaced persons are protected. In 1999, following the experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo undertook the difficult task of restoring possessions lost by the persons displaced as a consequence of the Kosovo conflict, as well as those of persons affected by the discriminatory laws and policies of the Milosevic regime during the previous decade.This paper describes and evaluates comparatively the most important legal policy dilemmas (use of the domestic courts, types of claims addressed and remedies provided) involved in the process and examines how they were addressed by the international administration. In this sense, the paper evaluates the design of the first mass claims mechanism, the Housing and Property Directorate, an internationally run body competent for conflict related residential property claims, and the impact of this on the implementation of its mandate. The article then analyzes the legal policy dilemmas and the internal legislative turmoil that took place within the United Nations Mission in Kosovo during the transformation of the Housing and Property Directorate into the Kosovo Property Agency, a hybrid international/domestic body competent for the resolution of private agricultural and commercial property claims linked to the conflict.The authors aim to identify and understand lessons that may be used when designing future post-conflict property restitution mechanisms to ensure both fairness and efficiency. They argue that a better predesign situation analysis, preferably at the ‘micro’ level, is needed to address the needs of the victims. The authors advocate for more comprehensive property rights protection regimes, which do not centre on the ‘return home’ policy and that take into account the interests of informal dwellers. They consider that more effective decision making is necessary at the policy level. A clearer understanding of the nature of mass claims mechanisms and of the need for procedural exclusion of the domestic judiciary in certain cases will help prevent future delays in justice and benefit the victims.

Information professionals in a globalized world: Kosova libraries: Where practical steps are most needed

Information professionals in a globalized world: Kosova libraries: Where practical steps are most needed

International Peace Enforcers and Indicted War Criminals: The Case of Ramush Haradinaj

Since the cold war the deployment of missions that focus on developing peace and the establishment of international criminal tribunals that focus on delivering retributive justice have dominated the international approach to peacebuilding. Referencing the actions of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and especially the case of Ramush Haradinaj, this article examines how the objectives and actions of these two institutions have adversely affected each other's work. It is important that all international actors follow the same approach in order to achieve a coherent peacebuilding process. The article also explores some of the consequences for international institutions if they are to follow either the peace approach or the justice approach.